Pub Date : 2022-11-03DOI: 10.1080/09639489.2022.2121385
Van Quang Pham
RÉSUMÉ Le XXe siècle apparaît comme une grande époque de notre histoire de l’esprit, qui a connu des bouleversements, des ruptures et des cicatrices, aussi bien sur le plan collectif qu’individuel. L’histoire culturelle du Vietnam contemporain est marquée par ses rencontres avec différents paradigmes du monde. Le fait colonial y est intervenu comme un moment de crise et de transformation profonde du cycle dialectique de ce pays, révélant également des rapports de domination des références occidentales. Se pose d’emblée la question de savoir si le fait colonial est un prisme pour observer la formation des connaissances et le fonctionnement du champ intellectuel au Vietnam postcolonial. Nous voudrions proposer dans cet article quelques réflexions sur la question des transferts culturels occidentaux au Sud-Vietnam, c’est-à-dire dans une situation temporelle postcoloniale. En nous appuyant sur la théorie bourdieusienne du champ intellectuel, nous présenterons des conditions socio-historiques de l’importation des savoirs philosophiques occidentaux dans le milieu universitaire, particulièrement à la Faculté des Lettres de Saigon, lieu le plus visible des luttes intellectuelles des années 1960.
{"title":"La circulation des savoirs occidentaux au Sud-Vietnam postcolonial. Le cas de la Faculté des Lettres de Saigon","authors":"Van Quang Pham","doi":"10.1080/09639489.2022.2121385","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2022.2121385","url":null,"abstract":"RÉSUMÉ Le XXe siècle apparaît comme une grande époque de notre histoire de l’esprit, qui a connu des bouleversements, des ruptures et des cicatrices, aussi bien sur le plan collectif qu’individuel. L’histoire culturelle du Vietnam contemporain est marquée par ses rencontres avec différents paradigmes du monde. Le fait colonial y est intervenu comme un moment de crise et de transformation profonde du cycle dialectique de ce pays, révélant également des rapports de domination des références occidentales. Se pose d’emblée la question de savoir si le fait colonial est un prisme pour observer la formation des connaissances et le fonctionnement du champ intellectuel au Vietnam postcolonial. Nous voudrions proposer dans cet article quelques réflexions sur la question des transferts culturels occidentaux au Sud-Vietnam, c’est-à-dire dans une situation temporelle postcoloniale. En nous appuyant sur la théorie bourdieusienne du champ intellectuel, nous présenterons des conditions socio-historiques de l’importation des savoirs philosophiques occidentaux dans le milieu universitaire, particulièrement à la Faculté des Lettres de Saigon, lieu le plus visible des luttes intellectuelles des années 1960.","PeriodicalId":44362,"journal":{"name":"Modern & Contemporary France","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47730162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-05DOI: 10.1080/09639489.2022.2121811
R. Kuhn
{"title":"Developments in French Politics 6","authors":"R. Kuhn","doi":"10.1080/09639489.2022.2121811","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2022.2121811","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44362,"journal":{"name":"Modern & Contemporary France","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47047974","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/09639489.2022.2134325
N. Hewlett, R. Kuhn
ABSTRACT This article analyses, explains and evaluates selected key aspects of the 2022 presidential and parliamentary elections in France. It covers the first five-year term of President Macron, the presidential campaign, the results of both rounds of the presidential election, and the subsequent parliamentary contest at which the re-elected president failed to win a majority for his reform agenda. The article also examines the impact in both elections of the far right under Le Pen’s leadership and the left under Mélenchon’s.
