Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-58
C. Gussenhoven, Wei-rong Chen
Zwara Berber has regular word stress on the penultimate syllable. Syllable peaks may contain any vowel or consonant. When voiceless fricatives or plosives fill the peaks of stressed syllables, the f0 profile of the pitch accent associated with the stressed syllable is interrupted by that voiceless portion of the speech signal. The interruption may continue into the next syllable onset, which frequently happens when voiceless geminates straddle the rime-onset boundary. In order to establish whether missing f0 profiles affect friction and burst spectra, a male speaker recorded a corpus of 9 words with voiceless fricatives and 4 words with voiceless plosives in four intonation conditions four times. Plosive bursts and three one-third portions of friction intervals were judged for friction pitch in an AX-experiment whereby the pitch of the voiceless friction of X was to be judged relative to A on a 7-point scale. Pilot scores with 6 participants show that (i) the same segments have similar pitch profiles in different words; (ii) questions have higher pitch profiles than statements, replicating results with CoG measurements for a different language and a different context; (iii) friction pitch profiles do not mrror missing f0-movements. We conclude that the speaker controlled the spectral properties of friction and bursts only to reflect the declarative-interrogative contrast. Pitch judgements correlate moderately to well with intensity, CoG and spectral peak.
{"title":"Segmental intonation in Zwara Berber voiceless stressed syllable peaks","authors":"C. Gussenhoven, Wei-rong Chen","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-58","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-58","url":null,"abstract":"Zwara Berber has regular word stress on the penultimate syllable. Syllable peaks may contain any vowel or consonant. When voiceless fricatives or plosives fill the peaks of stressed syllables, the f0 profile of the pitch accent associated with the stressed syllable is interrupted by that voiceless portion of the speech signal. The interruption may continue into the next syllable onset, which frequently happens when voiceless geminates straddle the rime-onset boundary. In order to establish whether missing f0 profiles affect friction and burst spectra, a male speaker recorded a corpus of 9 words with voiceless fricatives and 4 words with voiceless plosives in four intonation conditions four times. Plosive bursts and three one-third portions of friction intervals were judged for friction pitch in an AX-experiment whereby the pitch of the voiceless friction of X was to be judged relative to A on a 7-point scale. Pilot scores with 6 participants show that (i) the same segments have similar pitch profiles in different words; (ii) questions have higher pitch profiles than statements, replicating results with CoG measurements for a different language and a different context; (iii) friction pitch profiles do not mrror missing f0-movements. We conclude that the speaker controlled the spectral properties of friction and bursts only to reflect the declarative-interrogative contrast. Pitch judgements correlate moderately to well with intensity, CoG and spectral peak.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127902986","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-159
Yanping Li, C. Best, M. Tyler, D. Burnham
The four lexical tones of standard Beijing Mandarin (henceforth, Mandarin), i.e., level, rising, dipping, and falling, are produced with regional accents by speakers from other regions of China. This study investigated how native Beijing listeners categorize and rate second language (L2) Mandarin tones produced by Yantai, Shanghai, and Guangzhou speakers, whose native dialect tone systems differ from Mandarin and from each other. Native Beijing listeners ( n = 35) heard Mandarin words (/ba, di, du, gu/ × 4 tones) produced by speakers of the three regional dialects and by Beijing speakers (baseline). For each word, they selected one of four minimal-tone quadruplet words and rated its similarity to Beijing pronunciation. While they identified the words with high accuracy (> 90%) in all four accents, the regionally accented words produced lower ratings and longer decision times than Beijing stimuli. This indicates that although native Beijing listeners reliably recognize regionally accented tones, the phonetic differences of regional accents from Mandarin modulates their tone identification. This study demonstrated the impact of regional L2 accents on Beijing listeners’ perception of Mandarin tones, laying a foundation for better understanding of how native listeners perceive non-native tone production.
