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Reconsidering the History of Political Economy 政治经济学史的再思考
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-28 DOI: 10.1017/S147924432200049X
Ian Kumekawa
Political economy, as a field of study, now generally refers to work on the interplay of state actors and the macroeconomy. As practiced by economists, political scientists, and legal scholars, political economy concerns the behavior of central bankers, the impacts of changes in the tax code, world trade negotiations. It has to do with policy. But to historians of economics, the term “political economy” is more likely to call to mind thinkers who engaged in economic reasoning a century or more ago: Adam Smith, Jean-Baptiste Say, Karl Marx. For many historians of economics, “political economy” functions as a shorthand: “economics” avant la lettre. Evoking a time before the formal disciplinization of “economics,” “political economy” suggests a more humanistic perspective, “economics” a more scientistic one. Whereas the term “economics” has been used to refer to an academic discipline, practiced by disinterested intellectuals, the term “political economy,” in both its usages, highlights the close connection between economic ideas and political action.
政治经济学作为一个研究领域,现在一般指的是对国家行为体和宏观经济相互作用的研究。正如经济学家、政治学家和法律学者所实践的那样,政治经济学关注中央银行家的行为、税法变化的影响、世界贸易谈判。这与政策有关。但对经济历史学家来说,“政治经济学”一词更可能让人想起一个世纪或更早以前从事经济推理的思想家:亚当·斯密(Adam Smith)、让-巴蒂斯特·萨伊(Jean-Baptiste Say)、卡尔·马克思(Karl Marx)。对于许多经济历史学家来说,“政治经济学”的功能是一种简写:“经济学”。“政治经济学”唤起了“经济学”正式学科化之前的时代,暗示了一种更人性化的视角,而“经济学”则更科学。尽管“经济学”一词被用来指一门由无私的知识分子实践的学术学科,但“政治经济学”一词的两种用法都强调了经济思想与政治行动之间的密切联系。
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引用次数: 0
Kant on Peace, Honor and the “Point of View” of Princes, 1755–1795 康德论和平、荣誉与王子的“观点”,1755-1795
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-27 DOI: 10.1017/S1479244322000476
Olivier Higgins
By recovering the pre-critical foundations of Immanuel Kant's political idealism, this article elucidates his fundamental concern with reorienting the “point of view” of real princes and sovereigns to the cause of peace. I trace this priority to Kant's reading of Pierre Bayle, whose skepticism illustrated that the true nature of princes rendered Saint-Pierre's ideal of peace “not possible.” Beginning in 1756, Kant reframed perpetual peace as the ultimate political honor for those unmoved by strict moral necessity, promising them a legacy that was entwined with the providential course of human history. This appeal to honor identified the first necessary phase of political change, accounting for ruling motives that might otherwise lead to wars of conquest and expansion. This view of Kant's shrewd attempt to steer the “point of view” of real power, which persisted into his final political writings in the 1790s, challenges dominant readings of a Kantian politics concerned solely with the distant realization of ideal institutions.
本文通过恢复伊曼纽尔·康德政治理想主义的前批判基础,阐明了他对将真正的王子和君主的“观点”重新定位于和平事业的根本关注。我把这种优先权追溯到康德对皮埃尔·贝勒的解读,他的怀疑主义表明,王子的真实本性使圣皮埃尔的和平理想“不可能”。从1756年开始,康德将永久和平重新定义为那些不受严格道德必要性影响的人的终极政治荣誉,并向他们承诺一份与人类历史的天意交织在一起的遗产。这种荣誉诉求确定了政治变革的第一个必要阶段,解释了可能导致征服和扩张战争的统治动机。康德精明地试图引导实权的“观点”,这种观点一直延续到他1790年代的最后一部政治著作中,挑战了对纯粹关注理想制度的遥远实现的康德政治的主流解读。
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引用次数: 0
Constructing Colonial Peoples: W. E. B. Du Bois, the United Nations, and the Politics of Space and Scale 建构殖民地人民:杜波依斯、联合国、空间与规模的政治
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-23 DOI: 10.1017/S1479244322000464
A. Dahl
This article examines W. E. B. Du Bois's transnational political thought during his work with the UN and the NAACP in the 1940s. Focusing on unpublished speeches, essays, and correspondence, it explores how he exploited the conceptual elasticity of terms like “colonial status” and “colonial peoples” in order to build a transnational majority on a global scale. The conceptual capaciousness of the term “colony” and its cognates allowed him to connect disparate forms of domination and dependence across boundaries of race, nation, and empire, thus binding colonial and semicolonial peoples together in a common program of international action. The fruition of these efforts, I argue, was Du Bois's 1948 petition to the UN, An Appeal to the World. Through the appropriation of international legal discourse, he sought to politicize the jurisdictional bifurcation of domestic and international politics embedded in the UN Charter and expand the spatial scale of democracy by placing civil rights struggles in imperial context.