{"title":"Reflections on the 2022 elections in France","authors":"N. Hewlett, R. Kuhn","doi":"10.1080/09639489.2022.2134325","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2022.2134325","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyses, explains and evaluates selected key aspects of the 2022 presidential and parliamentary elections in France. It covers the first five-year term of President Macron, the presidential campaign, the results of both rounds of the presidential election, and the subsequent parliamentary contest at which the re-elected president failed to win a majority for his reform agenda. The article also examines the impact in both elections of the far right under Le Pen’s leadership and the left under Mélenchon’s.","PeriodicalId":44362,"journal":{"name":"Modern & Contemporary France","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43513238","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/09639489.2022.2134849
A. Knapp
ABSTRACT The 2022 presidential election saw Emmanuel Macron win a widely-expected second term in a run-off against Marine Le Pen, confirming the demise of the pre-2017 party system. In the ensuing parliamentary elections, however, Macron’s party lost its majority, and the divided opposition forces staged a partial recovery. Most notably, the ‘republican front’, which had hitherto limited the far-right Rassemblement National’s access to elective office, crumbled. This article analyses the transformation and destabilization of France’s party system through the lenses of France’s electoral system, the evolution of socio-political cleavages, and the behaviour of key players before and during the election campaign.
{"title":"France’s party system in 2022","authors":"A. Knapp","doi":"10.1080/09639489.2022.2134849","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2022.2134849","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The 2022 presidential election saw Emmanuel Macron win a widely-expected second term in a run-off against Marine Le Pen, confirming the demise of the pre-2017 party system. In the ensuing parliamentary elections, however, Macron’s party lost its majority, and the divided opposition forces staged a partial recovery. Most notably, the ‘republican front’, which had hitherto limited the far-right Rassemblement National’s access to elective office, crumbled. This article analyses the transformation and destabilization of France’s party system through the lenses of France’s electoral system, the evolution of socio-political cleavages, and the behaviour of key players before and during the election campaign.","PeriodicalId":44362,"journal":{"name":"Modern & Contemporary France","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43973891","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/09639489.2022.2125503
S. Perry
ABSTRACT As anticipated, the 2022 presidential debate between Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen was a return of the 2017 engagement, echoing the Mitterrand—Giscard d’Estaing return engagement of 1974/1981. This article discusses the 2022 debate through the prism of this longer view. Focusing on the rules of engagement, it reconsiders the idea of winners and losers, the impact of ‘killer phrases,’ and the role of aggression in relation to presidential status, analysing the latter in the light of Karl Popper’s ‘intuition of factual truth,’ ‘intuition of injustice’ and the ‘theory of rationalist optimism.’ It argues that French presidential debates have not proved decisive in determining the outcome of the election, but symbolize the French presidential system metonymically as a piece of televisual theatre which impacts on the parcours of the respective candidates, while their significance is dependent on that attributed by voters to the presidential election itself.
{"title":"Le Grand Débat: the return of the return engagement","authors":"S. Perry","doi":"10.1080/09639489.2022.2125503","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2022.2125503","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT As anticipated, the 2022 presidential debate between Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen was a return of the 2017 engagement, echoing the Mitterrand—Giscard d’Estaing return engagement of 1974/1981. This article discusses the 2022 debate through the prism of this longer view. Focusing on the rules of engagement, it reconsiders the idea of winners and losers, the impact of ‘killer phrases,’ and the role of aggression in relation to presidential status, analysing the latter in the light of Karl Popper’s ‘intuition of factual truth,’ ‘intuition of injustice’ and the ‘theory of rationalist optimism.’ It argues that French presidential debates have not proved decisive in determining the outcome of the election, but symbolize the French presidential system metonymically as a piece of televisual theatre which impacts on the parcours of the respective candidates, while their significance is dependent on that attributed by voters to the presidential election itself.","PeriodicalId":44362,"journal":{"name":"Modern & Contemporary France","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41373473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/09639489.2022.2138841
Nicholas Startin
ABSTRACT The 2022 French Presidential elections produced a re-run of the 2017 contest with Marine Le Pen and Emmanuel Macron in a head-to-head run-off in the second round with the Radical Right, Rassemblement National (RN) challenger unable to defeat the incumbent President. At the subsequent Parliamentary elections, the RN made a significant breakthrough, piercing the so-called ‘plafond de verre’ (‘Glass Ceiling’), obtaining 89 seats, a tenfold increase compared to 2017. The article analyses the causes of this breakthrough by concentrating predominantly on the ‘external supply-side’ conditions created by the RN under Marine Le Pen’s leadership during the Macron presidency and in the 2022 election campaigns. It also focuses on Le Pen’s responses to the significant internal challenges faced within the party and subsequently from Far-Right contender Eric Zemmour during the campaign. The article concludes that the ‘supply-side’ responses emanating from Le Pen and the RN are crucial to a holistic understanding of the party’s ability to crack the ‘plafond de verre’ at the 2022 Parliamentary elections.