{"title":"Native Beijing listeners’ perceptual assimilation of Mandarin lexical tones produced by L2-Mandarin speakers from Yantai, Shanghai, and Guangzhou","authors":"Yanping Li, C. Best, M. Tyler, D. Burnham","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-159","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-159","url":null,"abstract":"The four lexical tones of standard Beijing Mandarin (henceforth, Mandarin), i.e., level, rising, dipping, and falling, are produced with regional accents by speakers from other regions of China. This study investigated how native Beijing listeners categorize and rate second language (L2) Mandarin tones produced by Yantai, Shanghai, and Guangzhou speakers, whose native dialect tone systems differ from Mandarin and from each other. Native Beijing listeners ( n = 35) heard Mandarin words (/ba, di, du, gu/ × 4 tones) produced by speakers of the three regional dialects and by Beijing speakers (baseline). For each word, they selected one of four minimal-tone quadruplet words and rated its similarity to Beijing pronunciation. While they identified the words with high accuracy (> 90%) in all four accents, the regionally accented words produced lower ratings and longer decision times than Beijing stimuli. This indicates that although native Beijing listeners reliably recognize regionally accented tones, the phonetic differences of regional accents from Mandarin modulates their tone identification. This study demonstrated the impact of regional L2 accents on Beijing listeners’ perception of Mandarin tones, laying a foundation for better understanding of how native listeners perceive non-native tone production.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131329354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-152
Jill C. Thorson, R. Burdin
Downstep in American English has been understudied relative to other types of pitch accents. Our aim is to investigate both the interpretation and the phonetic implementation of !H*. The first experiment investigated participant’s preference for H* vs. !H* pitch accents in new vs. accessible contexts. Results from this experiment show that participants showed a preference for H* in both new and accessible contexts, but that they choose !H* relatively more in the accessible ones. Additionally, participants were more likely to select !H* when it had a smaller fall onto the stressed syllable. The second experiment explored whether participants could distinguish between !H* pitch accents with larger and smaller falls. The results showed that participants were more accurate discriminating between stimuli that were further apart in pitch; however, this effect was mediated by the stimuli’s f0 range, with lower stimuli being easier to discriminate than higher ones. Together, these experiments reveal the complexities of downstep in American English in both where it occurs pragmatically and how it is phonetically produced and perceived.
{"title":"The interpretation and phonetic implementation of !H* in American English","authors":"Jill C. Thorson, R. Burdin","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-152","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-152","url":null,"abstract":"Downstep in American English has been understudied relative to other types of pitch accents. Our aim is to investigate both the interpretation and the phonetic implementation of !H*. The first experiment investigated participant’s preference for H* vs. !H* pitch accents in new vs. accessible contexts. Results from this experiment show that participants showed a preference for H* in both new and accessible contexts, but that they choose !H* relatively more in the accessible ones. Additionally, participants were more likely to select !H* when it had a smaller fall onto the stressed syllable. The second experiment explored whether participants could distinguish between !H* pitch accents with larger and smaller falls. The results showed that participants were more accurate discriminating between stimuli that were further apart in pitch; however, this effect was mediated by the stimuli’s f0 range, with lower stimuli being easier to discriminate than higher ones. Together, these experiments reveal the complexities of downstep in American English in both where it occurs pragmatically and how it is phonetically produced and perceived.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127660108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-145
N. Jansen, Eleanor E. Harding, H. Loerts, D. Başkent, W. Lowie
Studies investigating the relationship between musical abilities and speech prosody report that musicians show an altered— often enhanced—perception of prosody, or report positive correlations between music perception and prosody perception. However, some studies on L1 perception find no such benefits, but show good prosody perception across listeners. In contrast, even advanced L2 users may show difficulties in processing sentence intonation. We hypothesised that musicality might especially be beneficial in challenging circumstances of non-native intonation perception. To test this, we conducted a meta-analysis of previous research investigating the effect of musical abilities on the perception of sentence-level intonation in L1, L2, and unfamiliar languages. Studies were systematically collected, and included various measures of musicality and intonation perception. The meta-analysis combining these outcomes showed a robust positive correlation between musical ability and intonation perception. This effect did not differ between studies on L1 and unfamiliar languages. We suggest intonation perception in unfamiliar languages might be relatively easy due to the absence of semantic interference. Data on L2 users was lacking. Because semantic processing plays a role in L2 perception, we suggest further research is needed to investigate the influence of musical ability on intonation perception in L2 listening.
