Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00447471.2022.2154117
Yucheng Bai
ABSTRACT Through close studies of pro-Trump Chinese Christians’ intellectual and popular writings, this paper presents a historical analysis that explains the popularity of Trump and the Christian Right agenda among Chinese American Christians. Chinese churches’ habitual reluctance to discuss politics had created a vacuum of political reflection quickly filled with the political agenda of a few pro-Trump pastors. Most of these pastors are first generation immigrants who carried with them the historical memory of Chinese house churches persevering under persecution from a powerful secular state, and they often did not re-contextualize this inherited narrative to new situations in America. The mode of spirituality they aimed to cultivate in America thrived upon the self-perception of being a persecuted minority of truth holders against an ominous force, embodied once by the Communist Party (CCP) and now by what they perceive as the American liberal cultural establishment.
{"title":"United by Fear: The Rise of Trumpism Among First Generation Chinese Christian Immigrants","authors":"Yucheng Bai","doi":"10.1080/00447471.2022.2154117","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00447471.2022.2154117","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Through close studies of pro-Trump Chinese Christians’ intellectual and popular writings, this paper presents a historical analysis that explains the popularity of Trump and the Christian Right agenda among Chinese American Christians. Chinese churches’ habitual reluctance to discuss politics had created a vacuum of political reflection quickly filled with the political agenda of a few pro-Trump pastors. Most of these pastors are first generation immigrants who carried with them the historical memory of Chinese house churches persevering under persecution from a powerful secular state, and they often did not re-contextualize this inherited narrative to new situations in America. The mode of spirituality they aimed to cultivate in America thrived upon the self-perception of being a persecuted minority of truth holders against an ominous force, embodied once by the Communist Party (CCP) and now by what they perceive as the American liberal cultural establishment.","PeriodicalId":44285,"journal":{"name":"AMERASIA JOURNAL","volume":"48 1","pages":"58 - 73"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42161028","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00447471.2022.2157202
Carlo Tuason
ABSTRACT This photo essay juxtaposes two instances of projection-based protest activism that occurred at the Chinese Consulate General in Los Angeles. These guerilla acts of protest art brought together critical text and iconic imagery to offer a pointed criticism of the Chinese government. The selection of images and language included in the projections offer insight into the complexities of the competing nationalisms that exist between the United States, China, and Hong Kong by means of a visual and spatial politic. Through this bringing together of similar, yet differentiated imagery, I gesture toward a more nuanced understanding of visuality, site-specificity, and nationalisms through creative resistance practices.
{"title":"A Night at the Consulate: Projection Activism and Competing Nationalisms","authors":"Carlo Tuason","doi":"10.1080/00447471.2022.2157202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00447471.2022.2157202","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This photo essay juxtaposes two instances of projection-based protest activism that occurred at the Chinese Consulate General in Los Angeles. These guerilla acts of protest art brought together critical text and iconic imagery to offer a pointed criticism of the Chinese government. The selection of images and language included in the projections offer insight into the complexities of the competing nationalisms that exist between the United States, China, and Hong Kong by means of a visual and spatial politic. Through this bringing together of similar, yet differentiated imagery, I gesture toward a more nuanced understanding of visuality, site-specificity, and nationalisms through creative resistance practices.","PeriodicalId":44285,"journal":{"name":"AMERASIA JOURNAL","volume":"48 1","pages":"74 - 82"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49039083","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00447471.2022.2152270
Joy Sales
ABSTRACT This essay explores the intertwined personal, political, and intellectual journeys of the author, a Filipina/x/o American scholar seeking to understand the history and legacies of the Ferdinand E. Marcos dictatorship, also known as martial law. Inspired by a transnational movement of Filipinos fighting for national liberation and genuine democracy, the author recognizes her role as a people’s historian-one who researches and writes about the history of the movement while also being an activist herself.
{"title":"Martial Law Histories from a Critical Filipina/x/o American Perspective","authors":"Joy Sales","doi":"10.1080/00447471.2022.2152270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00447471.2022.2152270","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This essay explores the intertwined personal, political, and intellectual journeys of the author, a Filipina/x/o American scholar seeking to understand the history and legacies of the Ferdinand E. Marcos dictatorship, also known as martial law. Inspired by a transnational movement of Filipinos fighting for national liberation and genuine democracy, the author recognizes her role as a people’s historian-one who researches and writes about the history of the movement while also being an activist herself.","PeriodicalId":44285,"journal":{"name":"AMERASIA JOURNAL","volume":"48 1","pages":"91 - 93"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49310243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00447471.2022.2152271
Brian Chung
ABSTRACT This essay examines how the suburban built environment of affluent skilled professionals shaped the political claims that affluent Asian parents made as suburban residents during the 1990 to the early 2000s. In focusing on the school boundary debates and redistribution of educational resources in the Silicon Valley suburb of Fremont, California, I critically unpack how Asian parents advocated for liberal multiculturalism and racial segregation in protecting their access to Fremont’s best schools. In contrast to the conception that liberal multiculturalism is a form of resistance to suburban white cultural dominance in school settings, I argue that there are ideological consistencies between suburban homeowner politics of self-interest and Asian parent demands for cultural autonomy. I show how suburban homeowner politics compelled Asian parents to distance themselves from addressing the educational needs of low-income and working-class whites and people of color in Fremont.
