Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-58
C. Gussenhoven, Wei-rong Chen
Zwara Berber has regular word stress on the penultimate syllable. Syllable peaks may contain any vowel or consonant. When voiceless fricatives or plosives fill the peaks of stressed syllables, the f0 profile of the pitch accent associated with the stressed syllable is interrupted by that voiceless portion of the speech signal. The interruption may continue into the next syllable onset, which frequently happens when voiceless geminates straddle the rime-onset boundary. In order to establish whether missing f0 profiles affect friction and burst spectra, a male speaker recorded a corpus of 9 words with voiceless fricatives and 4 words with voiceless plosives in four intonation conditions four times. Plosive bursts and three one-third portions of friction intervals were judged for friction pitch in an AX-experiment whereby the pitch of the voiceless friction of X was to be judged relative to A on a 7-point scale. Pilot scores with 6 participants show that (i) the same segments have similar pitch profiles in different words; (ii) questions have higher pitch profiles than statements, replicating results with CoG measurements for a different language and a different context; (iii) friction pitch profiles do not mrror missing f0-movements. We conclude that the speaker controlled the spectral properties of friction and bursts only to reflect the declarative-interrogative contrast. Pitch judgements correlate moderately to well with intensity, CoG and spectral peak.
{"title":"Segmental intonation in Zwara Berber voiceless stressed syllable peaks","authors":"C. Gussenhoven, Wei-rong Chen","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-58","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-58","url":null,"abstract":"Zwara Berber has regular word stress on the penultimate syllable. Syllable peaks may contain any vowel or consonant. When voiceless fricatives or plosives fill the peaks of stressed syllables, the f0 profile of the pitch accent associated with the stressed syllable is interrupted by that voiceless portion of the speech signal. The interruption may continue into the next syllable onset, which frequently happens when voiceless geminates straddle the rime-onset boundary. In order to establish whether missing f0 profiles affect friction and burst spectra, a male speaker recorded a corpus of 9 words with voiceless fricatives and 4 words with voiceless plosives in four intonation conditions four times. Plosive bursts and three one-third portions of friction intervals were judged for friction pitch in an AX-experiment whereby the pitch of the voiceless friction of X was to be judged relative to A on a 7-point scale. Pilot scores with 6 participants show that (i) the same segments have similar pitch profiles in different words; (ii) questions have higher pitch profiles than statements, replicating results with CoG measurements for a different language and a different context; (iii) friction pitch profiles do not mrror missing f0-movements. We conclude that the speaker controlled the spectral properties of friction and bursts only to reflect the declarative-interrogative contrast. Pitch judgements correlate moderately to well with intensity, CoG and spectral peak.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127902986","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-159
Yanping Li, C. Best, M. Tyler, D. Burnham
The four lexical tones of standard Beijing Mandarin (henceforth, Mandarin), i.e., level, rising, dipping, and falling, are produced with regional accents by speakers from other regions of China. This study investigated how native Beijing listeners categorize and rate second language (L2) Mandarin tones produced by Yantai, Shanghai, and Guangzhou speakers, whose native dialect tone systems differ from Mandarin and from each other. Native Beijing listeners ( n = 35) heard Mandarin words (/ba, di, du, gu/ × 4 tones) produced by speakers of the three regional dialects and by Beijing speakers (baseline). For each word, they selected one of four minimal-tone quadruplet words and rated its similarity to Beijing pronunciation. While they identified the words with high accuracy (> 90%) in all four accents, the regionally accented words produced lower ratings and longer decision times than Beijing stimuli. This indicates that although native Beijing listeners reliably recognize regionally accented tones, the phonetic differences of regional accents from Mandarin modulates their tone identification. This study demonstrated the impact of regional L2 accents on Beijing listeners’ perception of Mandarin tones, laying a foundation for better understanding of how native listeners perceive non-native tone production.