{"title":"The relation between musical ability and sentence-level intonation perception: A meta-analysis comparing L1 and non-native listening","authors":"N. Jansen, Eleanor E. Harding, H. Loerts, D. Başkent, W. Lowie","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-145","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-145","url":null,"abstract":"Studies investigating the relationship between musical abilities and speech prosody report that musicians show an altered— often enhanced—perception of prosody, or report positive correlations between music perception and prosody perception. However, some studies on L1 perception find no such benefits, but show good prosody perception across listeners. In contrast, even advanced L2 users may show difficulties in processing sentence intonation. We hypothesised that musicality might especially be beneficial in challenging circumstances of non-native intonation perception. To test this, we conducted a meta-analysis of previous research investigating the effect of musical abilities on the perception of sentence-level intonation in L1, L2, and unfamiliar languages. Studies were systematically collected, and included various measures of musicality and intonation perception. The meta-analysis combining these outcomes showed a robust positive correlation between musical ability and intonation perception. This effect did not differ between studies on L1 and unfamiliar languages. We suggest intonation perception in unfamiliar languages might be relatively easy due to the absence of semantic interference. Data on L2 users was lacking. Because semantic processing plays a role in L2 perception, we suggest further research is needed to investigate the influence of musical ability on intonation perception in L2 listening.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"291 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133513900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-132
Shinobu Mizuguchi, Koichi Tateishi
Traditional studies on prosody argue that prominence is highly tied to changes of F0 but recent perceptual research of utterance-level prosodic prominence using Rapid Prosody Transcription (RPT) shows that perception strategy is much more complex, as it involves not only phonetic cues but also phonological, semantic and information cues. This paper considers Japanese in the RPT framework. Since it is a mora-timed pitch language and uses pitch both for lexical accent and utterance-level prosody, it is expected that Japanese has a different perception strategy from some Indo-European languages that use pitch movement for utterance-level prosody only. It is also expected that our study will provide concrete data for the hot topic in Japanese literature, ‘Does focal prominence reset a phrase boundary?’, based on the utterance-level perception experiment. We will show that (i) contra literature on Japanese focus, acoustic features of F0 and intensity are not strong prominence cues in Japanese, (ii) perceived prominence is strongly tied to pitch movement and its location in an utterance, and (iii) not only content words but also function morphemes get highlighted in Japanese. Perception strategies vary among languages, as predicted.
