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Structuralist or Lesbian? Claude Lévi-Strauss and Monique Wittig on Rousseau's “Science” 结构主义还是女同性恋?克劳德-列维-斯特劳斯和莫尼克-维蒂希谈卢梭的 "科学"
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-08-27 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244324000192
William M. Burton
In postwar France a proliferation of thinkers sought to move away from the dialectic of negation and synthesis. Two such writers turned to Jean-Jacques Rousseau as the source of a non-dualistic reflection. In 1962, Claude Lévi-Strauss laid claim to him as the “founder of the sciences of man,” and, inspired in part by his contact with Buddhism, he created a non-dualist version of the philosophe as a foil to Sartre. In 1989, Monique Wittig would also take up Rousseau, but in order to challenge Lévi-Strauss's notion of the exchange of women. In her hands, Rousseau also became a non-dualist through whom she could formalize the insights of gay and lesbian community life as a theory of sex abolition: “the science of the oppressed.” With archival materials, close readings, and historical contextualization, this article explores the genesis and interactions of both interpretations and situates them on the broader horizon of postwar thought.
战后的法国,大量思想家试图摆脱否定与综合的辩证法。其中两位作家将让-雅克-卢梭作为非二元论思考的源泉。1962 年,克劳德-列维-斯特劳斯(Claude Lévi-Strauss)称卢梭为 "人类科学的奠基人",在与佛教接触的部分启发下,他创造了一个非二元论版本的哲学家,作为对萨特的衬托。1989 年,莫尼克-维蒂希(Monique Wittig)也开始研究卢梭,不过是为了挑战列维-斯特劳斯的 "妇女交流 "概念。在她的手中,卢梭也成为了一位非二元论者,通过卢梭,她可以将男同性恋和女同性恋社区生活的见解正规化,成为一种废除性的理论:"被压迫者的科学"。本文通过档案材料、细读和历史背景分析,探讨了这两种解释的起源和相互作用,并将它们置于战后思想的更广阔视野中。
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引用次数: 0
From the Hebrew Commonwealth to Party Politics: Rousseau's Legacy and the Nation-State in Nineteenth-Century Political Thought 从希伯来联邦到政党政治:卢梭的遗产与十九世纪政治思想中的民族国家
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-30 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244324000143
Michael Sonenscher
When, why and how did the subjects of individual and national self-determination come to overlap and what were the effects of this overlap when it occurred? Usually in the history of European political thought, the subject of self-determination is associated with the concept of autonomy, while the subject of national self-determination is associated with the concept of the nation-state. The aim of this article is to examine the relationship between these two concepts mainly in the light of an earlier tension between the concepts of the people and of the nation as agents of political authorization and between Roman law and the legacy of Monarchomach thought particularly, but not exclusively, in eighteenth-century France. It is designed to show of how this cluster of tensions was described and discussed first by Rousseau, Kant and Hegel, and then, in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, by such figures as Mill, Tocqueville, Bluntschli, Bosanquet, Hauriou, Schmitt and Strauss. The point of the article is to suggest that the modern, two-sided, relationship between parties and states is more of a continuation of the earlier conceptual relationship between nations and peoples than is usually assumed.