本文考察了W. E. B.杜波依斯在20世纪40年代为联合国和全国有色人种协进会工作期间的跨国政治思想。这本书聚焦于未发表的演讲、散文和信件,探讨了他如何利用“殖民地位”和“殖民地人民”等术语的概念弹性,以在全球范围内建立跨国多数。“殖民地”一词及其同源词的概念容量使他能够跨越种族、国家和帝国的界限,将不同形式的统治和依赖联系起来,从而将殖民地和半殖民地人民联系在一起,共同制定国际行动计划。我认为,这些努力的成果就是杜波依斯1948年向联合国提交的请愿书《致世界的呼吁》。通过对国际法律话语的挪用,他试图将《联合国宪章》中嵌入的国内和国际政治的管辖权分歧政治化,并通过将民权斗争置于帝国背景下扩大民主的空间规模。
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引用次数: 0
“Algiers and the Algerian Desert”: Decolonization and the Regional Question in France, 1958–1962 “阿尔及尔和阿尔及利亚沙漠”:1958-1962年法国的非殖民化和区域问题
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-16 DOI: 10.1017/S1479244322000348
Muriam Haleh Davis
This article demonstrates how Algerian decolonization played a key role in shaping the discipline of territorial planning (aménagement du territoire) in metropolitan France. A number of liberal economists, including François Perroux, articulated notions of economic space that eschewed the nation-state as a unit of analysis. In colonial Algeria, this discourse was subsequently adopted by officials who sought to integrate Muslim Algerians into the French Republic. Discussions on territorial planning in late colonial Algeria echoed debates in the United States regarding the “social uplift” of African Americans in the South, which also attempted to stem the rising tide of separatism. In the 1950s, liberal understandings of the relationship among cultural specificity, territorial scale, and economic development were challenged by a host of actors, including Algerian nationalists who espoused ideas that would later appear in the analyses of world systems theorists. After the victory of the Algerian FLN (Front de libération nationale) in 1962, discussions on regional identities provided an important tool for political claims on both sides of the Mediterranean. Moreover, techniques of territorial planning developed in Algeria were imported to the Hexagon in the aftermath of Algerian independence.
本文展示了阿尔及利亚的非殖民化如何在法国大都市的领土规划(领土管理)学科中发挥了关键作用。包括弗朗索瓦·佩鲁(François Perroux)在内的许多自由派经济学家阐述了经济空间的概念,避开了民族国家作为分析单位。在殖民地阿尔及利亚,这一言论随后被试图将阿尔及利亚穆斯林融入法兰西共和国的官员所采用。关于殖民后期阿尔及利亚领土规划的讨论呼应了美国关于南部非裔美国人“社会提升”的辩论,这也试图阻止分离主义的兴起。20世纪50年代,自由主义者对文化特性、领土规模和经济发展之间关系的理解受到了许多行动者的挑战,其中包括阿尔及利亚民族主义者,他们支持后来出现在世界体系理论家分析中的思想。1962年阿尔及利亚民族解放阵线获胜后,关于地区身份的讨论为地中海两岸的政治主张提供了重要工具。此外,阿尔及利亚独立后,在阿尔及利亚开发的领土规划技术被引入了Hexagon。
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引用次数: 0
From the Three Bodies of Christ to the King's Two Bodies: The Theological Origins of Secularization Theory 从基督的三体到国王的三体——世俗化理论的神学渊源
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-09 DOI: 10.1017/S147924432200035X
Sarah Shortall
This article traces the influence of theology on one particular strand of secularization theory that emerged from the work of Ernst Kantorowicz and Marcel Gauchet. It shows how Kantorowicz's classic text, The King's Two Bodies, was deeply indebted to the insights of one of the leading Catholic theologians of the twentieth century: the French Jesuit Henri de Lubac. By tracing the influence of de Lubac's work on Kantorowicz and, through him, on the secularization theory developed by Marcel Gauchet, the article uncovers a surprising convergence between theology and the secular disciplines. In the process, it draws attention to the limitations of secularization narratives that focus on the premodern theological origins of modern political concepts, by showing how they struggle to account for the ongoing role and relevance of theology in a modern context.
