Focusing on Bavarian policies and analysing the pages of gay and lesbian written-communication networks, this article demonstrates how a memory of the national socialist persecution of homosexualities fed a collective fear of state repression in homosexual circles in the 1980s and 1990s. It argues that comparisons between HIV/AIDS policies and National Socialism not only originated in a German national context, but were also anchored in a transatlantic story, linking queer emancipation movements in Europe and North America. It furthermore underlines how this history of queer political thought goes beyond the textual. In order to make this claim, the article traces a genealogy of the Pink Triangle in the northern transatlantic world. The symbol was originally used to brand non-heteronormative men in concentration camps, but it was recuperated in the 1970s both in Europe and in North America. AIDS activists reinterpreted the symbol for a new political context in the 1980s. All in all, using examples and analysis emanating from queer history, the article shows how the history of social movements needs to be understood in a global perspective. This analysis further proves the role of images and symbols as third idioms for the flow and translation of ideas across the Atlantic.
{"title":"Visual Collective Memories of National Socialism: Transatlantic HIV/AIDS Activism and Discourses of Persecutions","authors":"S. Tremblay","doi":"10.1093/gerhis/ghac045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghac045","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Focusing on Bavarian policies and analysing the pages of gay and lesbian written-communication networks, this article demonstrates how a memory of the national socialist persecution of homosexualities fed a collective fear of state repression in homosexual circles in the 1980s and 1990s. It argues that comparisons between HIV/AIDS policies and National Socialism not only originated in a German national context, but were also anchored in a transatlantic story, linking queer emancipation movements in Europe and North America. It furthermore underlines how this history of queer political thought goes beyond the textual. In order to make this claim, the article traces a genealogy of the Pink Triangle in the northern transatlantic world. The symbol was originally used to brand non-heteronormative men in concentration camps, but it was recuperated in the 1970s both in Europe and in North America. AIDS activists reinterpreted the symbol for a new political context in the 1980s. All in all, using examples and analysis emanating from queer history, the article shows how the history of social movements needs to be understood in a global perspective. This analysis further proves the role of images and symbols as third idioms for the flow and translation of ideas across the Atlantic.","PeriodicalId":44471,"journal":{"name":"German History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45020516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article explores the conceptualization of Jewish emancipation and the republican order of state by activists of the Central Association of German Citizens of the Jewish Faith (Centralverein deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens, CV) in the Weimar years. It argues that activists adopted a liberal conception of constitutional patriotism and involved themselves in a republican nation-building project that went substantially beyond its traditional tasks of defence (Abwehr) and enlightenment (Aufklärung) against antisemitism. This entailed rallying fellow republicans to the defence of the order of state, advocating for the spirit of the constitution and rule of law and actively participating in the development of the republican society. In doing so, the CV rethought what it meant to be ‘German’ and came to understand it in a distinctively republican form, arguing that identification with the constitution and the republican ideals were the truest expression of Germanness. As ‘German’ came to be understood as the free expression of the people’s spirit and will, Jews’ belonging to Germany was seen as the result of a teleological process of the materialization of the ‘German spirit’, manifested in the republic. The article therefore reads the history of the Centralverein during the Weimar Republic not only in regard to its role for the Jewish community but crucially as one of the liberal movements that aimed to develop and defend the German republic.