个人自决和民族自决的主题何时、为何以及如何发生重叠?在欧洲政治思想史上,自决的主题通常与自治的概念联系在一起,而民族自决的主题则与民族国家的概念联系在一起。本文的目的主要是根据早先作为政治授权媒介的人民与民族概念之间的紧张关系,以及罗马法与君主制思想遗产之间的紧张关系(特别是但不限于十八世纪的法国),来研究这两个概念之间的关系。文章旨在说明,卢梭、康德和黑格尔,以及十九世纪和二十世纪的密尔、托克维尔、布朗什利、博桑凯、哈里乌、施米特和施特劳斯等人是如何描述和讨论这组紧张关系的。文章的观点是,现代政党与国家之间的双面关系比人们通常认为的更像是早期国家与民族之间概念关系的延续。
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引用次数: 0
From the Body of the King to the Body of the Nation: Sovereignty, Sodomy, and the English Revolution of 1688 从国王的身体到国家的身体:主权、鸡奸与 1688 年英国革命
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-30 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244324000180
Aylon Cohen
This article explores how rumors of monarchical sodomy at the turn of the eighteenth century became entangled with newly emerging conceptions of the nation and nationalized space. After the 1688 Revolution in England, accusations of the king's sodomy increasingly mobilize territorial rather than theological understandings of sodomy's danger, transforming sodomy's terror from a satanic threat to the Christian kingdom to a national threat to the English nation. While historical studies on the territorialization of sovereignty often focus on structural transformations to the state, these accounts rarely attend to transformations in political feeling. This article shows how a novel discourse of national sodomy helped unsettle long-standing attachments to the king as the embodiment of sovereign power. Moreover, this article methodologically innovates the study of state sovereignty by attending to conceptual problems of political attachment through the study of an affectively loaded concept such as sodomy.
本文探讨了十八世纪之交有关君主鸡奸的传言是如何与新出现的国家和民族化空间概念纠缠在一起的。1688 年英国革命后,对国王鸡奸的指控越来越多地调动了对鸡奸危害的领土理解而非神学理解,将鸡奸的恐怖从对基督教王国的撒旦威胁转变为对英国民族的国家威胁。尽管有关主权领土化的历史研究通常关注国家的结构性转变,但这些论述很少关注政治情感的转变。本文展示了一种新颖的民族鸡奸话语是如何帮助打破长期以来将国王视为主权权力化身的观念的。此外,本文通过对鸡奸这样一个带有情感色彩的概念的研究,关注政治依附的概念问题,在方法论上对国家主权的研究进行了创新。
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引用次数: 0
Escaping the Global Event: Pan-Islam and the First World War 逃离全球事件:泛伊斯兰教与第一次世界大战
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-22 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244324000209
Faisal Devji
The First World War is often seen as marking a transition from a world of empires to that of nation-states. As perhaps the inaugural global event, it is understood as making possible the international order we still inhabit. Yet the war also gave rise to powerful movements that sought to oppose and even dismantle this order. Soviet communism provided one such challenge and pan-Islamism another. While Lenin's desire to convert a war between states into one between classes turned into the dream of an alternative international order, the world's largest pan-Islamist movement in India retained its non-statist imagination. Like Gandhi's Noncooperation Movement, of which they were a part, India's pan-Islamists radicalized the language of empire rather than turning to religion for a new internationalist ideal. And they did so by aiming to escape the war as a global event.
第一次世界大战通常被视为从帝国世界向民族国家世界过渡的标志。作为也许是开天辟地的全球性事件,它被理解为促成了我们现在仍然居住的国际秩序。然而,战争也催生了反对甚至瓦解这一秩序的强大运动。苏维埃共产主义和泛伊斯兰主义就是这样的挑战。列宁希望将国家之间的战争转变为阶级之间的战争,并梦想建立另一种国际秩序,而世界上规模最大的印度泛伊斯兰主义运动则保留了其非国家主义的想象力。与甘地的不合作运动(他们也是不合作运动的一部分)一样,印度的泛伊斯兰主义者激进地使用帝国语言,而不是从宗教中寻找新的国际主义理想。他们这样做的目的是将战争作为一个全球性事件加以规避。
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引用次数: 0
Human Labor and Natural Labor in Henry David Thoreau's Works 亨利-戴维-梭罗作品中的人类劳动和自然劳动
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-16 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244324000131
Alec Israeli
This article argues that Thoreau's concept of “labor” presented as a defense of poiesis—any generative, world-altering activity. Thoreau understood Nature's labor as the ultimate creation for humans to imitate. Human labor best approached this ideal in the absence of market-based divisions of labor, particularly when mental and physical labor were united (even undifferentiated beyond their contemporary, reified distinction, a distinction which deeply troubled Thoreau). Thoreau's epistemology undergirds my discussion of his theory of labor. As I argue, his attempts to transcend divisions between subject and object, between ideal and material—divisions pertinent to his intellectual influences and interlocutors—were isomorphic to his attempts to transcend divisions of mental and physical labor, insofar as sensuous knowing itself was laborious. As Thoreau sought to know Nature and bring human labor closer to it, he expressed a consistent, dialectically complex philosophy, in which political economy and aesthetics, science and poetry, ran in parallel.