本文追溯了神学对恩斯特·坎托罗维奇和马塞尔·高切特作品中出现的一股世俗化理论的影响。它展示了坎托罗维奇的经典著作《国王的两个身体》是如何深深地归功于二十世纪著名天主教神学家之一法国耶稣会士亨利·德·卢巴克的见解的。通过追溯德·卢巴克的作品对坎托罗维奇的影响,以及通过他对马塞尔·高切特发展的世俗化理论的影响,文章揭示了神学与世俗学科之间惊人的趋同。在这个过程中,它通过展示世俗化叙事如何在现代背景下努力解释神学的持续作用和相关性,提请人们注意世俗化叙事的局限性,这些叙事关注现代政治概念的前现代神学起源。
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引用次数: 0
Freedom at the Center 中心的自由
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244322000427
S. Whitfield
Of course it's brilliant. The Free World represents the hugely ambitious culmination of the efforts of a scholar of exceptional talent to explicate mid-century American culture, and to put it within a broad political and social context. With its immense attention to detail, The Free World frequently offers such fresh readings of a wide variety of topics that perhaps only subspecialists can profess to find familiar the evidence and interpretations that Louis Menand provides. It is emblazoned with bold personal opinions that keep the reader interested. At the Center is a very different book. It is a collective effort, and the authors seem to seek to avoid the kind of personalized style that Menand displays. But the effort that Casey Nelson Blake, Daniel H. Borus, and Howard Brick make to tie the disparate threads together distinguish At the Center from Menand's volume, and therefore offer an invaluable contrast. These books are aimed at different categories of reader, provide divergent temporal and geographic frames, and rarely overlap in attentiveness to the same material. Such variations can make for vigorous scholarly arguments about how to pack thought and culture into American historiography.
这当然很棒。《自由世界》代表了一位才华横溢的学者对上世纪中叶美国文化的阐释,并将其置于广泛的政治和社会背景之下,这一雄心勃勃的努力达到了顶峰。《自由世界》以其对细节的极大关注,频繁地为各种各样的主题提供如此新鲜的阅读,也许只有次专家才能声称找到路易斯·曼南德提供的熟悉的证据和解释。书中充满了大胆的个人观点,让读者感兴趣。《在中心》是一本非常不同的书。这是一个集体的努力,作者似乎试图避免曼南德所表现出的那种个性化风格。但是Casey Nelson Blake, Daniel H. Borus和Howard Brick将不同的线索联系在一起的努力将《在中心》与Menand的书区分开来,因此提供了一个无价的对比。这些书针对不同类别的读者,提供不同的时间和地理框架,并且很少在关注同一材料方面重叠。这样的差异可以引发关于如何将思想和文化融入美国史学的激烈学术争论。
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引用次数: 0
Clio between Revolution and Collapse: The Making of the Historical Discipline in the Late Ottoman Empire 革命与崩溃的夹缝:奥斯曼帝国后期历史学科的形成
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244322000439
Erdem Sönmez
Although the establishment of history as a discipline has been examined extensively for European, North American, and, partly, Asian contexts, the Ottoman case still constitutes a neglected issue in the study of the global history of historiography and, in broader terms, of modern intellectual history. The present article focuses on the late Ottoman intellectual world and explores the making of the historical discipline in the Ottoman Empire. It argues that this transformation was the consequence of a number of interrelated factors, such as the turbulent developments in late Ottoman politics, Ottoman(ist) efforts to forge a “national” historical master narrative after the 1908 Constitutional Revolution, and Ottoman historians’ engagement with European historical thought and writing. Besides examining these factors and the ways in which they interacted, the article deals in detail with the works of late Ottoman historians to probe the Ottoman case of the professionalization of history.