{"title":"“We Think About Our Children First”: Asian Skilled Professionals, Liberal Multiculturalism and the Borders of Educational Inequality in Fremont, California","authors":"Brian Chung","doi":"10.1080/00447471.2022.2152271","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00447471.2022.2152271","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This essay examines how the suburban built environment of affluent skilled professionals shaped the political claims that affluent Asian parents made as suburban residents during the 1990 to the early 2000s. In focusing on the school boundary debates and redistribution of educational resources in the Silicon Valley suburb of Fremont, California, I critically unpack how Asian parents advocated for liberal multiculturalism and racial segregation in protecting their access to Fremont’s best schools. In contrast to the conception that liberal multiculturalism is a form of resistance to suburban white cultural dominance in school settings, I argue that there are ideological consistencies between suburban homeowner politics of self-interest and Asian parent demands for cultural autonomy. I show how suburban homeowner politics compelled Asian parents to distance themselves from addressing the educational needs of low-income and working-class whites and people of color in Fremont.","PeriodicalId":44285,"journal":{"name":"AMERASIA JOURNAL","volume":"48 1","pages":"44 - 57"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47179687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00447471.2022.2157201
Sydney Van To
ABSTRACT This essay urges a reconsideration of John Okada’s No-No Boy as a transpacific text which engages with the erased history of Japanese America’s entanglements with fascism, particularly by situating the novel in relation to Japanese writers such as Tosaka Jun, Uno Kōzō, and Mishima Yukio. Rather than classifying No-No Boy as a fascist or anti-fascist text, an aesthetic conception of fascism demonstrates how this distinction is increasingly obscured by Cold War geopolitics. In its attempt to critique fascism, No-No Boy finds itself mobilizing ableist and liberal discourses for which the expulsion of the fascist as an unhealthy and deviant element of the national body ironically restores an idealized and militaristic nation-state.
摘要本文敦促我们重新审视冈田的《No No Boy》，它是一部跨太平洋的文本，讲述了日裔美国人与法西斯主义纠缠的被抹去的历史，特别是将小说与日本作家Tosaka Jun、Uno Kōzō;和三岛由纪夫联系起来。法西斯主义的美学概念并没有将《No No Boy》归类为法西斯或反法西斯文本，而是表明这种区别是如何被冷战地缘政治越来越模糊的。在试图批判法西斯主义的过程中，《No No Boy》发现自己动员了有能力和自由主义的话语，讽刺的是，驱逐法西斯主义者作为国家机构中一个不健康和离经叛道的元素，恢复了一个理想化和军国主义的民族国家。
{"title":"Transpacific Fascism in John Okada’s No-No Boy","authors":"Sydney Van To","doi":"10.1080/00447471.2022.2157201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00447471.2022.2157201","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This essay urges a reconsideration of John Okada’s No-No Boy as a transpacific text which engages with the erased history of Japanese America’s entanglements with fascism, particularly by situating the novel in relation to Japanese writers such as Tosaka Jun, Uno Kōzō, and Mishima Yukio. Rather than classifying No-No Boy as a fascist or anti-fascist text, an aesthetic conception of fascism demonstrates how this distinction is increasingly obscured by Cold War geopolitics. In its attempt to critique fascism, No-No Boy finds itself mobilizing ableist and liberal discourses for which the expulsion of the fascist as an unhealthy and deviant element of the national body ironically restores an idealized and militaristic nation-state.","PeriodicalId":44285,"journal":{"name":"AMERASIA JOURNAL","volume":"48 1","pages":"7 - 23"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41659505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00447471.2022.2144664
Vivian Yan-Gonzalez
ABSTRACT This article problematizes the model minority myth as an analytic in discussions of Asian American conservatism by reassessing the personal and political development of S.I. Hayakawa, Acting President of San Francisco State College during the Third World Liberation Front strike of 1968–1969. Contemporary activists and Asian American studies scholars influenced by the strike’s legacy have seen Hayakawa as a staunch conservative and an advocate of the model minority myth. However, Hayakawa was primarily motivated by his lifelong identification with the liberal tradition and his work as an advocate for racial equality. His realignment as a neoconservative Republican reflected the shifting political landscape of the late 1960s and early 1970s rather than a transformation of his ideas. This article reexamines his ideas and activities to argue that, despite his legacy as a conservative, he in fact challenged and complicated the model minority myth’s depictions of Asian American passivity and assimilation. I argue that distinguishing the model minority myth and conservatism as two separate, though interrelated, concepts can open scholars to a fuller and more nuanced understanding of each within Asian American political and intellectual history.