{"title":"Native Beijing listeners’ perceptual assimilation of Mandarin lexical tones produced by L2-Mandarin speakers from Yantai, Shanghai, and Guangzhou","authors":"Yanping Li, C. Best, M. Tyler, D. Burnham","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-159","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-159","url":null,"abstract":"The four lexical tones of standard Beijing Mandarin (henceforth, Mandarin), i.e., level, rising, dipping, and falling, are produced with regional accents by speakers from other regions of China. This study investigated how native Beijing listeners categorize and rate second language (L2) Mandarin tones produced by Yantai, Shanghai, and Guangzhou speakers, whose native dialect tone systems differ from Mandarin and from each other. Native Beijing listeners ( n = 35) heard Mandarin words (/ba, di, du, gu/ × 4 tones) produced by speakers of the three regional dialects and by Beijing speakers (baseline). For each word, they selected one of four minimal-tone quadruplet words and rated its similarity to Beijing pronunciation. While they identified the words with high accuracy (> 90%) in all four accents, the regionally accented words produced lower ratings and longer decision times than Beijing stimuli. This indicates that although native Beijing listeners reliably recognize regionally accented tones, the phonetic differences of regional accents from Mandarin modulates their tone identification. This study demonstrated the impact of regional L2 accents on Beijing listeners’ perception of Mandarin tones, laying a foundation for better understanding of how native listeners perceive non-native tone production.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131329354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-152
Jill C. Thorson, R. Burdin
Downstep in American English has been understudied relative to other types of pitch accents. Our aim is to investigate both the interpretation and the phonetic implementation of !H*. The first experiment investigated participant’s preference for H* vs. !H* pitch accents in new vs. accessible contexts. Results from this experiment show that participants showed a preference for H* in both new and accessible contexts, but that they choose !H* relatively more in the accessible ones. Additionally, participants were more likely to select !H* when it had a smaller fall onto the stressed syllable. The second experiment explored whether participants could distinguish between !H* pitch accents with larger and smaller falls. The results showed that participants were more accurate discriminating between stimuli that were further apart in pitch; however, this effect was mediated by the stimuli’s f0 range, with lower stimuli being easier to discriminate than higher ones. Together, these experiments reveal the complexities of downstep in American English in both where it occurs pragmatically and how it is phonetically produced and perceived.
{"title":"The interpretation and phonetic implementation of !H* in American English","authors":"Jill C. Thorson, R. Burdin","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-152","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-152","url":null,"abstract":"Downstep in American English has been understudied relative to other types of pitch accents. Our aim is to investigate both the interpretation and the phonetic implementation of !H*. The first experiment investigated participant’s preference for H* vs. !H* pitch accents in new vs. accessible contexts. Results from this experiment show that participants showed a preference for H* in both new and accessible contexts, but that they choose !H* relatively more in the accessible ones. Additionally, participants were more likely to select !H* when it had a smaller fall onto the stressed syllable. The second experiment explored whether participants could distinguish between !H* pitch accents with larger and smaller falls. The results showed that participants were more accurate discriminating between stimuli that were further apart in pitch; however, this effect was mediated by the stimuli’s f0 range, with lower stimuli being easier to discriminate than higher ones. Together, these experiments reveal the complexities of downstep in American English in both where it occurs pragmatically and how it is phonetically produced and perceived.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127660108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-145
N. Jansen, Eleanor E. Harding, H. Loerts, D. Başkent, W. Lowie
Studies investigating the relationship between musical abilities and speech prosody report that musicians show an altered— often enhanced—perception of prosody, or report positive correlations between music perception and prosody perception. However, some studies on L1 perception find no such benefits, but show good prosody perception across listeners. In contrast, even advanced L2 users may show difficulties in processing sentence intonation. We hypothesised that musicality might especially be beneficial in challenging circumstances of non-native intonation perception. To test this, we conducted a meta-analysis of previous research investigating the effect of musical abilities on the perception of sentence-level intonation in L1, L2, and unfamiliar languages. Studies were systematically collected, and included various measures of musicality and intonation perception. The meta-analysis combining these outcomes showed a robust positive correlation between musical ability and intonation perception. This effect did not differ between studies on L1 and unfamiliar languages. We suggest intonation perception in unfamiliar languages might be relatively easy due to the absence of semantic interference. Data on L2 users was lacking. Because semantic processing plays a role in L2 perception, we suggest further research is needed to investigate the influence of musical ability on intonation perception in L2 listening.