在2022年法国总统选举中，2017年的马琳·勒庞和埃马纽埃尔·马克龙在第二轮进行了激烈的角逐，而激进右翼政党国民大会党(RN)的挑战者未能击败现任总统。在随后的议会选举中，RN取得了重大突破，突破了所谓的“玻璃天花板”(plafond de verre)，获得89个席位，比2017年增加了10倍。这篇文章分析了这一突破的原因，主要集中在马琳·勒庞(Marine Le Pen)领导下的国民阵线在马克龙总统任期和2022年大选期间创造的“外部供给侧”条件。它还关注勒庞对党内面临的重大内部挑战的回应，以及随后在竞选期间来自极右翼竞争者埃里克·泽穆尔的挑战。文章的结论是，勒庞和新国民党的“供给侧”回应对于全面理解该党在2022年议会选举中突破“政治纲领”的能力至关重要。
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/09639489.2022.2134327
Emile Chabal, Michael C. Behrent
ABSTRACT France’s 2022 electoral cycle suggests that the basic contours of French politics are in flux. This is largely because the traditional left-right spectrum proved increasingly incapable of structuring France’s political supply through the 1990s and 2000s. The result has been a reconfiguration of the political spectrum along a new quadripolar axis, in which political actors and voters position themselves along two spectrums: neoliberal-anti-neoliberal and globalist-nationalist. This quadripolar system has changed the way French parties operate and the way political actors present themselves. It has also given rise to—and reinforced—emerging patterns of electoral sociology and geography, which became particularly evident after the 2022 legislative elections.
{"title":"Between neo-liberalism and the nation: France’s political landscape in 2022","authors":"Emile Chabal, Michael C. Behrent","doi":"10.1080/09639489.2022.2134327","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2022.2134327","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT France’s 2022 electoral cycle suggests that the basic contours of French politics are in flux. This is largely because the traditional left-right spectrum proved increasingly incapable of structuring France’s political supply through the 1990s and 2000s. The result has been a reconfiguration of the political spectrum along a new quadripolar axis, in which political actors and voters position themselves along two spectrums: neoliberal-anti-neoliberal and globalist-nationalist. This quadripolar system has changed the way French parties operate and the way political actors present themselves. It has also given rise to—and reinforced—emerging patterns of electoral sociology and geography, which became particularly evident after the 2022 legislative elections.","PeriodicalId":44362,"journal":{"name":"Modern & Contemporary France","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45425828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/09639489.2022.2134328
N. Mayer
ABSTRACT According to a large body of research, women are less likely than men to vote for radical right parties, a phenomenon termed the ‘Radical Right Gender Gap’ (RRGG). However, recent studies show that the gap varies widely depending on the country considered, the nature of the election, the strategy, and the reputation of the radical right. To study the relationship between gender and radical right populism the French RN (ex FN) chaired since 2011 by a woman, Marine Le Pen, is a good case. In the 2012 and 2017 presidential elections she managed to close the RRGG, attracting as many female and male voters. In the 2022 presidential election, she was challenged on her right by a newcomer, Eric Zemmour, founder of the party Reconquête! (Reconquest!), openly claiming his masculinity. While both clearly belong to the ‘populist radical right’ (PRR) by their nativist, authoritarian and anti-elites stands, they have completely opposite strategies. Marine Le Pen since 2011 is trying to mainstream the party and soften its image, while Zemmour takes a radical and provocative posture. Drawing from electoral surveys on the last three presidential elections (2012–2022), and controlling by sociodemographic and attitudinal variables, I show that the RRGG disappeared for Marine le Pen but persisted for Zemmour.