{"title":"Model Minority or Myth? Reexamining the Politics of S.I. Hayakawa","authors":"Vivian Yan-Gonzalez","doi":"10.1080/00447471.2022.2144664","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00447471.2022.2144664","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article problematizes the model minority myth as an analytic in discussions of Asian American conservatism by reassessing the personal and political development of S.I. Hayakawa, Acting President of San Francisco State College during the Third World Liberation Front strike of 1968–1969. Contemporary activists and Asian American studies scholars influenced by the strike’s legacy have seen Hayakawa as a staunch conservative and an advocate of the model minority myth. However, Hayakawa was primarily motivated by his lifelong identification with the liberal tradition and his work as an advocate for racial equality. His realignment as a neoconservative Republican reflected the shifting political landscape of the late 1960s and early 1970s rather than a transformation of his ideas. This article reexamines his ideas and activities to argue that, despite his legacy as a conservative, he in fact challenged and complicated the model minority myth’s depictions of Asian American passivity and assimilation. I argue that distinguishing the model minority myth and conservatism as two separate, though interrelated, concepts can open scholars to a fuller and more nuanced understanding of each within Asian American political and intellectual history.","PeriodicalId":44285,"journal":{"name":"AMERASIA JOURNAL","volume":"48 1","pages":"24 - 43"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41660828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00447471.2022.2152268
S. Sohi
ABSTRACT This essay briefly examines the state-sponsored journey of Dalip Singh Saund – the first Asian American, Indian American, and Sikh American to be elected to the United States Congress – across Asia in the winter of 1957–1958 alongside the 1955 Afro-Asian Conference in Bandung, Indonesia. As an ambassador of American efforts to put forward a new and conciliatory face on the issue of race in the United States, Saund was deployed not only as symbol of American ideals and universality, but also as part of broader U.S. state efforts to counter worldwide criticism of U.S. racism, to build relations with emerging Asian and African nations, and to contain the possibility of a radical restructuring of the global racial and economic order. Saund used his cultural authority as a formerly excluded immigrant and, as he saw, fully assimilated citizen to celebrate a racially liberal order at home and to reframe histories of racial exclusion into triumphant stories of national inclusion. Saund’s racial liberalism served as a precursor to the conservative and neoconservative responses to race that would emerge in the coming decades, responses that downplayed the persistent and structural nature of U.S. racism and suppressed the kinds of anticolonial and antiracist critiques and demonstrations of Afro-Asian solidarity emerging from sites like Bandung.
{"title":"From Bandung to Little Rock: Dalip Singh Saund and the Limits of Racial Liberalism","authors":"S. Sohi","doi":"10.1080/00447471.2022.2152268","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00447471.2022.2152268","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This essay briefly examines the state-sponsored journey of Dalip Singh Saund – the first Asian American, Indian American, and Sikh American to be elected to the United States Congress – across Asia in the winter of 1957–1958 alongside the 1955 Afro-Asian Conference in Bandung, Indonesia. As an ambassador of American efforts to put forward a new and conciliatory face on the issue of race in the United States, Saund was deployed not only as symbol of American ideals and universality, but also as part of broader U.S. state efforts to counter worldwide criticism of U.S. racism, to build relations with emerging Asian and African nations, and to contain the possibility of a radical restructuring of the global racial and economic order. Saund used his cultural authority as a formerly excluded immigrant and, as he saw, fully assimilated citizen to celebrate a racially liberal order at home and to reframe histories of racial exclusion into triumphant stories of national inclusion. Saund’s racial liberalism served as a precursor to the conservative and neoconservative responses to race that would emerge in the coming decades, responses that downplayed the persistent and structural nature of U.S. racism and suppressed the kinds of anticolonial and antiracist critiques and demonstrations of Afro-Asian solidarity emerging from sites like Bandung.","PeriodicalId":44285,"journal":{"name":"AMERASIA JOURNAL","volume":"48 1","pages":"83 - 90"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45644803","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00447471.2023.2167934
A. De Leon, Jane H. Hong
ABSTRACT The introduction to this special issue of Amerasia frames scholarly and popular conversations around conservatisms and fascisms in Asian America, with attention to the role of religion and transnational authoritarianism. It argues that Asian American conservatism should be understood not just as an imported phenomenon from outside these communities, but as something structural within the formation of Asian America itself, within white supremacy and other political contexts in the United States. It calls on scholars to reckon with right-wing movements and histories in order to confront broader threats to the radical and emancipatory project of Asian American Studies.
{"title":"Introduction: Conservatisms and Fascisms in Asian America","authors":"A. De Leon, Jane H. Hong","doi":"10.1080/00447471.2023.2167934","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00447471.2023.2167934","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The introduction to this special issue of Amerasia frames scholarly and popular conversations around conservatisms and fascisms in Asian America, with attention to the role of religion and transnational authoritarianism. It argues that Asian American conservatism should be understood not just as an imported phenomenon from outside these communities, but as something structural within the formation of Asian America itself, within white supremacy and other political contexts in the United States. It calls on scholars to reckon with right-wing movements and histories in order to confront broader threats to the radical and emancipatory project of Asian American Studies.","PeriodicalId":44285,"journal":{"name":"AMERASIA JOURNAL","volume":"48 1","pages":"2 - 6"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48710876","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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