{"title":"The relation between musical ability and sentence-level intonation perception: A meta-analysis comparing L1 and non-native listening","authors":"N. Jansen, Eleanor E. Harding, H. Loerts, D. Başkent, W. Lowie","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-145","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-145","url":null,"abstract":"Studies investigating the relationship between musical abilities and speech prosody report that musicians show an altered— often enhanced—perception of prosody, or report positive correlations between music perception and prosody perception. However, some studies on L1 perception find no such benefits, but show good prosody perception across listeners. In contrast, even advanced L2 users may show difficulties in processing sentence intonation. We hypothesised that musicality might especially be beneficial in challenging circumstances of non-native intonation perception. To test this, we conducted a meta-analysis of previous research investigating the effect of musical abilities on the perception of sentence-level intonation in L1, L2, and unfamiliar languages. Studies were systematically collected, and included various measures of musicality and intonation perception. The meta-analysis combining these outcomes showed a robust positive correlation between musical ability and intonation perception. This effect did not differ between studies on L1 and unfamiliar languages. We suggest intonation perception in unfamiliar languages might be relatively easy due to the absence of semantic interference. Data on L2 users was lacking. Because semantic processing plays a role in L2 perception, we suggest further research is needed to investigate the influence of musical ability on intonation perception in L2 listening.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"291 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133513900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-132
Shinobu Mizuguchi, Koichi Tateishi
Traditional studies on prosody argue that prominence is highly tied to changes of F0 but recent perceptual research of utterance-level prosodic prominence using Rapid Prosody Transcription (RPT) shows that perception strategy is much more complex, as it involves not only phonetic cues but also phonological, semantic and information cues. This paper considers Japanese in the RPT framework. Since it is a mora-timed pitch language and uses pitch both for lexical accent and utterance-level prosody, it is expected that Japanese has a different perception strategy from some Indo-European languages that use pitch movement for utterance-level prosody only. It is also expected that our study will provide concrete data for the hot topic in Japanese literature, ‘Does focal prominence reset a phrase boundary?’, based on the utterance-level perception experiment. We will show that (i) contra literature on Japanese focus, acoustic features of F0 and intensity are not strong prominence cues in Japanese, (ii) perceived prominence is strongly tied to pitch movement and its location in an utterance, and (iii) not only content words but also function morphemes get highlighted in Japanese. Perception strategies vary among languages, as predicted.
{"title":"Perception of Boundary and Prominence in Spontaneous Japanese: An RPT Study","authors":"Shinobu Mizuguchi, Koichi Tateishi","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-132","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-132","url":null,"abstract":"Traditional studies on prosody argue that prominence is highly tied to changes of F0 but recent perceptual research of utterance-level prosodic prominence using Rapid Prosody Transcription (RPT) shows that perception strategy is much more complex, as it involves not only phonetic cues but also phonological, semantic and information cues. This paper considers Japanese in the RPT framework. Since it is a mora-timed pitch language and uses pitch both for lexical accent and utterance-level prosody, it is expected that Japanese has a different perception strategy from some Indo-European languages that use pitch movement for utterance-level prosody only. It is also expected that our study will provide concrete data for the hot topic in Japanese literature, ‘Does focal prominence reset a phrase boundary?’, based on the utterance-level perception experiment. We will show that (i) contra literature on Japanese focus, acoustic features of F0 and intensity are not strong prominence cues in Japanese, (ii) perceived prominence is strongly tied to pitch movement and its location in an utterance, and (iii) not only content words but also function morphemes get highlighted in Japanese. Perception strategies vary among languages, as predicted.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"111 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131856769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-84
Chen Lan, P. Mok
The present study examined the pitch and duration of three types of Mandarin neutral tone (T0) – the possessive particle -de, the noun suffix -zi, and reduplicated words, in four tonal environments (following T1/T2/T3/T4) produced by two heritage language (HL) children longitudinally at 3;0 and 4;0 and two children cross-sectionally at 4;0, comparing them with two adult native speakers. Unlike the monolingual children in a previous study, our results indicated that the HL children have not developed a robust neutral tone category by 4;0. Acoustic measurements showed that HL children shared similar shapes of neutral tone pitch contour across types and tonal environments with the adult speakers when they were at 4;0, with a falling pitch contour following T1, T2, T4 and a rising pitch contour following T3. However, even though both HL children and the reference speakers reduced duration while producing neutral tone compared to the preceding tone, significant differences were found for their duration variations; while the reference speakers produced neutral tone after T1, T2, and T4 with a shorter duration than T3 across types, the patterns of HL children varied according to different types of the neutral tone. Individual difference also existed among the HL children.
