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MIH volume 19 issue 2 Cover and Back matter MIH第19卷第2期封面和封底
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-17 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244322000208
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引用次数: 0
MIH volume 19 issue 2 Cover and Front matter MIH第19卷第2期封面和封面问题
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-17 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244322000191
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引用次数: 0
Hobbes in France, Gallican Histories, and Leviathan's Supreme Pastor 《法国的霍布斯》、《高卢历史》和《利维坦的最高牧师》
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-07 DOI: 10.1017/S1479244322000099
Amy Chandran
Few of the recent treatments exploring Leviathan's dramatic expansion of ecclesiological considerations have delved into the political circumstances that furnished Hobbes's immediate Parisian surroundings, as he penned the work during the 1640s. This paper examines French ecclesial debates that were triggered by the publication of a polemical collection of texts narrating the “rights and liberties of the Gallican church.” Many of the tracts included had been written during the accession crisis of the late sixteenth century, and advocated a sacralized view of kingship in order to exclude papal jurisdictional claims in France. This paper argues that innovations in Leviathan's sacred history mirror tropes employed by Gallican writers, so that Hobbes can be seen as adopting a parallel strategy in establishing Leviathan's Supreme Pastor. This explication suggests that Hobbes composed Leviathan to appropriate, rather than eliminate, claims associated with “spiritual” power for the civil sovereign, as critical to the exercise of sovereignty.
在最近的研究中,很少有关于利维坦对教会思想的戏剧性扩张的论述,深入探讨了霍布斯在1640年代写作时所处的巴黎的政治环境。本文考察了法国教会的辩论,这些辩论是由一本论述“高卢教会的权利和自由”的论战性文集的出版所引发的。其中的许多小册子都是在16世纪后期的登基危机期间写的,主张将王权神圣化,以排除教皇在法国的管辖权要求。本文认为,利维坦神圣历史的创新反映了高卢作家所使用的修辞,因此霍布斯可以被视为在建立利维坦最高牧师时采取了类似的策略。这一解释表明,霍布斯写《利维坦》是为了适当地,而不是消除,与公民主权的“精神”权力相关的主张,作为行使主权的关键。
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引用次数: 0
For a New Social History of the Enlightenment: Authors, Readers, and Commercial Capitalism 启蒙运动的新社会史:作家、读者和商业资本主义
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-31 DOI: 10.1017/S1479244322000087
D. Bell
Despite the voluminous work devoted to the “social history of Enlightenment ideas” since the 1970s, surprisingly little has been done to integrate its findings into general interpretations of this moment in intellectual history. Attempts to understand the Enlightenment as a long-term global phenomenon have made it difficult to situate it within any social context other than that of globalization. This essay makes the case for relating the Enlightenment, as it developed within Europe and European overseas possessions, to the advance of commercial capitalism. Drawing on recent work on the history of capitalism, it argues that a burgeoning market economy vastly expanded the opportunities for ordinary readers to participate in intellectual life, and that this change dramatically influenced the production of intellectual work, not only in its form and genre, but in the causes advanced by writers, whose work increasingly took the form of a great project for collective human self-improvement.
尽管自20世纪70年代以来,有大量的工作致力于“启蒙思想的社会史”,但令人惊讶的是,很少有人将其发现纳入对知识史上这一时刻的一般解释中。试图将启蒙运动理解为一种长期的全球现象,使得很难将其置于全球化之外的任何社会背景下。本文将启蒙运动与商业资本主义的发展联系起来,因为启蒙运动在欧洲和欧洲海外发展。根据最近关于资本主义历史的研究,它认为,新兴的市场经济极大地扩大了普通读者参与智力生活的机会,这种变化极大地影响了智力作品的生产,不仅在形式和类型上,而且在作家推动的事业上,他们的工作越来越多地以人类集体自强的伟大项目的形式出现。
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引用次数: 0
Sex, Sovereignty, and the Biological in the Interwar Arab East 两次世界大战之间阿拉伯东方的性别、主权和生物学
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-30 DOI: 10.1017/S1479244322000075
Susanna Ferguson
This article frames the history of anticolonialism in the Arab world as a history of gender, sex, and power. By thinking with early twentieth-century Arab intellectuals, it revises the assumption that the heterosexual body enters into politics primarily as a site of regulation and control. Europeans justified colonialism in the Arab East by arguing that Arabs were like children who needed tutelage before self-rule. Arab writers contested these temporal assumptions through their own theories of human development. Some figured childrearing as a form of temporal engineering through which Arab women would control human and civilizational growth. Others, like cosmopolitan Arab nationalist Fuʾad Sarruf, advocated an anticolonial nationalism that tied the temporality of rupture and event to the sexual development of the male body. These responses by Arab intellectuals to assumptions of colonial belatedness show how the biological body entered anticolonial politics as an active agent of political transformation.