本文探讨了魏玛时期德国犹太信仰公民中央协会（Centralverein deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens，CV）活动家对犹太解放和共和国家秩序的概念化。它认为，活动人士采用了宪法爱国主义的自由主义概念，并参与了一个共和国建设项目，该项目远远超出了其反对反犹太主义的传统防御任务（Abwehr）和启蒙任务（Aufklärung）。这需要团结共和党同僚捍卫国家秩序，倡导宪法和法治精神，积极参与共和社会的发展。在这样做的过程中，简历重新思考了“德国人”的含义，并以一种独特的共和形式理解了它，认为认同宪法和共和理想是德国人最真实的表达。随着“德国”被理解为人民精神和意志的自由表达，犹太人对德国的归属被视为“德国精神”物化的目的论过程的结果，表现在共和国。因此，这篇文章阅读了魏玛共和国时期中央政府的历史，不仅是关于它对犹太社区的作用，而且至关重要的是，它是旨在发展和保卫德意志共和国的自由主义运动之一。
{"title":"Emancipation and Constitutional Patriotism: The Centralverein and the Weimar Republican Order","authors":"Jan Rybak","doi":"10.1093/gerhis/ghac044","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghac044","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The article explores the conceptualization of Jewish emancipation and the republican order of state by activists of the Central Association of German Citizens of the Jewish Faith (Centralverein deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens, CV) in the Weimar years. It argues that activists adopted a liberal conception of constitutional patriotism and involved themselves in a republican nation-building project that went substantially beyond its traditional tasks of defence (Abwehr) and enlightenment (Aufklärung) against antisemitism. This entailed rallying fellow republicans to the defence of the order of state, advocating for the spirit of the constitution and rule of law and actively participating in the development of the republican society. In doing so, the CV rethought what it meant to be ‘German’ and came to understand it in a distinctively republican form, arguing that identification with the constitution and the republican ideals were the truest expression of Germanness. As ‘German’ came to be understood as the free expression of the people’s spirit and will, Jews’ belonging to Germany was seen as the result of a teleological process of the materialization of the ‘German spirit’, manifested in the republic. The article therefore reads the history of the Centralverein during the Weimar Republic not only in regard to its role for the Jewish community but crucially as one of the liberal movements that aimed to develop and defend the German republic.","PeriodicalId":44471,"journal":{"name":"German History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46977968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Drawing primarily on Frederick II of Prussia’s correspondence, which was filtered through his cabinet secretaries, this article explores how the king used his army in constructing patronage networks that reached beyond the limits of Brandenburg-Prussia. He not only appointed members of German families as officers but also expected them to train with and command their men. Frederick II’s army was certainly a vital means of exercising power, but it also proved a viable tool for integrating and discipling client families within the Holy Roman Empire.
{"title":"German Princes in the Prussian Army: Political Patronage and Family Networks under Frederick II, 1740–1786","authors":"Carmen Winkel","doi":"10.1093/gerhis/ghac042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghac042","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Drawing primarily on Frederick II of Prussia’s correspondence, which was filtered through his cabinet secretaries, this article explores how the king used his army in constructing patronage networks that reached beyond the limits of Brandenburg-Prussia. He not only appointed members of German families as officers but also expected them to train with and command their men. Frederick II’s army was certainly a vital means of exercising power, but it also proved a viable tool for integrating and discipling client families within the Holy Roman Empire.","PeriodicalId":44471,"journal":{"name":"German History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47358382","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
By retracing the fate of stateless people of German origin, mainly former Reich citizens, who suffered persecution as enemy aliens during the First World War and in the 1920s, the article examines the ambiguities of stateless status in terms of enjoyment of civil rights and national inclusion (and exclusion). In particular, the essay highlights how statelessness was a resource for many stateless persons of German origin to protect their property rights in administrative and judicial proceedings in the Entente countries, mainly to free their seized assets. Their story was an example of the multifaceted nature of statelessness in postwar Europe. The article focuses on the issue of the recognition of their status in Western Europe—particularly Belgium, France and the United Kingdom—in order to show the variety of criteria that guided the choices of governments and courts. In several national and imperial contexts, there was a tension between the judicial and executive powers that raised issues of sovereignty and rule of law in postwar democracies. Finally, the essay analyses the relationship between stateless persons of German origin and the Weimar Republic. On many occasions, the German state offered its diplomatic and financial support to enable those former citizens to recover their property. By analysing the diplomatic efforts and the provisions on compensation, the article points out the ambiguity around national and legal belonging to the German nation.
