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"The Effect of Monitoring Activities of Chinese Institutional Investor’s Characteristics on Investee Company’s Investment Activities" 中国机构投资者特征监测活动对被投资公司投资行为的影响
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.21212/iasr.25.4.6
Zijia Li, Kuk-hyun Choe
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引用次数: 0
The Effect of Consumer Animosity toward Japan on Quality Evaluation 消费者对日本的敌意对质量评价的影响
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.21212/iasr.25.4.5
Seong-Sik Bae, Myungsu Chae
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引用次数: 0
"The 'Critical Juncture' of Russia and The Response of The Putin Regime: The Backgrounds and Meanings of 2020 Russian Constitutional Amendments" 俄罗斯的“关键时刻”与普京政权的回应:2020年俄罗斯修宪的背景与意义
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.21212/iasr.25.4.8
Jun Yong Lee, S. Jeh
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引用次数: 0
Dilemma of Roh Tae-woo’s Nordpolitik and Its Implications for ROK Northern Diplomacy 卢泰愚北方政策的困境及其对韩国北方外交的启示
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.21212/iasr.25.4.7
Y. Choo
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引用次数: 0
A Study on the Income Inequality in Europe 欧洲收入不平等问题研究
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.21212/iasr.25.4.2
Bongchan Ha
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引用次数: 0
The effect of social identity on integration of social minorities: The case of North Korean refugees in South Korea 社会认同对社会少数群体融合的影响:以韩国朝鲜难民为例
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-06 DOI: 10.1177/22338659211052268
Seo-Young Cho
This paper investigates the effect of a shared social identity on social behaviors of a marginalized population by focusing on North Korean refugees in South Korea. The findings of a behavioral experiment with North Korean refugees show that the common Korean identity can promote their integration in South Korea, despite considerable differences caused by seven-decade long separation between the two countries. Perceiving ethnic unity shared with South Koreans stimulates North Koreans’ socially desirable behaviors and attitudes such as trust, cooperation, confidence, and life satisfaction in South Korea, as well as their self-confidence about North Korean origin. In addition, the effect of the shared identity is greater for women and better educated persons – the finding that stresses the importance of education and gender-specific policy to accelerate social integration of North Korean refugees.
本文以韩国的朝鲜难民为研究对象,探讨了共同的社会身份对边缘人群社会行为的影响。一项针对朝鲜难民的行为实验的结果表明,尽管两国长达70年的分离造成了相当大的差异,但共同的韩国人身份可以促进他们融入韩国。感受到与韩国人共享的民族团结,激发了朝鲜人在韩国的信任、合作、自信和生活满意度等社会期望行为和态度,以及他们对朝鲜血统的自信。此外,共同身份对妇女和受教育程度较高的人的影响更大,这一发现强调了教育和针对性别的政策对加速朝鲜难民社会融合的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Interstate Rivalries and Expansions in Military Capacity 国家间的竞争和军事能力的扩张
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-23 DOI: 10.1177/22338659211040289
Prashant Hosur Suhas, Shelli Israelsen
This article addresses the scholarly debate on the relationship between interstate rivalry and military capacity. We draw on Tilly's bellicist theory of state formation in early modern Europe and Thies’ modifications to predatory theory, which prioritizes the role of interstate rivalry on state building, to explain variation in military capacity. We unpack the rivalry mechanism into spatial and positional rivalries and test how these two types of rivalry affect military capacity, and how positional rivalries affect military capacity in the long-term. Using time-series cross-sectional data analysis, we find that positional rivalries increase military capacity in the long term. Also, we find that spatial rivalry influences military capacity in the long-term, but its effects are uneven across indicators of military capacity, and it has a smaller effect on military capacity in comparison to positional rivalries. We conclude that not all types of rivalries have a uniform effect on military capacity and that competition over regional dominance, that is, positional rivalries, are the most impactful on military capacity. This study offers a more nuanced test of Tilly's bellicist theory and Thies’ modified predatory theory on state capacity.
本文论述了关于国家间竞争与军事能力之间关系的学术辩论。我们借鉴蒂利关于近代早期欧洲国家形成的好战主义理论,以及蒂耶斯对掠夺性理论的修正来解释军事能力的变化。掠夺性理论将国家间竞争的作用放在国家建设的首位。我们将竞争机制分解为空间竞争和位置竞争,并检验这两种竞争对军事能力的影响,以及位置竞争对军事能力的长期影响。使用时间序列横断面数据分析,我们发现位置竞争在长期内增加了军事能力。空间竞争对军事能力的影响是长期的,但其对军事能力指标的影响是不均衡的,与位置竞争相比,空间竞争对军事能力的影响较小。我们得出的结论是,并非所有类型的竞争对军事能力都有统一的影响,而对地区主导地位的竞争,即位置竞争,对军事能力的影响最大。本研究对Tilly的好战理论和Thies关于国家能力的修正掠夺性理论进行了更细致的检验。
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引用次数: 0
Chosen trauma and saffronization of India 选择印度的创伤和藏红花化
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-13 DOI: 10.1177/22338659211047167
Raja Qaiser Ahmed, Maryum Tamoor, Muhammad Waqas Saleem, Summar Iqbal Babar
The research undertakes the structural transformation of India by the ideology of Hindutva embodied by the contemporary government of the Bhartiya Janata Party. This study is a first of its kind as it attempts to decipher the genesis of this metamorphosis from a psychoanalytical perspective. India has been accredited as a stalwart of democracy and an uploader of an inclusive multicultural and multireligious society. The interplay of Hindu nationalist elements and reinvigoration of past experiences supplemented by historical myths and present ontological insecurities has consequently plagued the secular fabric of India. The study further explicates all the undercurrents and nuances that underscore the ideology of Hindutva, the proselytized culture of victimization and indigenization in society resultantly impacting the society and relations of state in the region.