{"title":"A preliminary study on the acquisition of Mandarin neutral tone by young heritage children","authors":"Chen Lan, P. Mok","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-84","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-84","url":null,"abstract":"The present study examined the pitch and duration of three types of Mandarin neutral tone (T0) – the possessive particle -de, the noun suffix -zi, and reduplicated words, in four tonal environments (following T1/T2/T3/T4) produced by two heritage language (HL) children longitudinally at 3;0 and 4;0 and two children cross-sectionally at 4;0, comparing them with two adult native speakers. Unlike the monolingual children in a previous study, our results indicated that the HL children have not developed a robust neutral tone category by 4;0. Acoustic measurements showed that HL children shared similar shapes of neutral tone pitch contour across types and tonal environments with the adult speakers when they were at 4;0, with a falling pitch contour following T1, T2, T4 and a rising pitch contour following T3. However, even though both HL children and the reference speakers reduced duration while producing neutral tone compared to the preceding tone, significant differences were found for their duration variations; while the reference speakers produced neutral tone after T1, T2, and T4 with a shorter duration than T3 across types, the patterns of HL children varied according to different types of the neutral tone. Individual difference also existed among the HL children.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134059114","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-8
Simon Wehrle, F. Cangemi, K. Vogeley, M. Grice
Since the very beginnings of research into Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD), there have been contradicting descriptions of speech in ASD as being “singsongy” or melodic on the one hand and “robotic” or monotonous on the other. We highlight some issues regarding the terminology and methodologies used in previous studies as well as their comparability, concluding that previous accounts, particularly of monotonous speech in ASD, may have been misleading. We expand on a previous pilot study in using the same method of quantifying the spaciousness and liveliness of speech along two dimensions in order to analyse an extended data set (~ 5 hours) of semi-spontaneous conversations. We compare 14 German adults diagnosed with ASD and 14 matched control speakers (CTR), recorded in disposition-matched dyads (ASD-ASD; CTR-CTR). Using Bayesian modelling, we present evidence that most (but not all) ASD speakers in our corpus produced a more melodic intonation style than non-autistic CTR speakers, while, crucially, none produced a more monotonous intonation style. We emphasise the importance of inter-individual variability in groups of autistic speakers and point out that our results align with a clear tendency in recent studies to report more melodic speech in ASD.
{"title":"New evidence for melodic speech in Autism Spectrum Disorder","authors":"Simon Wehrle, F. Cangemi, K. Vogeley, M. Grice","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-8","url":null,"abstract":"Since the very beginnings of research into Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD), there have been contradicting descriptions of speech in ASD as being “singsongy” or melodic on the one hand and “robotic” or monotonous on the other. We highlight some issues regarding the terminology and methodologies used in previous studies as well as their comparability, concluding that previous accounts, particularly of monotonous speech in ASD, may have been misleading. We expand on a previous pilot study in using the same method of quantifying the spaciousness and liveliness of speech along two dimensions in order to analyse an extended data set (~ 5 hours) of semi-spontaneous conversations. We compare 14 German adults diagnosed with ASD and 14 matched control speakers (CTR), recorded in disposition-matched dyads (ASD-ASD; CTR-CTR). Using Bayesian modelling, we present evidence that most (but not all) ASD speakers in our corpus produced a more melodic intonation style than non-autistic CTR speakers, while, crucially, none produced a more monotonous intonation style. We emphasise the importance of inter-individual variability in groups of autistic speakers and point out that our results align with a clear tendency in recent studies to report more melodic speech in ASD.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114557457","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-31
B. Otundo, M. Grice
We examine salient prosodic features used in advice-giving in Kenyan English and Kiswahili from a radio phone-in programme. Our pilot corpus constitutes 40 sequences taken from The Breakfast Show , a Kenyan radio phone-in aired on Classic 105 fm. Although the programme is moderated in English, advice is given in both English and Kiswahili, since Kenya is highly multilingual with frequent code-switching. In this paper, we focus on the pragmatic strategies of expressing advice involving forms that furnish the recipient with little optionality in carrying out the suggested action, including, imperatives, declaratives with modal verbs, and conditional forms. In both languages, we observe a terminal falling intonation in advice-giving. However, whilst the global pitch contours in Kenyan English follow a marked downtrend for expressing advice in imperative, declarative and conditional forms, interpreted as a downstepping sequence of H* accents, those in Kiswahili have alternating rises and falls, suggesting a more elaborate intonational phonology. In instances of code-switching, imperative forms of advice generally reveal alternating rises and falls. This pattern is also found in declarative and conditional forms, although with a greater pitch range. These preliminary findings are useful in applications such as identification of language and variety, especially in multilingual interactions.