本文认为,梭罗的 "劳动 "概念是对 "创造"(poiesis)--任何创造性的、改变世界的活动--的辩护。梭罗将大自然的劳动理解为人类模仿的终极创造。在没有基于市场的劳动分工的情况下,尤其是当脑力劳动和体力劳动合二为一(甚至超越了当代的、被重新整合的区分,这种区分深深困扰着梭罗)时,人类劳动最能接近这一理想。梭罗的认识论是我讨论其劳动理论的基础。正如我所论证的,他试图超越主体与客体、理想与物质之间的界限--这些界限与他所受的思想影响和对话者有关--这与他试图超越脑力劳动与体力劳动之间的界限是同构的,因为感性认识本身就是费力的。梭罗试图认识自然,让人类的劳动更接近自然,他表达了一种一贯的、辩证的复杂哲学,其中政治经济学与美学、科学与诗歌并行不悖。
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引用次数: 0
Mediating Spaces: The Scales of Yugoslav Socialist Thought 调解空间:南斯拉夫社会主义思想的尺度
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-16 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244324000167
James M. Robertson
Beginning with its emergence in the 1870s and carrying through to the wars of the 1990s, Yugoslav socialism was animated by various visions of supranational affiliation: from Balkan federalism to communist Slavism to the nonaligned movement and European unification. These projects were examples of what this article terms mediating spaces: strategies of spatial consolidation designed to mediate their constituent nations’ integration into global capitalist modernity. Throughout the long twentieth century intellectuals on the world periphery set out to secure political sovereignty and economic development at a scale between the national and the global. These spatial projects were particularly pronounced in Yugoslavia, where the fragmentation of multiethnic empires made questions of supranational unity especially urgent. Developing the concept of mediating spaces, this article proposes a mode of intellectual history that approaches the global not as the scope of intellectual mobility or the horizon of historical inquiry, but rather as a generative scale of human experience that conditioned the formation of modern radical thought.
从 19 世纪 70 年代崛起开始,一直到 20 世纪 90 年代的战争,南斯拉夫社会主义受到了各种超国家归属愿景的推动:从巴尔干联邦主义到共产主义斯拉夫主义,再到不结盟运动和欧洲统一。这些项目都是本文所说的中介空间的例子:旨在调解其组成国家融入全球资本主义现代性的空间整合战略。在整个漫长的二十世纪,世界边缘地区的知识分子致力于在国家与全球之间确保政治主权和经济发展。这些空间计划在南斯拉夫尤为突出,多民族帝国的分裂使得超国家统一问题变得尤为紧迫。本文发展了中介空间的概念,提出了一种思想史模式,这种模式不是将全球视为思想流动的范围或历史探究的视野,而是将其视为人类经验的生成尺度,它制约着现代激进思想的形成。
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引用次数: 0
Foucault, Post-structuralism, and the Fixed “Openness of History” 福柯、后结构主义与固定的 "历史开放性"
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-16 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244324000088
Anna Krylova
Today, it seems impossible to discuss historians’ encounter with post-structuralist theory, the ensuing triumphant surge of the cultural turn, and the establishment of what scholars have recently called the postcultural historiography without the help of such paramount concepts of post-structuralist analysis as contingency, variability, instability, open-endedness, and so on. Having defined the last forty years of theoretical and methodological developments in history, these nowadays conventional tools of critique and interpretation have grown to become synonymous with the post-structuralist conceptual promise and outcome. This article questions this standard and exceptionally generous account. What if, the article asks, we start our account not with the resolute assertion of the radical contingency and variability of the post-structuralist view of history, but with something more fundamental to it—its own fixed and totalizing presuppositions? To show how an intellectual agenda opposed to fixed and totalizing reasoning can end up operating with fixed and totalizing logics of its own, the essay turns to Michel Foucault and his momentous career, to be traced from the 1960s to the 1980s.
