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The Effect of Firm Heterogeneity on Export Performance 企业异质性对出口绩效的影响
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.21212/iasr.26.4.2
G. Bak
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引用次数: 0
The Determinants of the Mode of Foreign Market Entry by the Korean Food Processing Companies in China and the US 韩国食品加工企业在中国和美国市场进入模式的决定因素
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.21212/iasr.26.4.3
J. Hyun
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引用次数: 0
Russia-Ukraine War and China's Response: implications for diplomatic and security on the Korean Peninsula 俄乌战争与中国的应对:对朝鲜半岛外交与安全的影响
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.21212/iasr.26.4.6
Sunjae Kim
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引用次数: 0
Quick immersions and the study of Middle East politics 快速浸入和中东政治研究
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-29 DOI: 10.1177/22338659221135045
Deborah L. Wheeler
This study uses “quick immersions” in Middle East politics to investigate the role that a short, yet immersive fieldwork stay can play in generating social scientific and pedagogic insights. Using three “quick immersions” in Middle East politics, this article argues that although having an extended amount of time in the field is ideal, especially when committed to obtaining “an ethnographic sensibility,” a quick immersion is better than no immersion. A quick immersion is not a substitute for an extended field stay. Its primary advantage is making fieldwork possible when time, finances, logistics, and other contextual, professional, or personal constraints prohibit a longer stay. A quick immersion is an adaptation to the constraints that might lead scholars to forego fieldwork otherwise. This study aims to dispel disparaging notions that short fieldwork trips equate with mere academic tourism, by considering the outcomes of three short immersive fieldwork trips to the Middle East: six months in UAE (2013), two months in Qatar (2013), and one month in Lebanon (2017). Although the immersion in UAE was three times longer than the immersion in Qatar, and six times longer than the immersion in Lebanon, the insights yielded from all three case studies were equally meaningful for understanding Middle East politics in ways not possible without fieldwork.
本研究使用中东政治中的“快速沉浸”来调查短暂而沉浸式的实地考察在产生社会科学和教学见解方面所起的作用。通过对中东政治的三次“快速浸入”,本文认为,尽管在该领域有较长的时间是理想的,特别是在致力于获得“民族志敏感性”的时候,但快速浸入总比没有浸入好。快速的浸入并不能代替长时间的实地停留。它的主要优点是,当时间、财务、物流和其他背景、专业或个人限制不允许长期停留时,可以进行实地考察。快速的沉浸是对约束的一种适应,否则可能导致学者放弃实地工作。本研究旨在消除轻视的观念,即短期实地考察等同于纯粹的学术旅游,通过考虑三个短期沉浸式实地考察中东的结果:六个月在阿联酋(2013年),两个月在卡塔尔(2013年),一个月在黎巴嫩(2017年)。尽管在阿联酋的沉浸式学习时间是卡塔尔的三倍,是黎巴嫩的六倍,但从这三个案例研究中获得的见解对理解中东政治同样有意义,而没有实地考察是不可能做到的。
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引用次数: 0
The Biden Doctrine and China's response 拜登主义与中国的回应
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-17 DOI: 10.1177/22338659221135838
Dongchang Kim
The purpose of this paper is to explain how China is reacting to U.S. foreign policy under President Biden (“The Biden Doctrine”). Using official statements and documents, this paper establishes that “authoritarianism versus democracy” has become the organizing principle of the Biden Doctrine, and that principle is supported by three “pillars”—alliances, multilateralism, and strategic risk reduction. The Biden Doctrine is focused on strengthening alliances and building multilateral partnerships that can provide a competitive edge against China, while also pursuing strategic risk reduction measures to contain competition to non-military areas, even as the United States steps up support for Taiwan. The Biden Doctrine has not been well-received in China, where it is viewed as an attempt at containment, and China has responded with stronger diplomatic rhetoric, increased military activity around Taiwan, strengthened partnerships with U.S. adversaries, and (albeit strained) efforts to maintain good relations with Europe. The paper concludes that the interplay between U.S. and Chinese foreign policies is increasing the risk of a new type of Cold War, especially over geographical flashpoints like Taiwan.
