{"title":"Assessment of the Determinants of Adoption of Certified Rice Seed in Zambézia Province, Mozambique","authors":"Ivane Sarmento Maunze","doi":"10.21212/iasr.27.2.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21212/iasr.27.2.4","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44499,"journal":{"name":"International Area Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75096413","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A Study on the Gap in Employment and Earned Income Between Regions in Korea","authors":"K. Kim","doi":"10.21212/iasr.27.2.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21212/iasr.27.2.1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44499,"journal":{"name":"International Area Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73710906","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"An analysis of the change factors of Korea’s exports to Latin America","authors":"Youngseok Kim","doi":"10.21212/iasr.27.2.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21212/iasr.27.2.3","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44499,"journal":{"name":"International Area Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90795261","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"How Overvalued Is the Dutch Housing Market: A Present-Value Approach","authors":"Jan R. Kim","doi":"10.21212/iasr.27.2.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21212/iasr.27.2.2","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44499,"journal":{"name":"International Area Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72903617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Economic Effect of Inward FDI under a Production Function and Its Dynamics","authors":"H. Yim","doi":"10.21212/iasr.27.2.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21212/iasr.27.2.6","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44499,"journal":{"name":"International Area Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89977226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"China-Hong Kong Relations Between Integration and Confrontation: Analysis and Implications Based on Neo-Functionalism","authors":"Yoon 10.21212/IASR.27.2.8","doi":"10.21212/iasr.27.2.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21212/iasr.27.2.8","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44499,"journal":{"name":"International Area Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76224598","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-18DOI: 10.1177/22338659231178698
M. Safdar, F. Yousaf, A. Ahmed, M. Akbar, Muhammad Asif
Pakistan ranks lowest in women's vote-casting turnout on the global gender gap index in South Asia. Political participation of women is consistently low and there is a quite obvious gender gap in voting throughout Pakistan's constituencies. One of the most important reasons behind this gap in voter turnout is the informal bans on women to cast their votes. This qualitative study unpacks the interplay of caste, patriarchy, and normative stances of Pakistani society to understand bans on women's vote-casting rights. The researchers argue that caste pride intersects gender and class in a dominantly patriarchal socio-political environment and prevents women to cast their votes. In the light of findings, the study also suggests a few constructive measures for authorities to sort out this burning issue in Punjab.
{"title":"Bans on women's voting: An intersection of caste, gender, and class in Punjab, Pakistan","authors":"M. Safdar, F. Yousaf, A. Ahmed, M. Akbar, Muhammad Asif","doi":"10.1177/22338659231178698","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/22338659231178698","url":null,"abstract":"Pakistan ranks lowest in women's vote-casting turnout on the global gender gap index in South Asia. Political participation of women is consistently low and there is a quite obvious gender gap in voting throughout Pakistan's constituencies. One of the most important reasons behind this gap in voter turnout is the informal bans on women to cast their votes. This qualitative study unpacks the interplay of caste, patriarchy, and normative stances of Pakistani society to understand bans on women's vote-casting rights. The researchers argue that caste pride intersects gender and class in a dominantly patriarchal socio-political environment and prevents women to cast their votes. In the light of findings, the study also suggests a few constructive measures for authorities to sort out this burning issue in Punjab.","PeriodicalId":44499,"journal":{"name":"International Area Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81421423","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-12DOI: 10.1177/22338659231180059
L. Cerioli
This article argues that the well-discussed international behaviour change in Saudi Arabia, rather than being a consequence of the so-called Arab Spring, resulted from a grand strategy reassessment in the early 2000s. Grand strategy concerns how states assess the geostrategic environment, plan resource allocation and prioritize policy to meet national interests. Since the 1970s, Riyadh judged its geopolitical vulnerabilities concerning Iran and Iraq realistically, supporting the least threatening actor from the two and relying on the United States to protect the status quo. However, the 2003 Iraqi invasion forced strategy reevaluation, as it removed Baghdad from the power competition, empowering Tehran, Washington and Riyadh. In this new scenario, Saudi Arabia eventually decides on regional leadership as its priority interest, promoting, thus, partial autonomy from Washington and competition with Tehran. By employing Neoclassical Realism, this article argues that the reevaluation was gradual and in continuity with the monarchical logic. For that, it explores Saudi power position and shifts within status satisfaction and inter-monarchical preferences. Empirically, the article aims to demystify the image of Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman as something that turned the tables within the leadership, arguing that changes in the country's international relations preceded his rise to power, being linked to King Abdullah. It concludes that, while Saudi Arabian geopolitical goal was clear for outside observers only after 2011, the planning process takes precedence. Theoretically, by providing insight into Saudi Arabia's status-seeking behaviour, its motivations and potential limitations, the article also contributes to discussions about de-Westernizing Realism by incorporating Middle Eastern contextuality.
