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Arbeiten in Hitlers Europa. Die Organisation Todt in Frankreich und Italien 1940–1945 在希特勒的欧洲工作。1940–1945年在法国和意大利的Todt组织
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-15 DOI: 10.1093/gerhis/ghac063
C. Dick
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引用次数: 0
The Kaiser and the Colonies: Monarchy in the Age of Empire. 《皇帝与殖民地:帝国时代的君主政体》。
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-15 DOI: 10.1093/gerhis/ghac048
Frank Lorenz Müller
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引用次数: 0
Treibstoff der Systeme. Kohle, Erdöl und Atomkraft im geteilten Deutschland 燃油系统。分裂的德国的煤炭、石油和核能
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-03 DOI: 10.1093/gerhis/ghac066
Sascha Brünig
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引用次数: 0
Making Terrorism Thinkable: The Philosophy of the Act and Its Reception in German Thought, 1794–1845 使恐怖主义成为可思考的:行为哲学及其在德国思想中的接受,1794-1845
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-15 DOI: 10.1093/gerhis/ghac053
K. Ries
This article challenges the widespread assumption that terrorist ideology was invented in the mid-nineteenth century by figures such as Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Mikhail Bakunin. Instead, the article argues, the foundations of terrorism were laid at the end of the eighteenth century by the Enlightenment philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte and his disciples, who in turn exerted a strong influence on later radical thinkers. In showing how the intellectual reverberations of the French Revolution gave rise to anarchist ideology as well as actual acts of terrorism in Germany, the article traces the link between the state terror of the French Revolution and the emergence of insurgent terrorism.
这篇文章挑战了一种普遍的假设,即恐怖主义意识形态是由皮埃尔-约瑟夫·蒲鲁东和米哈伊尔·巴枯宁等人物在19世纪中期发明的。相反,这篇文章认为,恐怖主义的基础是在18世纪末由启蒙运动哲学家约翰·戈特利布·费希特(Johann Gottlieb Fichte)和他的门徒奠定的,他们反过来对后来的激进思想家产生了强烈影响。在展示法国大革命的思想回响如何在德国引发无政府主义意识形态以及实际的恐怖主义行为时,文章追溯了法国大革命的国家恐怖与叛乱恐怖主义的出现之间的联系。
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引用次数: 0
Clare Morton (1972–2022) 克莱尔·莫顿(1972–2022)
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-15 DOI: 10.1093/gerhis/ghac043
J. Whaley
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引用次数: 0
Visual Collective Memories of National Socialism: Transatlantic HIV/AIDS Activism and Discourses of Persecutions 国家社会主义的视觉集体记忆:跨大西洋的艾滋病活动家和迫害话语
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-09 DOI: 10.1093/gerhis/ghac045
S. Tremblay
Focusing on Bavarian policies and analysing the pages of gay and lesbian written-communication networks, this article demonstrates how a memory of the national socialist persecution of homosexualities fed a collective fear of state repression in homosexual circles in the 1980s and 1990s. It argues that comparisons between HIV/AIDS policies and National Socialism not only originated in a German national context, but were also anchored in a transatlantic story, linking queer emancipation movements in Europe and North America. It furthermore underlines how this history of queer political thought goes beyond the textual. In order to make this claim, the article traces a genealogy of the Pink Triangle in the northern transatlantic world. The symbol was originally used to brand non-heteronormative men in concentration camps, but it was recuperated in the 1970s both in Europe and in North America. AIDS activists reinterpreted the symbol for a new political context in the 1980s. All in all, using examples and analysis emanating from queer history, the article shows how the history of social movements needs to be understood in a global perspective. This analysis further proves the role of images and symbols as third idioms for the flow and translation of ideas across the Atlantic.
本文聚焦于巴伐利亚的政策,并分析了男女同性恋书面交流网络的页面,展示了在20世纪80年代和90年代,国家社会主义迫害同性恋的记忆如何助长了同性恋群体对国家镇压的集体恐惧。它认为,将艾滋病政策与国家社会主义进行比较,不仅源于德国的国家背景,而且植根于一个跨大西洋的故事,将欧洲和北美的酷儿解放运动联系起来。它进一步强调了酷儿政治思想的历史是如何超越文本的。为了证明这一点,这篇文章追溯了北大西洋世界的粉红三角的家谱。这个标志最初是用来标记集中营里的非异性恋男性,但在20世纪70年代在欧洲和北美重新使用。艾滋病活动人士在20世纪80年代根据新的政治背景重新诠释了这一符号。总而言之,通过对酷儿历史的实例和分析,这篇文章展示了社会运动的历史需要从全球的角度来理解。这一分析进一步证明了形象和符号作为第三种习语在跨大西洋思想流动和翻译中的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Emancipation and Constitutional Patriotism: The Centralverein and the Weimar Republican Order 解放与宪政爱国主义:中央与魏玛共和秩序
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.1093/gerhis/ghac044
Jan Rybak
The article explores the conceptualization of Jewish emancipation and the republican order of state by activists of the Central Association of German Citizens of the Jewish Faith (Centralverein deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens, CV) in the Weimar years. It argues that activists adopted a liberal conception of constitutional patriotism and involved themselves in a republican nation-building project that went substantially beyond its traditional tasks of defence (Abwehr) and enlightenment (Aufklärung) against antisemitism. This entailed rallying fellow republicans to the defence of the order of state, advocating for the spirit of the constitution and rule of law and actively participating in the development of the republican society. In doing so, the CV rethought what it meant to be ‘German’ and came to understand it in a distinctively republican form, arguing that identification with the constitution and the republican ideals were the truest expression of Germanness. As ‘German’ came to be understood as the free expression of the people’s spirit and will, Jews’ belonging to Germany was seen as the result of a teleological process of the materialization of the ‘German spirit’, manifested in the republic. The article therefore reads the history of the Centralverein during the Weimar Republic not only in regard to its role for the Jewish community but crucially as one of the liberal movements that aimed to develop and defend the German republic.