本文将阿拉伯世界反殖民主义的历史概括为性别、性和权力的历史。通过与20世纪早期阿拉伯知识分子的思考,它修正了异性恋身体进入政治主要是作为监管和控制场所的假设。欧洲人辩解说,阿拉伯人就像孩子一样,在自治之前需要监护。阿拉伯作家通过他们自己的人类发展理论对这些时间假设提出质疑。有些人认为养育孩子是一种时间工程,通过这种工程,阿拉伯妇女将控制人类和文明的发展。另一些人,如世界主义的阿拉伯民族主义者Fu - ad Sarruf,提倡一种反殖民主义的民族主义,将断裂和事件的短暂性与男性身体的性发展联系起来。阿拉伯知识分子对殖民迟来假设的这些反应表明,生物机体如何作为政治转型的积极推动者进入反殖民政治。
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引用次数: 0
From Christian Transcendence to the Maoist Sublime: Liu Xiaofeng, the Chinese Straussians, and the Conservative Revolt against Modernity 从基督教的超越到毛主义的崇高——刘晓峰、中国斯特劳斯人与保守派的现代性反抗
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-22 DOI: 10.1017/S1479244322000063
H. Tu
Liu Xiaofeng (1956–) is best known today as the founder of the “Chinese Straussian School,” a conservative intellectual movement that advocated a quasi-theological form of political leadership in contemporary China. Little attention has been paid, however, to the intertwined relationship between Liu's political authoritarianism and his meditation on religion. This article traces Liu's lifelong search for a “religious consciousness” from his youthful yearnings for Christian redemption in the 1980s “New Enlightenment,” to the utter profanation of the sacred in his recent espousal of the Mao cult. I suggest that Liu's conservative turn should not obscure the profound and troubling continuity between his earlier search for an “otherworldly” religious ethics and his later obsession with “this-worldly” political theology. By exploring the entanglement between revolution and religion throughout Liu's zigzagging journey, this article considers Liu's transition as part and parcel of a generational endeavor to come to terms with the “politico-theological” legacies of Mao's revolution.
刘晓峰(1956 -)今天最为人所知的身份是“中国施特劳斯学派”的创始人,这是一个保守的知识分子运动,主张在当代中国实行一种准神学形式的政治领导。然而,很少有人注意到刘的政治威权主义和他对宗教的思考之间交织在一起的关系。这篇文章追溯了刘一生对“宗教意识”的追寻,从他年轻时在20世纪80年代的“新启蒙运动”中对基督教救赎的渴望,到他最近对毛崇拜的完全亵渎。我认为,刘的保守转向不应该掩盖他早期对“超凡脱俗”的宗教伦理的探索和后来对“现世”政治神学的痴迷之间深刻而令人不安的连续性。通过探索革命与宗教之间的纠缠,这篇文章认为刘的转变是一代人努力与毛革命的“政治-神学”遗产达成协议的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
Unravelling the Myth of Gandhian Non-violence: Why Did Gandhi Connect His Principle of Satyāgraha with the “Hindu” Notion of Ahiṃsā? 揭开甘地非暴力的神话:甘地为什么把他的萨提格拉哈原则与阿希的“印度教”观念联系起来ṃsā?
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-14 DOI: 10.1017/S1479244322000014
Eijiro Hazama
Abstract The purpose of this article is to unearth the genealogy of M. K. Gandhi's “non-violence,” the cardinal principle of satyāgraha. Previous works considered that Gandhi's concept of non-violence was essentially derived from the “ancient” Hindu–Jain precept of ahiṃsā (non-killing) common in the subcontinent. On the contrary, I will, by examining Gandhi's primary texts in Gujarati, Hindi, and English, demonstrate the following: (1) during Gandhi's sojourn in South Africa (1893–1914) where he led his first satyāgraha campaign, he never associated the term ahiṃsā with satyāgraha; (2) his satyāgraha campaign was initially explained with the trans-religious and cosmopolitan concepts of Tolstoy and the nirguṇ bhaktas; (3) Gandhi first began to use the term ahiṃsā as a nationalist slogan linked with satyāgraha immediately after his return to India in 1915; (4) the English translation of ahiṃsā as “non-violence” was eventually coined by Gandhi after 1919 during his all-India satyāgraha campaign.