尽管历史作为一门学科的确立已经在欧洲、北美以及部分亚洲的背景下进行了广泛的研究,但奥斯曼事件仍然是全球史学史研究中被忽视的问题,更广泛地说,也是现代知识史研究中的一个问题。本文以奥斯曼晚期的知识世界为中心,探讨奥斯曼帝国历史学科的形成。它认为,这种转变是许多相互关联因素的结果,例如奥斯曼晚期政治的动荡发展,1908年宪法革命后奥斯曼努力打造“国家”历史大师叙事,以及奥斯曼历史学家参与欧洲历史思想和写作。除了考察这些因素及其相互作用的方式外,本文还详细论述了已故奥斯曼历史学家的作品,以探讨奥斯曼历史专业化的案例。
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引用次数: 0
The Cambridge “Gang” Meets Iranian Intellectual History: Reimagining Conservatism In Context 剑桥“帮派”与伊朗思想史相遇:在语境中重新想象保守主义
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1479244322000415
Alexander Nachman
The Iranian humanities publication Farhang Emrooz (Today's Culture) published a series of articles on the Cambridge school of intellectual history in May 2016. The journal's colloquium, while hardly the only intervention on the Cambridge school by Iranian scholars, constitutes perhaps the most sophisticated exploration to date of the relationship between the school and Iranian intellectual history. It also excavates what Professor Ḥātam Qāderī defines as conservative currents of historiography in England and Iran. How, this article asks, is Cambridge-style history presented as a conservative approach and what might the school's Iranian reception tell us about the purpose of such a presentation? Furthermore, how do Qāderī and his peers attempt to reform Iranian historiography by diverging from other historiographical currents in Iran?
2016年5月,伊朗人文刊物《今日文化》发表了一系列关于剑桥知识史学院的文章。该杂志的学术讨论会虽然不是伊朗学者对剑桥学派的唯一干预,但可能是迄今为止对剑桥学派与伊朗知识史之间关系最复杂的探索。它还挖掘了教授Ḥātam Qāderī将其定义为英国和伊朗的保守史学潮流。这篇文章问道,剑桥式的历史是如何作为一种保守的方法来呈现的,学校对伊朗人的接待会告诉我们这种呈现的目的是什么?此外,Qāderī和他的同行们是如何试图通过与伊朗其他史学潮流的分歧来改革伊朗史学的?
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引用次数: 0
“Inhuman Destiny”: Naturalism, Propaganda, and Despair before Rawls's Conversion “非人的命运”:罗尔斯皈依前的自然主义、宣传与绝望
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-08-23 DOI: 10.1017/S1479244322000403
Robert Cheah
This article shows that John Rawls's political thought began not with Christian faith, but with a deep, secular despair about the role of propaganda and ideology in political life. I offer the first extended discussion of Rawls's earliest paper, “Spengler's Prophecy Realized,” which argued that democracy necessarily deteriorated into plebiscitary dictatorship as the masses willingly handed power to whomever controlled the press. I argue that Rawls's earliest work mobilized currents of reactionary political thought—especially that of Oswald Spengler—which Rawls encountered at Princeton student publications. These currents reacted against the then widespread pedagogical project of rejecting “naturalism” and fostering faith in the rationality of democracy. In this light, Rawls's later wartime personalist theology appears as a reversal of perspective, affirming the possibility of a community governed not by propaganda, but by genuine interpersonal revelation. I conclude by asking where these concerns travel and settle in Rawls's mature thought.
本文表明,罗尔斯的政治思想并非始于基督教信仰,而是源于对政治生活中宣传和意识形态作用的深刻的世俗绝望。我对罗尔斯最早的论文《斯宾格勒的预言实现》(Spengler’s Prophecy实现)进行了首次延伸讨论,该论文认为,随着大众自愿将权力交给控制媒体的人,民主必然会恶化为公民投票式的独裁。我认为罗尔斯最早的作品动员了反动政治思潮,尤其是奥斯瓦尔德·斯宾格勒的思潮,这是罗尔斯在普林斯顿学生刊物上遇到的。这些思潮反对当时广泛流行的拒绝“自然主义”和培养对民主合理性的信仰的教育计划。从这个角度来看,罗尔斯后来的战时个人主义神学似乎是一种观点的逆转,肯定了一个不是由宣传,而是由真正的人际启示统治的社区的可能性。最后,我想问一下,在罗尔斯成熟的思想中,这些关注在哪里传播和定居。
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引用次数: 0
MIH volume 19 issue 3 Cover and Front matter MIH第19卷第3期封面和封面问题
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-08-18 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244322000373
Brandon Byrd, Manu Goswami, Duncan Kelly, Tracie M. Matysik, Alexander Chapparo-Silva, Sophia Rosenfeld, Steven Sawyer, Julia Adeney Thomas
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引用次数: 0
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Modern Intellectual History
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