本文探讨了魏玛时期德国犹太信仰公民中央协会(Centralverein deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens,CV)活动家对犹太解放和共和国家秩序的概念化。它认为,活动人士采用了宪法爱国主义的自由主义概念,并参与了一个共和国建设项目,该项目远远超出了其反对反犹太主义的传统防御任务(Abwehr)和启蒙任务(Aufklärung)。这需要团结共和党同僚捍卫国家秩序,倡导宪法和法治精神,积极参与共和社会的发展。在这样做的过程中,简历重新思考了“德国人”的含义,并以一种独特的共和形式理解了它,认为认同宪法和共和理想是德国人最真实的表达。随着“德国”被理解为人民精神和意志的自由表达,犹太人对德国的归属被视为“德国精神”物化的目的论过程的结果,表现在共和国。因此,这篇文章阅读了魏玛共和国时期中央政府的历史,不仅是关于它对犹太社区的作用,而且至关重要的是,它是旨在发展和保卫德意志共和国的自由主义运动之一。
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引用次数: 0
German Princes in the Prussian Army: Political Patronage and Family Networks under Frederick II, 1740–1786 普鲁士军队中的德意志王子:腓特烈二世统治下的政治庇护和家族网络,1740–1786
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-26 DOI: 10.1093/gerhis/ghac042
Carmen Winkel
Drawing primarily on Frederick II of Prussia’s correspondence, which was filtered through his cabinet secretaries, this article explores how the king used his army in constructing patronage networks that reached beyond the limits of Brandenburg-Prussia. He not only appointed members of German families as officers but also expected them to train with and command their men. Frederick II’s army was certainly a vital means of exercising power, but it also proved a viable tool for integrating and discipling client families within the Holy Roman Empire.
本文主要借鉴了腓特烈二世的信件,这些信件是通过他的内阁秘书过滤出来的,探讨了国王如何利用他的军队建立超越勃兰登堡-普鲁士限制的赞助网络。他不仅任命德国家庭成员为军官,还希望他们与士兵一起训练和指挥。腓特烈二世的军队无疑是行使权力的重要手段,但事实证明,它也是神圣罗马帝国内部整合和约束客户家庭的可行工具。
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引用次数: 0
The Ambiguities of Being Stateless: Property Rights, Statelessness and Enemy Aliens in the United Kingdom, France, Belgium and Germany, 1914–1930 无国籍的模糊性:1914-1930年英国、法国、比利时和德国的财产权、无国籍状态和敌对外国人
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-06 DOI: 10.1093/gerhis/ghac041
Cristiano La Lumia
By retracing the fate of stateless people of German origin, mainly former Reich citizens, who suffered persecution as enemy aliens during the First World War and in the 1920s, the article examines the ambiguities of stateless status in terms of enjoyment of civil rights and national inclusion (and exclusion). In particular, the essay highlights how statelessness was a resource for many stateless persons of German origin to protect their property rights in administrative and judicial proceedings in the Entente countries, mainly to free their seized assets. Their story was an example of the multifaceted nature of statelessness in postwar Europe. The article focuses on the issue of the recognition of their status in Western Europe—particularly Belgium, France and the United Kingdom—in order to show the variety of criteria that guided the choices of governments and courts. In several national and imperial contexts, there was a tension between the judicial and executive powers that raised issues of sovereignty and rule of law in postwar democracies. Finally, the essay analyses the relationship between stateless persons of German origin and the Weimar Republic. On many occasions, the German state offered its diplomatic and financial support to enable those former citizens to recover their property. By analysing the diplomatic efforts and the provisions on compensation, the article points out the ambiguity around national and legal belonging to the German nation.
本文通过追溯德国血统的无国籍人的命运,主要是前帝国公民,他们在第一次世界大战期间和20世纪20年代作为敌国遭受迫害,考察了无国籍身份在享受公民权利和民族包容(和排斥)方面的模糊性。文章特别强调,无国籍状态是许多德国裔无国籍人在协约国的行政和司法程序中保护其财产权的一种资源,主要是为了释放他们被扣押的资产。他们的故事是战后欧洲无国籍状态多方面性质的一个例子。这篇文章的重点是承认他们在西欧,特别是比利时、法国和英国的地位,以展示指导政府和法院选择的各种标准。在几个国家和帝国的背景下,司法和行政权力之间存在紧张关系,这引发了战后民主国家的主权和法治问题。最后,本文分析了德国无国籍人与魏玛共和国的关系。在许多场合,德国政府提供了外交和财政支持,使这些前公民能够收回他们的财产。文章通过对外交努力和赔偿条款的分析,指出了德意志民族在国家和法律上的模糊性。
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引用次数: 0
Allies and Rivals: German-American Exchange and the Rise of the Modern Research University 盟友与对手:德美交流与现代研究型大学的兴起
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-17 DOI: 10.1093/gerhis/ghac035
Tomás Irish
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引用次数: 4
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German History
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