今天,要讨论历史学家与后结构主义理论的相遇、随之而来的文化转向的胜利浪潮,以及学者们最近称之为后文化史学的建立,似乎不可能不借助后结构主义分析的一些重要概念,如或然性、变异性、不稳定性、开放性等等。这些如今已成为传统的批判和解释工具定义了历史学过去四十年的理论和方法论发展,并逐渐成为后结构主义概念承诺和成果的代名词。本文对这一标准且异常慷慨的说法提出质疑。文章问道,如果我们不是从坚决主张后结构主义历史观的激进偶然性和可变性入手,而是从对其更为根本的东西--其自身的固定和全面化的预设--入手,我们的论述会怎样呢?为了说明反对固定化和总体化推理的知识议程如何最终以其自身的固定化和总体化逻辑运作,文章转向米歇尔-福柯及其从 20 世纪 60 年代到 80 年代的重要职业生涯。
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引用次数: 0
Hypercriticism: A Case Study in the Rhetoric of Vice 超级批评:恶俗修辞案例研究
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-16 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244324000155
Herman Paul
This article traces the history of a scholarly vice of little renown: hypercriticism. Focusing on classical philologists and biblical scholars in nineteenth-century Germany, it examines how Hyperkritik developed from a technical philological term into a pejorative label that was widely invoked to discredit the latest trends in classical philology and, especially, biblical scholarship. Methodologically, this broad use of the term challenges historians’ preference for treating scholarly virtues and vices as norms tied to scholars’ research practices. The article therefore develops a rhetorical approach, complementary to the praxeological one, in which scholarly vice terms are interpreted as parts of a repertoire of scholarly “don'ts” on which both specialists and nonspecialists could draw in addressing the perceived ills of scholarly work.
本文追溯了一个名不见经传的学术恶习--超级批评的历史。文章以 19 世纪德国的古典语言学家和圣经学者为研究对象,探讨了 Hyperkritik 如何从一个语言学专业术语发展成为一个贬义标签,被广泛用来诋毁古典语言学,尤其是圣经学术的最新趋势。在方法论上,这一术语的广泛使用挑战了历史学家将学术美德和恶习视为与学者研究实践相关的规范的偏好。因此,文章提出了一种修辞学方法,与实践论方法相辅相成。在这种方法中,学术恶习一词被解释为学术 "忌讳 "的一部分,专家和非专家都可以利用这些 "忌讳 "来解决学术工作中被认为存在的弊端。
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引用次数: 0
Legal Counterrevolution: Property and Judicial Power in the Weimar Republic 法律反革命:魏玛共和国的财产与司法权
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-07 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244324000118
Clara Maier

This article offers a new account of the rise of judicial power in modern Germany. Strong judicial control of the government is often associated with the constitutional ethos that emerged in postwar West Germany as a reaction to Nazi rule. This article locates the origins of German judicialization in the political struggles of the Weimar era. It shows how the assumption of a power to judicial review by Germany's highest court, the Reichsgericht, was the product of the successful cooperation of the judiciary with conservative political parties on the issue of property rights in the young republic. These were at the centre of two controversies examined in the article: the expropriation of princes of former ruling houses and the consequences of the hyperinflation of 1923. In both cases the Reichsgericht used an understanding of property as an inalienable right to radically reinterpret Germany's first democratic constitution, which had in fact granted the legislature extensive power to modify property relations. This suited the judiciary's own objective of assuming stronger controls over legislative action and bolstered the political position of conservative forces in Weimar politics. What emerged was a supra-positive constitutionalism that sought to supersede the written constitution. These political realities were an essential context for theoretical debates on the extent and limits of judicial power between theorists such as Carl Schmitt, Hans Kelsen, Hermann Heller, Franz Neumann, and Ernst Fraenkel. An examination of the complex interaction of parliamentary, judicial, and popular politics concerning the issue of property reveals that German judicial empowerment amounted to an attempt to rewrite the Weimar Constitution and limit the scope of Germany's democratic revolution.