本文认为，沙特阿拉伯被广泛讨论的国际行为变化，并非所谓的阿拉伯之春的结果，而是21世纪初一次大战略重新评估的结果。大战略涉及各国如何评估地缘战略环境，规划资源分配和优先考虑政策以满足国家利益。自20世纪70年代以来，利雅得现实地判断了其在伊朗和伊拉克问题上的地缘政治脆弱性，支持这两个国家中威胁最小的一方，并依赖美国来维持现状。然而，2003年入侵伊拉克迫使战略重新评估，因为它将巴格达从权力竞争中剔除，赋予德黑兰、华盛顿和利雅得权力。在这种新情况下，沙特阿拉伯最终决定将地区领导地位作为其优先利益，从而推动不受华盛顿影响的部分自治，并与德黑兰竞争。本文运用新古典现实主义理论，论证了这种重新评价是渐进的，是符合君主逻辑的。为此，它探讨了沙特的权力地位以及地位满意度和君主间偏好的变化。根据经验，这篇文章旨在揭开王储穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼(Mohammad bin Salman)在领导层内部扭转局势的形象的神秘面纱，认为在他与阿卜杜拉国王(King Abdullah)有关的阿卜杜拉国王(King Abdullah)上台之前，该国国际关系发生了变化。报告的结论是，尽管沙特阿拉伯的地缘政治目标在2011年之后才对外界观察者清晰可见，但规划过程占据了优先地位。从理论上讲，通过对沙特阿拉伯寻求地位的行为、动机和潜在局限性的洞察，本文也有助于通过结合中东背景来讨论去西方化的现实主义。
{"title":"Saudi Arabian strategy reassessment since 2003: The emergence of a regional leadership via Neoclassical Realist lenses","authors":"L. Cerioli","doi":"10.1177/22338659231180059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/22338659231180059","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that the well-discussed international behaviour change in Saudi Arabia, rather than being a consequence of the so-called Arab Spring, resulted from a grand strategy reassessment in the early 2000s. Grand strategy concerns how states assess the geostrategic environment, plan resource allocation and prioritize policy to meet national interests. Since the 1970s, Riyadh judged its geopolitical vulnerabilities concerning Iran and Iraq realistically, supporting the least threatening actor from the two and relying on the United States to protect the status quo. However, the 2003 Iraqi invasion forced strategy reevaluation, as it removed Baghdad from the power competition, empowering Tehran, Washington and Riyadh. In this new scenario, Saudi Arabia eventually decides on regional leadership as its priority interest, promoting, thus, partial autonomy from Washington and competition with Tehran. By employing Neoclassical Realism, this article argues that the reevaluation was gradual and in continuity with the monarchical logic. For that, it explores Saudi power position and shifts within status satisfaction and inter-monarchical preferences. Empirically, the article aims to demystify the image of Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman as something that turned the tables within the leadership, arguing that changes in the country's international relations preceded his rise to power, being linked to King Abdullah. It concludes that, while Saudi Arabian geopolitical goal was clear for outside observers only after 2011, the planning process takes precedence. Theoretically, by providing insight into Saudi Arabia's status-seeking behaviour, its motivations and potential limitations, the article also contributes to discussions about de-Westernizing Realism by incorporating Middle Eastern contextuality.","PeriodicalId":44499,"journal":{"name":"International Area Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84490101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-07DOI: 10.1177/22338659231175823
M. Alipour
The concept of peace is a source of much debate in the history of international law, and scholars have discussed it from different perspectives. State's consent formed the basis for the legal order prior to the Second World War. However, after the Second World War, peace requirements altered the order by imposing certain obligations upon States. These obligations are essential for universal peace, regardless of states' consent. Among these requirements, the salient sample is the prohibition of waging war, which was criminalized for the first time by the Nuremberg and Tokyo Tribunals. As part of the process of pursuing lasting peace the adoption of the Charter of the United Nations is a hallmark. The Charter outlined a new vision of peace, coupled with retaining the classic definition of peace as the absence of war. There are two characteristics of the Charter's peace; it is manifested in a particular form with a definite connotation. In terms of the form, certain articles of the Charter suggest that the form is the relationship between the members of the United Nations and that the connotation is the implementation of human rights. Charter law pledges States, individually and collectively, to observe human rights both at the domestic and international levels, and this understanding of peace has affected the structure of international law.