{"title":"Intonation in advice-giving in Kenyan English and Kiswahili","authors":"B. Otundo, M. Grice","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-31","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-31","url":null,"abstract":"We examine salient prosodic features used in advice-giving in Kenyan English and Kiswahili from a radio phone-in programme. Our pilot corpus constitutes 40 sequences taken from The Breakfast Show , a Kenyan radio phone-in aired on Classic 105 fm. Although the programme is moderated in English, advice is given in both English and Kiswahili, since Kenya is highly multilingual with frequent code-switching. In this paper, we focus on the pragmatic strategies of expressing advice involving forms that furnish the recipient with little optionality in carrying out the suggested action, including, imperatives, declaratives with modal verbs, and conditional forms. In both languages, we observe a terminal falling intonation in advice-giving. However, whilst the global pitch contours in Kenyan English follow a marked downtrend for expressing advice in imperative, declarative and conditional forms, interpreted as a downstepping sequence of H* accents, those in Kiswahili have alternating rises and falls, suggesting a more elaborate intonational phonology. In instances of code-switching, imperative forms of advice generally reveal alternating rises and falls. This pattern is also found in declarative and conditional forms, although with a greater pitch range. These preliminary findings are useful in applications such as identification of language and variety, especially in multilingual interactions.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"80 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123240362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.21437/speechprosody.2022-123
Emilie Marty, R. Bertrand, Caterina Petrone, J. German
Discourse markers serve important structuring functions such as concluding a contribution or resuming a topic. We address whether, along with their role in structuring discourse, discourse markers carry prosodic cues to the emotional valence of upcoming news, perhaps to prepare the listener’s emotional reaction. Specifically, we explored the realization of French voilà donc (yeah so) when occurring between an announcement of news and its preface: Je vous appelle au sujet de votre chat qui était malade [preface], voilà donc [discourse marker] il est désormais guéri [announcement] (“I’m calling about your sick cat, yeah so he’s now cured”). We recorded 15 speakers reading voicemail messages announcing negative, positive or neutral (e.g., factual) news. We found that the intonation patterns produced with voilà donc correspond to its discursive functions, in line with existing findings, though the choice of pattern did not depend on the emotional valence of the news. Valence was, however, associated with phonetic variation, in that high f0 targets were higher for positive and neutral valence and pitch range was larger for positive valence. This finding suggests that phonetic variation projects the emotional valence of upcoming news even though discourse function primarily determines the choice of intonation pattern.
话语标记具有重要的结构功能，如结束一篇文章或继续一个话题。除了话语标记在构建话语中的作用外，我们还探讨了话语标记是否为即将到来的新闻的情感价值提供韵律线索，也许是为了让听者的情感反应做好准备。具体来说，我们探索了法语voil donc(是的，所以)发生在新闻宣布和它的序言之间时的实现:Je vous appelle au sujet de votre chat qui samtait malade[序言]，voil donc[话语标记]il est dsamsormais gusamri[公告](“我打电话是为了你的病猫，是的，所以它现在好了”)。我们录下了15位说话者朗读语音邮件的录音，语音邮件中有负面的、积极的或中性的(如事实)新闻。我们发现，虽然语调模式的选择并不取决于新闻的情绪效价，但语音语调模式与其话语功能相对应，这与已有的研究结果一致。效价与语音变化有关，正价和中性价的高0目标较高，正价的音高范围较大。这一发现表明，语音变化反映了即将到来的新闻的情绪效价，尽管话语功能主要决定了语调模式的选择。
{"title":"Prosodic Correlates of Discourse Structure and Emotion in Discourse Markers that Preface Announcements of News","authors":"Emilie Marty, R. Bertrand, Caterina Petrone, J. German","doi":"10.21437/speechprosody.2022-123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2022-123","url":null,"abstract":"Discourse markers serve important structuring functions such as concluding a contribution or resuming a topic. We address whether, along with their role in structuring discourse, discourse markers carry prosodic cues to the emotional valence of upcoming news, perhaps to prepare the listener’s emotional reaction. Specifically, we explored the realization of French voilà donc (yeah so) when occurring between an announcement of news and its preface: Je vous appelle au sujet de votre chat qui était malade [preface], voilà donc [discourse marker] il est désormais guéri [announcement] (“I’m calling about your sick cat, yeah so he’s now cured”). We recorded 15 speakers reading voicemail messages announcing negative, positive or neutral (e.g., factual) news. We found that the intonation patterns produced with voilà donc correspond to its discursive functions, in line with existing findings, though the choice of pattern did not depend on the emotional valence of the news. Valence was, however, associated with phonetic variation, in that high f0 targets were higher for positive and neutral valence and pitch range was larger for positive valence. This finding suggests that phonetic variation projects the emotional valence of upcoming news even though discourse function primarily determines the choice of intonation pattern.","PeriodicalId":442842,"journal":{"name":"Speech Prosody 2022","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121038325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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