{"title":"The Ambiguities of Being Stateless: Property Rights, Statelessness and Enemy Aliens in the United Kingdom, France, Belgium and Germany, 1914–1930","authors":"Cristiano La Lumia","doi":"10.1093/gerhis/ghac041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghac041","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 By retracing the fate of stateless people of German origin, mainly former Reich citizens, who suffered persecution as enemy aliens during the First World War and in the 1920s, the article examines the ambiguities of stateless status in terms of enjoyment of civil rights and national inclusion (and exclusion). In particular, the essay highlights how statelessness was a resource for many stateless persons of German origin to protect their property rights in administrative and judicial proceedings in the Entente countries, mainly to free their seized assets. Their story was an example of the multifaceted nature of statelessness in postwar Europe. The article focuses on the issue of the recognition of their status in Western Europe—particularly Belgium, France and the United Kingdom—in order to show the variety of criteria that guided the choices of governments and courts. In several national and imperial contexts, there was a tension between the judicial and executive powers that raised issues of sovereignty and rule of law in postwar democracies. Finally, the essay analyses the relationship between stateless persons of German origin and the Weimar Republic. On many occasions, the German state offered its diplomatic and financial support to enable those former citizens to recover their property. By analysing the diplomatic efforts and the provisions on compensation, the article points out the ambiguity around national and legal belonging to the German nation.","PeriodicalId":44471,"journal":{"name":"German History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47107861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Allies and Rivals: German-American Exchange and the Rise of the Modern Research University","authors":"Tomás Irish","doi":"10.1093/gerhis/ghac035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghac035","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44471,"journal":{"name":"German History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44173677","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Virtuous Wehrmacht: Crafting the Myth of the German Soldier on the Eastern Front, 1941–1944","authors":"Edward B. Westermann","doi":"10.1093/gerhis/ghac034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghac034","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44471,"journal":{"name":"German History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44057969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article brings together sensory history and research on multiconfessionalism in early modern Germany. It argues that research has not yet paid sufficient attention to the fact that many of the towns in the Holy Roman Empire were not monoconfessional but instead highly diverse, home to a range of religious groups, which influenced the respective town’s sensescape. For a fuller understanding of multiconfessional settings, we can adopt the senses as an analytical category. Focusing on shared churches (Simultankirchen) in the Holy Roman Empire, the article shows that what parishioners heard, saw and smelled in these settings was influenced by the presence of multiple confessions. And confessional coexistence influenced sensory stimuli not only inside the ecclesial space, but also across the town as a whole. The senses are, the article argues, key to our understanding of the experience of multiconfessionalism.
{"title":"Sensing Multiconfessionality in Early Modern Germany","authors":"Martin Christ","doi":"10.1093/gerhis/ghac037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghac037","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article brings together sensory history and research on multiconfessionalism in early modern Germany. It argues that research has not yet paid sufficient attention to the fact that many of the towns in the Holy Roman Empire were not monoconfessional but instead highly diverse, home to a range of religious groups, which influenced the respective town’s sensescape. For a fuller understanding of multiconfessional settings, we can adopt the senses as an analytical category. Focusing on shared churches (Simultankirchen) in the Holy Roman Empire, the article shows that what parishioners heard, saw and smelled in these settings was influenced by the presence of multiple confessions. And confessional coexistence influenced sensory stimuli not only inside the ecclesial space, but also across the town as a whole. The senses are, the article argues, key to our understanding of the experience of multiconfessionalism.","PeriodicalId":44471,"journal":{"name":"German History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43152305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The names of Berlin’s streets have attracted scrutiny throughout the twentieth century. When regimes collapsed and their pantheons of heroes fell into disrepute, some city streets named after individuals had to be changed: streets honouring republican luminaries no longer seemed appropriate during the Third Reich; militaristic street names seemed out of touch in Communist East Berlin; and reunited Berlin seemed the wrong place to honour the architects of the German Democratic Republic. Cultural geographers have spearheaded much of the research on renaming in twentieth-century Berlin, but their work has focused on the postwar era, when name changes were decreed by high-ranking politicians and bureaucrats. This article examines the byzantine process of street renaming in Nazi Berlin. Rather than realizing any grand plan of approved street names, Nazi-era renamings were shaped by bureaucratic polycracy, jockeying centres of power and ad hoc name changes. Case studies—including the renamings as Ludendorffstraße and Limastraße as well as thwarted renamings as Paula-Christopher-Ufer and Paul-Lincke-Straße—demonstrate the chaotic and unplanned nature of Nazi-era renamings. Ultimately, grassroots activism and individual requests from below determined the Nazi-era history of street renaming far more than any vetted and approved plan from above. This was not a well-orchestrated ‘street-sign revolution’, as happened during the postwar era.