{"title":"A Normative and conceptual study of peace after the Second World War in light of the Nuremberg Tribunal and the United Nations","authors":"M. Alipour","doi":"10.1177/22338659231175823","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/22338659231175823","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of peace is a source of much debate in the history of international law, and scholars have discussed it from different perspectives. State's consent formed the basis for the legal order prior to the Second World War. However, after the Second World War, peace requirements altered the order by imposing certain obligations upon States. These obligations are essential for universal peace, regardless of states' consent. Among these requirements, the salient sample is the prohibition of waging war, which was criminalized for the first time by the Nuremberg and Tokyo Tribunals. As part of the process of pursuing lasting peace the adoption of the Charter of the United Nations is a hallmark. The Charter outlined a new vision of peace, coupled with retaining the classic definition of peace as the absence of war. There are two characteristics of the Charter's peace; it is manifested in a particular form with a definite connotation. In terms of the form, certain articles of the Charter suggest that the form is the relationship between the members of the United Nations and that the connotation is the implementation of human rights. Charter law pledges States, individually and collectively, to observe human rights both at the domestic and international levels, and this understanding of peace has affected the structure of international law.","PeriodicalId":44499,"journal":{"name":"International Area Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85761763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-05DOI: 10.1177/22338659231178907
R. Verma
This article seeks to provide answers to questions: why did India and the United States have a trade dispute under Trump and Modi administrations, and why were the two countries unable to resolve the trade dispute under Trump and Modi administrations? The article asserts that the primary reason for the trade dispute/disagreements between the two countries is the domestic economic and political environment and ideological considerations in the Trump and Modi administrations. This has manifested itself in a clash between Trump's ‘America first’ stance with the aim of ‘Making America great again’ and Modi's ‘Make in India’ initiative which envisions creating India as a manufacturing powerhouse and increasing the economic prosperity of Indian citizens. The article highlights each country's concerns and grievances regarding the other side's trade policies and what kind of trade access India wants from the United States and vice-versa.
{"title":"Trump and Modi and the ideological, political and economic underpinnings of the India–United States trade dispute","authors":"R. Verma","doi":"10.1177/22338659231178907","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/22338659231178907","url":null,"abstract":"This article seeks to provide answers to questions: why did India and the United States have a trade dispute under Trump and Modi administrations, and why were the two countries unable to resolve the trade dispute under Trump and Modi administrations? The article asserts that the primary reason for the trade dispute/disagreements between the two countries is the domestic economic and political environment and ideological considerations in the Trump and Modi administrations. This has manifested itself in a clash between Trump's ‘America first’ stance with the aim of ‘Making America great again’ and Modi's ‘Make in India’ initiative which envisions creating India as a manufacturing powerhouse and increasing the economic prosperity of Indian citizens. The article highlights each country's concerns and grievances regarding the other side's trade policies and what kind of trade access India wants from the United States and vice-versa.","PeriodicalId":44499,"journal":{"name":"International Area Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89973701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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