{"title":"Perception of Boundary and Prominence in Spontaneous Japanese: An RPT Study","authors":"Shinobu Mizuguchi, Koichi Tateishi","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-132","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-132","url":null,"abstract":"Traditional studies on prosody argue that prominence is highly tied to changes of F0 but recent perceptual research of utterance-level prosodic prominence using Rapid Prosody Transcription (RPT) shows that perception strategy is much more complex, as it involves not only phonetic cues but also phonological, semantic and information cues. This paper considers Japanese in the RPT framework. Since it is a mora-timed pitch language and uses pitch both for lexical accent and utterance-level prosody, it is expected that Japanese has a different perception strategy from some Indo-European languages that use pitch movement for utterance-level prosody only. It is also expected that our study will provide concrete data for the hot topic in Japanese literature, ‘Does focal prominence reset a phrase boundary?’, based on the utterance-level perception experiment. We will show that (i) contra literature on Japanese focus, acoustic features of F0 and intensity are not strong prominence cues in Japanese, (ii) perceived prominence is strongly tied to pitch movement and its location in an utterance, and (iii) not only content words but also function morphemes get highlighted in Japanese. Perception strategies vary among languages, as predicted.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"111 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131856769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-84
Chen Lan, P. Mok
The present study examined the pitch and duration of three types of Mandarin neutral tone (T0) – the possessive particle -de, the noun suffix -zi, and reduplicated words, in four tonal environments (following T1/T2/T3/T4) produced by two heritage language (HL) children longitudinally at 3;0 and 4;0 and two children cross-sectionally at 4;0, comparing them with two adult native speakers. Unlike the monolingual children in a previous study, our results indicated that the HL children have not developed a robust neutral tone category by 4;0. Acoustic measurements showed that HL children shared similar shapes of neutral tone pitch contour across types and tonal environments with the adult speakers when they were at 4;0, with a falling pitch contour following T1, T2, T4 and a rising pitch contour following T3. However, even though both HL children and the reference speakers reduced duration while producing neutral tone compared to the preceding tone, significant differences were found for their duration variations; while the reference speakers produced neutral tone after T1, T2, and T4 with a shorter duration than T3 across types, the patterns of HL children varied according to different types of the neutral tone. Individual difference also existed among the HL children.
{"title":"A preliminary study on the acquisition of Mandarin neutral tone by young heritage children","authors":"Chen Lan, P. Mok","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-84","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-84","url":null,"abstract":"The present study examined the pitch and duration of three types of Mandarin neutral tone (T0) – the possessive particle -de, the noun suffix -zi, and reduplicated words, in four tonal environments (following T1/T2/T3/T4) produced by two heritage language (HL) children longitudinally at 3;0 and 4;0 and two children cross-sectionally at 4;0, comparing them with two adult native speakers. Unlike the monolingual children in a previous study, our results indicated that the HL children have not developed a robust neutral tone category by 4;0. Acoustic measurements showed that HL children shared similar shapes of neutral tone pitch contour across types and tonal environments with the adult speakers when they were at 4;0, with a falling pitch contour following T1, T2, T4 and a rising pitch contour following T3. However, even though both HL children and the reference speakers reduced duration while producing neutral tone compared to the preceding tone, significant differences were found for their duration variations; while the reference speakers produced neutral tone after T1, T2, and T4 with a shorter duration than T3 across types, the patterns of HL children varied according to different types of the neutral tone. Individual difference also existed among the HL children.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134059114","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-130
Marisa Cruz, Jovana Pejovic, C. Severino, Marina Vigário, Sónia Frota
Language includes auditory and visual cues relevant to language learning, and infants have been shown to take advantage of those cues while processing speech. With COVID-19 the use of face masks became pervasive, affecting the auditory and visual cues available to the listener, especially the young language learner. This study examined how acoustic and visual cues (head and eyebrow movements) changed in infant-directed masked-speech (FMS), using a corpus from a word segmentation task [1]. The corpus included utterances with target pseudo-words in (non-prominent) medial position and prosodic-edge position. Video recordings of 96 utterances produced by a female speaker with and without a N95 mask were obtained. We measured mean pitch, pitch range, mean intensity, intensity range, and RMS, as well as vertical displacement of the head and eyebrows. FMS had lower intensity overall. Vertical head displacement was larger in FMS, whereas eyebrow displacement was smaller. Unlike with no mask, in FMS there was no contrast in mean pitch, mean intensity and RMS, or in degree of head displacement, between utterances with target words in medial and edge position. These findings suggest both a general and selective effect of face masks in auditory and visual cues, with implications for language development.