本文的目的是解释中国如何应对拜登总统领导下的美国外交政策(“拜登主义”)。利用官方声明和文件,本文确立了“威权主义对抗民主”已成为拜登主义的组织原则,这一原则得到了联盟、多边主义和战略风险降低三大“支柱”的支持。拜登主义的重点是加强联盟和建立多边伙伴关系,以提供对中国的竞争优势,同时寻求减少战略风险的措施,以遏制对非军事领域的竞争,即使美国加强对台湾的支持。拜登主义在中国并不受欢迎,它被视为一种遏制的企图,中国已经以更强硬的外交言论作为回应,增加了对台湾的军事活动,加强了与美国对手的伙伴关系,并(尽管紧张)努力与欧洲保持良好关系。这篇论文的结论是,美中外交政策之间的相互作用正在增加发生新型冷战的风险,尤其是在像台湾这样的地理热点问题上。
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引用次数: 0
Investigating the moderating impact of crime and corruption on the economic growth of Bangladesh: Fresh insights 调查犯罪和腐败对孟加拉国经济增长的缓和影响:新见解
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.1177/22338659221125696
Zhang Yu, M. U. Quddoos, S. Khan, M. Ahmad, L. Janjua, Muhammad Sajid Amin, Abdul Haseeb
This study investigates the moderating role of the corruption index with the impacts of foreign direct investment (FDI), unemployment, corruption, and crime rate on economic growth in Bangladesh from 1988 to 2019. The Augmented Dicky-Fuller (ADF) and Phillips-Peron (P-P) unit root tests were applied to check the stationary properties of the concerned variables. The auto regressor distribution lags approach is used to test the hypotheses. The results show that the corruption index as a moderator has a significant adverse impact on economic growth along with the other variables crime, and unemployment on economic growth. To put it simply, economic growth increases by decreasing corruption, unemployment, and crime rates. Similarly, FDI and trade openness appears as a catalyst for boosting economic growth, but the interaction variable of the trade and corruption index increases the trade costs that may slow down the economic growth. As among the pioneer attempts, the present study contributes to growing literature on the moderator role of the corruption index along with other determinants of economic growth by identifying the role of FDI inflows, trade, unemployment, and crime rates on economic growth in Bangladesh. These empirical findings are directed toward some critical policy implications that will help the governmental bodies and policymakers to achieve sustainable economic growth along with ensuring better employment opportunities and thereby control the crime and corruption rates in Bangladesh.
本研究探讨了1988年至2019年外国直接投资(FDI)、失业率、腐败和犯罪率对孟加拉国经济增长的影响以及腐败指数的调节作用。采用增广Dicky-Fuller (ADF)和Phillips-Peron (P-P)单位根检验检验相关变量的平稳性。采用自回归分布滞后方法对假设进行检验。结果表明,腐败指数作为调节因子对经济增长有显著的不利影响,犯罪、失业等变量对经济增长也有显著的不利影响。简单地说,经济增长是通过减少腐败、失业和犯罪率来实现的。同样,FDI和贸易开放似乎是促进经济增长的催化剂,但贸易与腐败指数的交互变量增加了贸易成本,可能会减缓经济增长。作为先驱尝试之一,本研究通过确定外国直接投资流入、贸易、失业率和犯罪率对孟加拉国经济增长的作用,有助于越来越多的文献研究腐败指数以及经济增长的其他决定因素的调节作用。这些实证研究结果指向一些关键的政策影响,这将有助于政府机构和政策制定者实现可持续的经济增长,同时确保更好的就业机会,从而控制孟加拉国的犯罪和腐败率。
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引用次数: 0
An Analysis of Japan's Global Supply Chain Policy and the Interdependence of Industrial Production with IPEF Participating Countries, China, and Taiwan: Focusing on the Implications of IPEF 日本全球供应链政策及工业生产与IPEF参与国、中国和台湾的相互依存分析——以IPEF的影响为中心
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-30 DOI: 10.21212/iasr.26.3.1
Wanjoong Kim, Cheol-Joon Kang
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引用次数: 0
Factors of Strengthening Chinese Nationalism during Xi Jinping period
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-30 DOI: 10.21212/iasr.26.3.3
Youngduk Jang
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引用次数: 0
The Implementation of the SDGs in North Korea and the Tasks of the International Community 可持续发展目标在朝鲜的实施与国际社会的任务
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-30 DOI: 10.21212/iasr.26.3.4
Jong-won Lee
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引用次数: 0
Assessing Appropriateness of the Road Infrastructure Stock Using International Comparison 利用国际比较评估道路基础设施存量的适宜性
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-30 DOI: 10.21212/iasr.26.3.2
Donghyung Yook
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引用次数: 0
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International Area Studies Review
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