本文对现代德国司法权的崛起进行了新的阐述。司法对政府的强有力控制通常与战后西德出现的宪政精神有关,这种宪政精神是对纳粹统治的反动。本文将德国司法化的起源定位在魏玛时代的政治斗争中。文章展示了德国最高法院--帝国高等法院--行使司法审查权,是司法机构与保守政党在年轻共和国的财产权问题上成功合作的产物。文章中探讨的两个争议的核心就是财产权问题:征用前统治家族的王公财产和 1923 年恶性通货膨胀的后果。在这两个案例中,帝国高等法院将财产理解为不可剥夺的权利,从根本上重新解释了德国的第一部民主宪法,而这部宪法事实上赋予了立法机构修改财产关系的广泛权力。这符合司法机构自身加强对立法行为控制的目标,也巩固了魏玛政治中保守势力的政治地位。由此产生了一种试图取代成文宪法的超积极宪法主义。这些政治现实是卡尔-施米特、汉斯-凯尔森、赫尔曼-海勒、弗朗茨-诺伊曼和恩斯特-弗兰克尔等理论家就司法权的范围和限制进行理论辩论的重要背景。对议会、司法和民众政治在财产问题上的复杂互动进行研究后发现,德国的司法赋权等同于试图改写魏玛宪法并限制德国民主革命的范围。
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引用次数: 0
Utopia in New York: Nicola Chiaromonte and the New York Intellectuals’ “Superstition of Science” 纽约的乌托邦尼古拉-奇阿罗蒙蒂与纽约知识分子的 "科学迷信"
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-07 DOI: 10.1017/s147924432400012x
Amanda Swain
This article reintroduces Italian antifascist intellectual Nicola Chiaromonte to anglophone twentieth-century intellectual history by foregrounding Chiaromonte's transatlantic exchange with the New York intellectuals. Drawing from Chiaromonte's unpublished notes and correspondence, as well as his published writing in English and Italian, it elaborates how what I call Chiaromonte's “negative utopianism” migrated concepts and concerns from the political-philosophical context of 1930s Paris to 1940s New York. Though descriptions of Chiaromonte in New York accentuate his rejection of Marxism within sectarian radical circles, I resituate this tension vis-à-vis the philosophical clash between Chiaromonte's speculative, phenomenological conceptual framework and his US milieu's scientific rationalism and naturalistic pragmatism. Thanks to his influence on Dwight Macdonald's politics magazine, Chiaromonte became a contact point with the ideals animating the antifascist resistance and the theoretical transformations inaugurated by the decentered subject—one whose promotion of relationality and limit as grounds for recentering the transatlantic left had longer echoes.
本文通过强调奇奥罗蒙特与纽约知识分子的跨大西洋交流,将意大利反法西斯知识分子尼古拉-奇奥罗蒙特重新介绍给英语国家的二十世纪思想史。该书从奇奥罗蒙特未发表的笔记和通信以及他用英语和意大利语发表的文章中汲取素材,阐述了我所称的奇奥罗蒙特的 "消极乌托邦主义 "如何将概念和关注点从 20 世纪 30 年代的巴黎政治哲学背景迁移到 20 世纪 40 年代的纽约。尽管对奇奥罗蒙特在纽约的描述强调了他在宗派激进主义圈子里对马克思主义的排斥,但我将这种紧张关系重新定位为奇奥罗蒙特的推测性、现象学概念框架与他在美国的科学理性主义和自然主义实用主义之间的哲学冲突。由于他对德怀特-麦克唐纳(Dwight Macdonald)的《政治》杂志的影响,基亚罗蒙特成为了反法西斯抵抗运动的理想和去中心化主体开创的理论变革的接触点--他所倡导的关系性和局限性作为重新定位跨大西洋左翼的基础,具有更长久的回响。
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引用次数: 0
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Modern Intellectual History
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