{"title":"Auditory and visual cues in face-masked infant-directed speech","authors":"Marisa Cruz, Jovana Pejovic, C. Severino, Marina Vigário, Sónia Frota","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-130","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-130","url":null,"abstract":"Language includes auditory and visual cues relevant to language learning, and infants have been shown to take advantage of those cues while processing speech. With COVID-19 the use of face masks became pervasive, affecting the auditory and visual cues available to the listener, especially the young language learner. This study examined how acoustic and visual cues (head and eyebrow movements) changed in infant-directed masked-speech (FMS), using a corpus from a word segmentation task [1]. The corpus included utterances with target pseudo-words in (non-prominent) medial position and prosodic-edge position. Video recordings of 96 utterances produced by a female speaker with and without a N95 mask were obtained. We measured mean pitch, pitch range, mean intensity, intensity range, and RMS, as well as vertical displacement of the head and eyebrows. FMS had lower intensity overall. Vertical head displacement was larger in FMS, whereas eyebrow displacement was smaller. Unlike with no mask, in FMS there was no contrast in mean pitch, mean intensity and RMS, or in degree of head displacement, between utterances with target words in medial and edge position. These findings suggest both a general and selective effect of face masks in auditory and visual cues, with implications for language development.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131967071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-23
Kiwako Ito, Elizabeth M. Kryszak, Teresa Ibañez
Prosodic emphasis affects referential processing in children, yet its effects on non-immediate discourse representation is not well understood. Using a collaborative object search task, we elicited responses to the actor’s speech, as well as to later joint-attention cues from toddlers with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD). Children with ASD responded to “ Where is X ?” (with or without an emphasis on X) more slowly and weakly as compared to their typically developing (TD) peers. Although this seems to reinforce the view that children with ASD are insensitive to prosodic emphasis, their responses to the joint-attention cues revealed otherwise hidden effects of emphasis on referential representation. During the sequential joint-attention cues (head-turn, pointing and reaching), children with ASD shifted their gazes from the actor’s face to the object more swiftly when the object was previously mentioned with emphasis than without. Interestingly, the timing of the gaze shift was also much earlier than TD children. Taken together, the present data suggest that although young children with ASD may not be able to process the prosodic emphasis rapidly, they are sensitive to the prominence and make use of it to represent referential salience, which can facilitate the communication later in the discourse.
{"title":"Effect of Prosodic Emphasis on the Processing of Joint-Attention Cues in Children with ASD","authors":"Kiwako Ito, Elizabeth M. Kryszak, Teresa Ibañez","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-23","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-23","url":null,"abstract":"Prosodic emphasis affects referential processing in children, yet its effects on non-immediate discourse representation is not well understood. Using a collaborative object search task, we elicited responses to the actor’s speech, as well as to later joint-attention cues from toddlers with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD). Children with ASD responded to “ Where is X ?” (with or without an emphasis on X) more slowly and weakly as compared to their typically developing (TD) peers. Although this seems to reinforce the view that children with ASD are insensitive to prosodic emphasis, their responses to the joint-attention cues revealed otherwise hidden effects of emphasis on referential representation. During the sequential joint-attention cues (head-turn, pointing and reaching), children with ASD shifted their gazes from the actor’s face to the object more swiftly when the object was previously mentioned with emphasis than without. Interestingly, the timing of the gaze shift was also much earlier than TD children. Taken together, the present data suggest that although young children with ASD may not be able to process the prosodic emphasis rapidly, they are sensitive to the prominence and make use of it to represent referential salience, which can facilitate the communication later in the discourse.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133350437","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-120
K. Mády, Beáta Gyuris, Hans-Martin Gärtner, Anna Kohári, Ádám Szalontai, U. Reichel
One important function of infant-directed speech (IDS) is to express positive emotions towards the baby. This has been shown based on prosodic parameters before, but parameters such as f0 and energy encode emotion expression only indirectly. In this study, we aim to access emotion expression (arousal and valence) in IDS directly, through labellers’ perception. Recordings were made in the first 18 months of the baby: in the age of 0, 4, 8 and 18 months. The sentences and the contexts were fixed. Our questions were the following: (1) Does emotion expression in IDS and adult-directed speech (ADS) differ in narratives when sentences and contexts do not vary? (2) Do the strength and polarity of emotions change over time in mothers’ speech up to 18 months of the baby? (3) Do observed differences pattern similarly in various types of speech acts? Both arousal and valence scores were higher in IDS. No changes in IDS were observed during the first 18 months. Requests received higher arousal and valence scores than exclamations, but in IDS, they only differed by valence. This means that these speech acts are only held apart consistently by valence in the two registers, not by arousal.