本研究通过当代印度人民党政府所体现的印度教至上主义意识形态来进行印度的结构转型。这项研究是同类研究中的第一个,因为它试图从精神分析的角度解读这种变形的起源。印度一直被认为是民主的坚定拥护者,也是包容性多元文化和多宗教社会的缔造者。印度教民族主义因素与历史神话和当前本体论不安全感补充的过去经验的复兴相互作用,因此困扰着印度的世俗结构。该研究进一步阐明了强调印度教意识形态的所有潜流和细微差别,以及社会中被传教的受害和本土化文化,从而影响了该地区的社会和国家关系。
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引用次数: 0
An ex-post analysis of trade effects of the ASEAN–Korea Free Trade Area (AKFTA) from Korea’s Perspective 韩国视角下东盟-韩国自由贸易区(AKFTA)贸易效应事后分析
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-30 DOI: 10.1177/22338659211024865
GaSeul Lee, Innwon Park
This paper empirically analyzes the effectiveness of the ASEAN–Korea Free Trade Area (AKFTA) focusing on the ex-post trade creation and diversion effects with controlling related intra-bloc and extra-bloc regional trade agreements (RTAs) and economic characteristics of interconnected economies. The quantitative analysis applies a gravity model regression analysis by specifying standard pooled ordinary least squares and fixed effects regression models. We observe that the AKFTA turned out to be more favorable for Korea in terms of trade balance with ASEAN. We find that the AKFTA is a desirable trade creating RTA strongly driven by intra-bloc export activities between members and does not divert but generates more export to and import from non-members. Thus, we strongly support that the AKFTA facilitates trade between intra-bloc members and their trade with extra-bloc non-members as well. Besides which, we find that the trade creation effects of the AKFTA are industry-specific and sector-specific. For the manufacturing industry, the trade creation effects of the AKFTA are generated by both intra-bloc and extra-bloc import activity but not from extra-bloc export activity. However, for the services industry, all the intra-bloc and extra-bloc export and import activities contribute to the trade creation effects. Interestingly, we find that the trade creation effects of the manufacturing industry are smaller than those of the services industry. Considering restrictive service schedules of specific commitments in the AKFTA agreement on trade-in services compared to trade-in goods provisions, rearranging the trade-in services provisions is necessary to generate more trade gains in the future.
本文对东盟-韩国自由贸易区(AKFTA)的有效性进行了实证分析,重点关注在控制相关的集团内和集团外区域贸易协定(rta)以及相互关联经济体的经济特征的情况下,其事后贸易创造和转移效应。定量分析采用重力模型回归分析,指定标准混合普通最小二乘和固定效应回归模型。我们观察到,韩美自由贸易协定在韩国与东盟的贸易平衡方面对韩国更有利。我们发现,AKFTA是一个理想的贸易创造区域贸易协定,受到成员国之间集团内出口活动的强烈推动,不会转移,而是产生更多的对非成员国的出口和进口。因此,我们强烈支持韩美自由贸易协定为区内成员国之间的贸易以及与非区内成员国之间的贸易提供便利。此外,我们发现,自由贸易协定的贸易创造效应具有行业特异性和部门特异性。对于制造业而言,AKFTA的贸易创造效应是由集团内和集团外进口活动产生的,而不是由集团外出口活动产生的。然而,对于服务业而言,所有集团内和集团外的进出口活动都有助于贸易创造效应。有趣的是,我们发现制造业的贸易创造效应小于服务业。考虑到与货物贸易相比,韩美自由贸易协定中服务贸易具体承诺的限制性服务日程,为了在未来创造更多的贸易收益,有必要重新安排服务贸易条款。
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引用次数: 1
The changing political trends in erstwhile FATA: a study of the last three elections 前联邦直辖部落地区不断变化的政治趋势:对最近三次选举的研究
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-30 DOI: 10.1177/22338659211013652
Raja Qaiser Ahmed, M. Ishaq, M. Shoaib
This study investigates the changing political trends in erstwhile Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan. Analysis of the last three elections (2008, 2013, 2018) shows a substantial change in the region. The tribal structure, local traditions, power arrangement and electoral practices have changed significantly over a decade. The extension of the Political Parties Order to the region and its merger with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa stimulated political activities in the area that increased the political awareness of tribal people. The results of the 2013 and 2018 elections highlight the changes. Electoral activities, women participation and voter turnout increased with every election. Tribal youth joined existing political forums to demand their democratic rights. A significant percentage of the young, educated Pashtuns joined the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement in its demand for improved governance.
本研究调查了巴基斯坦前联邦直辖部落地区的政治趋势变化。对最近三次选举(2008年、2013年、2018年)的分析显示,该地区发生了重大变化。部落结构、地方传统、权力安排和选举实践在过去十年中发生了重大变化。《政党法令》扩大到该地区并与开伯尔-普赫图赫瓦合并,刺激了该地区的政治活动,提高了部落人民的政治意识。2013年和2018年的选举结果凸显了这些变化。每次选举都增加了选举活动、妇女参与和选民投票率。部落青年加入现有的政治论坛,要求他们的民主权利。很大一部分受过教育的年轻普什图人加入了普什图塔哈夫兹运动,要求改善治理。
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引用次数: 1
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