根据大量的研究，女性比男性更不可能投票给激进右翼政党，这种现象被称为“激进右翼性别差距”(RRGG)。然而，最近的研究表明，这一差距因所考虑的国家、选举的性质、策略和激进右翼的声誉而有很大差异。为了研究性别与激进右翼民粹主义之间的关系，2011年以来由女性马琳·勒庞(Marine Le Pen)担任主席的法国国民社会党(前国民阵线)就是一个很好的例子。在2012年和2017年的总统选举中，她成功地关闭了RRGG，吸引了尽可能多的女性和男性选民。在2022年的总统选举中，她的右侧受到了新人埃里克·泽穆尔的挑战，他是政党Reconquête!(重新征服!)，公开宣称他的男子气概。虽然从他们的本土主义、威权主义和反精英立场来看，他们显然都属于“民粹主义激进右翼”(PRR)，但他们的战略完全相反。自2011年以来，马琳·勒庞一直试图将该党主流化并软化其形象，而泽穆尔则采取激进和挑衅的姿态。根据对最近三次总统选举(2012-2022)的选举调查，并在社会人口统计学和态度变量的控制下，我表明，马琳·勒庞的RRGG消失了，但泽莫尔的RRGG仍然存在。
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/09639489.2022.2128732
G. Raymond
ABSTRACT As Emmanuel Macron confided to the journalist Cécile Amar, he owed his success to the weakness of the political system, while his anti-system presidential vehicle, La République en Marche, prided itself on being the antithesis of the old party machines, its ranks filled by individuals whose feet were firmly planted in civil society. Yet as his presidency progressed, it became clear that Macron’s agenda for renewal and reform was undermined by an approach to the presidency that in form and substance was more typical of a Fifth republic presidential monarch. This article examines the repeated attempts to open a new dialogue with the French people, notably following the eruption of the Gilets jaunes movement, and the gap between political discourse and political instinct which, on the cusp of a new mandate, left Macron himself as a kind of “président déclassé.”
埃马纽埃尔·马克龙(Emmanuel Macron)向记者csamciile Amar透露，他将自己的成功归功于政治体制的弱点，而他的反体制总统竞选团队La r publiclique en Marche则以自己是旧政党机器的对立面而自豪，其队伍中充满了坚定扎根于公民社会的个人。然而，随着他的总统任期的进展，很明显，马克龙的更新和改革议程被一种形式和实质上更典型的第五共和国总统制君主的总统方式所破坏。本文考察了与法国人民开启新对话的多次尝试，特别是在黄马甲运动爆发之后，以及政治话语与政治本能之间的差距，在新任务的关键时刻，这种差距使马克龙本人成为一种“pracimsidpresident dacimclass”。
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/09639489.2022.2137484
R. Kuhn
ABSTRACT The 2022 electoral cycle was a major disappointment for the French left. It failed to win the presidency and no left-wing candidate even made it through to the second round. While in the parliamentary election the left did manage to win over 150 seats, this total was well below the 289 required to form a majority in the National Assembly. In short, in 2022 the left seemed a long way from gaining office through either of the two main electoral contests in France. A renewed focus on strategy, organization, policies, and leadership was required if the left were to have any realistic hopes of returning to power at the national level in the near future.
{"title":"Wither the French left?","authors":"R. Kuhn","doi":"10.1080/09639489.2022.2137484","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2022.2137484","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The 2022 electoral cycle was a major disappointment for the French left. It failed to win the presidency and no left-wing candidate even made it through to the second round. While in the parliamentary election the left did manage to win over 150 seats, this total was well below the 289 required to form a majority in the National Assembly. In short, in 2022 the left seemed a long way from gaining office through either of the two main electoral contests in France. A renewed focus on strategy, organization, policies, and leadership was required if the left were to have any realistic hopes of returning to power at the national level in the near future.","PeriodicalId":44362,"journal":{"name":"Modern & Contemporary France","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46746303","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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