{"title":"Perceived emotions in infant-directed narrative across time and speech acts","authors":"K. Mády, Beáta Gyuris, Hans-Martin Gärtner, Anna Kohári, Ádám Szalontai, U. Reichel","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-120","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-120","url":null,"abstract":"One important function of infant-directed speech (IDS) is to express positive emotions towards the baby. This has been shown based on prosodic parameters before, but parameters such as f0 and energy encode emotion expression only indirectly. In this study, we aim to access emotion expression (arousal and valence) in IDS directly, through labellers’ perception. Recordings were made in the first 18 months of the baby: in the age of 0, 4, 8 and 18 months. The sentences and the contexts were fixed. Our questions were the following: (1) Does emotion expression in IDS and adult-directed speech (ADS) differ in narratives when sentences and contexts do not vary? (2) Do the strength and polarity of emotions change over time in mothers’ speech up to 18 months of the baby? (3) Do observed differences pattern similarly in various types of speech acts? Both arousal and valence scores were higher in IDS. No changes in IDS were observed during the first 18 months. Requests received higher arousal and valence scores than exclamations, but in IDS, they only differed by valence. This means that these speech acts are only held apart consistently by valence in the two registers, not by arousal.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132648664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-29
Claudia Crocco, B. Fivela, Mariapaola D’Imperio
The paper provides a preliminary, qualitative examination of the prosody of Neapolitan dialect (ND) as it relates to Neapolitan Italian variety (NI). Taking NI as baseline for comparison, ND data seem characterized by several phonetic-phonological strategies to enhance prosodic prominence, suggesting that phonetic parameters have a larger and more dynamic range of variation in ND than in NI. The data also highlight the interlacement between rhythmic, metric, and intonational facts, and the importance of sociolinguistic factors in shaping prosody. In particular, the larger variability of phonetic parameters observed in ND is likely to index dialectal speech as socially marked. We identify several prosodic discrepancies between ND and NI involving gradient features and tonal organization that call for further investigation. Future studies need to examine such differences in relation to sociolinguistic factors and consider the range of prosodic variation between Italian varieties and dialects spontaneously used by less linguistically-informed speaker. To strongly support our proposal, a larger sample of speakers is required.
{"title":"Comparing prosody of Italian varieties and dialects: data from Neapolitan","authors":"Claudia Crocco, B. Fivela, Mariapaola D’Imperio","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-29","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-29","url":null,"abstract":"The paper provides a preliminary, qualitative examination of the prosody of Neapolitan dialect (ND) as it relates to Neapolitan Italian variety (NI). Taking NI as baseline for comparison, ND data seem characterized by several phonetic-phonological strategies to enhance prosodic prominence, suggesting that phonetic parameters have a larger and more dynamic range of variation in ND than in NI. The data also highlight the interlacement between rhythmic, metric, and intonational facts, and the importance of sociolinguistic factors in shaping prosody. In particular, the larger variability of phonetic parameters observed in ND is likely to index dialectal speech as socially marked. We identify several prosodic discrepancies between ND and NI involving gradient features and tonal organization that call for further investigation. Future studies need to examine such differences in relation to sociolinguistic factors and consider the range of prosodic variation between Italian varieties and dialects spontaneously used by less linguistically-informed speaker. To strongly support our proposal, a larger sample of speakers is required.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"113 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133674422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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