本文的目的是揭示甘地的“非暴力”的谱系,这是satyāgraha的基本原则。以前的著作认为,甘地的非暴力理念本质上源于印度次大陆普遍存在的“古老的”印度教耆那教教义ahiṃsā(不杀戮)。相反,我将通过研究甘地在古吉拉特语、印地语和英语中的主要文本,证明以下内容:(1)甘地在南非逗留期间(1893-1914年),在那里他领导了他的第一次satyāgraha运动,他从未将ahiṃsā与satyāgraha联系起来;(2)他的satyāgraha运动最初是用托尔斯泰的跨宗教和世界主义的概念以及涅古尼的行为来解释的;(3)甘地在1915年回到印度后立即开始使用ahiṃsā这个词作为与satyāgraha联系在一起的民族主义口号;(4) ahiṃsā的英文翻译为“非暴力”,最终由甘地在1919年的全印度satyāgraha运动中创造出来。
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引用次数: 1
Totalitarian Encounters: The Reception of Stalinism and the USSR in Fascist Italy, 1928–1936 极权主义的遭遇:斯大林主义和苏联在法西斯意大利的接受,1928-1936
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-10 DOI: 10.1017/S147924432200004X
J. Dagnino
Few scholars have ventured into the realm of the reception and representations of the USSR among Italian Fascists during the years 1928–36; that is, between Stalin's consolidation of power and the Spanish Civil War. This article contends that far from being absolute antagonists from the very beginnings, many Fascists found aspects of Stalinism and the USSR instructive and impressive. While for some the USSR represented a genuine attempt to revolutionize the social, economic, and cultural structures of everyday life, for others the revolutionary credentials of the Soviets were a sham. It was precisely the complex nature of these interpretations that gave Fascist visions of the USSR their nuance and open-mindedness. Finally, this article argues that the representations that emerged during these pivotal years convinced many Fascists that theirs was the “correct” and “superior” form of interpreting and enacting the totalitarian aspirations embedded in the modern revolutionary tradition.
在1928-1936年间,很少有学者涉足意大利法西斯分子对苏联的接受和代表领域;也就是在斯大林巩固权力和西班牙内战之间。这篇文章认为,许多法西斯分子从一开始就不是绝对的对手,他们发现斯大林主义和苏联的某些方面富有启发性,令人印象深刻。虽然对一些人来说,苏联代表着对日常生活的社会、经济和文化结构进行革命的真正尝试,但对其他人来说,苏维埃的革命证书是假的。正是这些解释的复杂性赋予了法西斯对苏联的细微差别和开放的思想。最后,本文认为,在这些关键时期出现的表述让许多法西斯分子相信,他们的表述是解释和实现现代革命传统中的极权主义愿望的“正确”和“优越”形式。
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引用次数: 0
Eichmann in Plettenberg: Carl Schmitt reads Hannah Arendt 艾希曼在普莱滕贝格:卡尔·施密特阅读汉娜·阿伦特
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-09 DOI: 10.1017/S1479244322000051
Niklas Plaetzer
This article makes use of primary sources to reconstruct Carl Schmitt's engagement with the work of Hannah Arendt. It focuses on Eichmann in Jerusalem (1963): a book that Schmitt called “exciting” and that made him sick “for a couple of weeks.” The article examines marginalia to explore the reasons behind this ambiguous reaction. It situates Schmitt's reading of Arendt in the aftermath of his 1945 defense writings in which he had come close to legitimizing the international criminal prosecution of Nazi officials: a position he feared could backfire against himself in light of the Eichmann trial. Despite points of agreement in their critiques of depoliticized legality, Schmitt's reading of Arendt remained limited by anti-Semitic hatred and his fear of persecution. Driven by a sense of antagonism rather than dialogue, Schmitt's meticulous Arendt collection reveals above all that he turned to her work in search of theoretical weapons of self-defense.
本文利用原始资料重构了施米特对汉娜·阿伦特作品的参与。它聚焦于《耶路撒冷的艾希曼》(1963年):施密特称这本书“令人兴奋”,让他病了“几个星期”。这篇文章探讨了边缘化,以探索这种模糊反应背后的原因。它将施密特对阿伦特的解读置于他1945年的辩护著作之后,在这些著作中,他几乎将对纳粹官员的国际刑事起诉合法化:鉴于艾希曼的审判,他担心这一立场可能会适得其反。尽管他们对非政治化合法性的批评意见一致,但施密特对阿伦特的解读仍然受到反犹太主义仇恨和他对迫害的恐惧的限制。在对抗感而非对话感的驱使下,施密特精心收集的阿伦特作品最重要的是揭示了他转向她的作品是为了寻找自卫的理论武器。
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引用次数: 2
Intellectual History as History of Engagement? The French Scholarship – CORRIGENDUM 思想史是参与史吗?法国奖学金-勘误表
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244321000664
Massimo Asta
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Modern Intellectual History
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