{"title":"Between Grassroots Pressure and Local Polycracy: Street Renaming in Nazi Berlin","authors":"J. McSpadden","doi":"10.1093/gerhis/ghac033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghac033","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The names of Berlin’s streets have attracted scrutiny throughout the twentieth century. When regimes collapsed and their pantheons of heroes fell into disrepute, some city streets named after individuals had to be changed: streets honouring republican luminaries no longer seemed appropriate during the Third Reich; militaristic street names seemed out of touch in Communist East Berlin; and reunited Berlin seemed the wrong place to honour the architects of the German Democratic Republic. Cultural geographers have spearheaded much of the research on renaming in twentieth-century Berlin, but their work has focused on the postwar era, when name changes were decreed by high-ranking politicians and bureaucrats. This article examines the byzantine process of street renaming in Nazi Berlin. Rather than realizing any grand plan of approved street names, Nazi-era renamings were shaped by bureaucratic polycracy, jockeying centres of power and ad hoc name changes. Case studies—including the renamings as Ludendorffstraße and Limastraße as well as thwarted renamings as Paula-Christopher-Ufer and Paul-Lincke-Straße—demonstrate the chaotic and unplanned nature of Nazi-era renamings. Ultimately, grassroots activism and individual requests from below determined the Nazi-era history of street renaming far more than any vetted and approved plan from above. This was not a well-orchestrated ‘street-sign revolution’, as happened during the postwar era.","PeriodicalId":44471,"journal":{"name":"German History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46754806","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyses the construction of the East German holiday experience in the 1960s and 1970s, when tourism became a mass phenomenon on both sides of the Iron Curtain. First, it discusses the role played by the West in shaping the expectations of GDR tourists. Mallorca was the ultimate, but not sole, destination, that influenced how East Germans imagined tourism abroad. Secondly, the article tackles how expectations compared with actual experiences. State surveillance, scarcity and lack of means were common challenges that East Germans had to face and clashed with the glittering image of tourism with which they were inundated from West Germany. The Bulgarian Black Sea emerged as a substitute for that Western tourism as other possibilities, such as socialist Cuba or Yugoslavia, were limited. Touring in Bulgaria became a long-lasting experience. The article approaches the multiple meanings of this type of vacation abroad. Political, experiential and personal implications shaped East Germans’ holidays and entangled experiences and expectations, and the article provides a broad understanding of the meanings of vacation and tourism for citizens of East Germany.
{"title":"‘The Black Sea Is Our Mallorca’: The Making of the Tourist Experience in the German Democratic Republic","authors":"José Luis Aguilar López-Barajas","doi":"10.1093/gerhis/ghac032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghac032","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article analyses the construction of the East German holiday experience in the 1960s and 1970s, when tourism became a mass phenomenon on both sides of the Iron Curtain. First, it discusses the role played by the West in shaping the expectations of GDR tourists. Mallorca was the ultimate, but not sole, destination, that influenced how East Germans imagined tourism abroad. Secondly, the article tackles how expectations compared with actual experiences. State surveillance, scarcity and lack of means were common challenges that East Germans had to face and clashed with the glittering image of tourism with which they were inundated from West Germany. The Bulgarian Black Sea emerged as a substitute for that Western tourism as other possibilities, such as socialist Cuba or Yugoslavia, were limited. Touring in Bulgaria became a long-lasting experience. The article approaches the multiple meanings of this type of vacation abroad. Political, experiential and personal implications shaped East Germans’ holidays and entangled experiences and expectations, and the article provides a broad understanding of the meanings of vacation and tourism for citizens of East Germany.","PeriodicalId":44471,"journal":{"name":"German History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42984240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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