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From Lifeless Numbers to the Vital Nerve of Democracy: Dolf Sternberger's Metaphorical Argumentation against Proportional Voting 从死气沉沉的数字到民主的重要神经:多尔夫·斯滕伯格反对比例投票的隐喻论证
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-07 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000161
Timo Pankakoski
This article analyzes Dolf Sternberger's post-World War II argumentation against proportional representation. Sternberger is central in the intellectual history of German democratization. However, he expressed his misgivings about parties and proportionality in a perplexingly antidemocratic register. Proportionality was anonymous, mechanical, dead, and purely mathematical, relying on “mere numbers” and “summing up” as opposed to living, dynamic, and organic political relations—ultimately not a form of political electing at all. Sternberger intentionally mobilized age-old topoi and metaphors which interwar antidemocratic authors had used against parliamentary democracy in its entirety, now skillfully redirecting their force against proportional representation more specifically. Sternberger's intricate metaphorical system linked his anti-proportional views to his theory of active civic engagement and ultimately served pro-democratic aspirations in the altered historical situation. His case exemplifies broader continuities between interwar and postwar discourses and highlights the need to read metaphorical argumentation in historical contexts and pragmatically rather than merely semantically.
本文分析了道夫·斯特恩伯格在二战后反对比例代表制的论点。斯滕伯格是德国民主化思想史上的核心人物。然而,他表达了对政党和比例的担忧,这是一份令人困惑的反民主登记册。比例是匿名的、机械的、死的、纯粹的数学,依赖于“纯粹的数字”和“总结”,而不是活生生的、动态的、有机的政治关系——最终根本不是政治选举的一种形式。斯特恩伯格有意调动了二战期间反民主作家用来反对议会民主的古老话题和隐喻,现在巧妙地将他们的力量转向更具体地反对比例代表制。斯滕伯格错综复杂的隐喻系统将他的反比例观点与他的积极公民参与理论联系在一起,并最终服务于改变了的历史形势下的亲民主愿望。他的案例体现了两次世界大战之间和战后话语之间更广泛的连续性,并强调了在历史背景下、从实用主义而不仅仅是语义上阅读隐喻论证的必要性。
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引用次数: 0
Better to Receive Than to Give 接受胜于给予
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000148
Daniel Wickberg
Three generations ago, intellectual historians wrote books in which central texts and intellectual figures were held to be the sources of entire bodies of thought. The metaphors of “influence” and “origins” were common; particular arguments associated with those texts and thinkers were imagined as shaping and creating traditions of thought. Adjectives like “Lockean,” “Jeffersonian,” “Nietzschean,” and “Kantian” attached themselves to whole strains and schools of philosophical, political, and social thought. Two generations ago, a wholesale shift in intellectual historiography, best represented by the Cambridge school historians Quentin Skinner and J. G. A. Pocock, but evident well beyond them, pushed historians away from the centrality of major figures and texts understood as shaping long traditions, and toward “languages” and “discourses” that were historically localized and bounded. Individual texts were to be understood not as the source of a stream of ideas, but as creatures of very specific discursive and ideological environments; understanding their history meant understanding authorial “intention” contextually, rather than “influence” and long-term consequence. Along with this turn was a commitment to historical discontinuity and an understanding of the alterity and “otherness” of past ways of thinking. Whatever our vision of Kant might be today, said this school of thought, it is not the Kant of the eighteenth-century world in which he thought, and we should be wary of projecting our contemporary understandings into that foreign world.
三代人以前,知识历史学家写的书中,核心文本和知识人物被认为是整个思想体系的来源。“影响”和“起源”的隐喻很常见;与这些文本和思想家相关的特定论点被想象为塑造和创造思想传统。形容词如“Lockean”、“Jeffersonian”、“Nietzschean”和“Kantian”都属于哲学、政治和社会思想的各个流派。两代人之前,知识史学的大规模转变,最能代表剑桥学派历史学家昆汀·斯金纳和J·G·a·波科克,但在他们之外很明显,将历史学家从被理解为塑造长期传统的主要人物和文本的中心推离,转向历史上本地化和有界限的“语言”和“话语”。单个文本不应被理解为思想流的来源,而是被理解为特定话语和意识形态环境的产物;理解他们的历史意味着从语境上理解作者的“意图”,而不是“影响”和长期后果。伴随着这一转变的是对历史不连续性的承诺,以及对过去思维方式的交替性和“另类”的理解。这一学派说,无论我们今天对康德的看法是什么,他所思考的都不是18世纪世界的康德,我们应该警惕将我们当代的理解投射到那个外国世界。
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引用次数: 1
MIH volume 20 issue 3 Cover and Back matter MIH第20卷第3期封面和封底
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-18 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000197
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引用次数: 0
MIH volume 20 issue 3 Cover and Front matter MIH第20卷第3期封面和封面问题
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-18 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000203
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
此内容的摘要不可用,因此提供了预览。当您可以访问此内容时,可以通过“保存PDF”操作按钮获得完整的PDF。
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引用次数: 0
The Introduction of Modern Western Philosophy in the Ottoman Empire: Armenian Thinkers 现代西方哲学在奥斯曼帝国的引入:亚美尼亚思想家
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000136
Aret Karademir
The literature on the introduction of modern Western philosophy in the late Ottoman Empire is predominantly ethnocentric. This is because it reduces the Ottoman version of modern Western philosophy to the philosophical discourses of Muslim/Turkish intellectuals at the expense of non-Muslim Ottomans’ philosophical activities in languages other than Turkish. This article challenges such ethnocentrism and offers an alternative narrative from the perspective of Ottoman Armenian thinkers in the late nineteenth century. With this aim, it analyzes the philosophical thoughts of Madatia Karakashian, Nahabed Rusinian, Kalusd Gosdantian, and Yeghia Demirjibashian.
在奥斯曼帝国晚期,关于引进现代西方哲学的文献主要是种族中心主义的。这是因为它将现代西方哲学的奥斯曼版本简化为穆斯林/土耳其知识分子的哲学话语,而牺牲了非穆斯林奥斯曼人以土耳其语以外的语言进行的哲学活动。本文对这种种族中心主义提出了挑战,并从19世纪末奥斯曼亚美尼亚思想家的角度提供了另一种叙述。为此,本文分析了Madatia karakashan、Nahabed Rusinian、Kalusd Gosdantian和Yeghia Demirjibashian的哲学思想。
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引用次数: 0
Writing Back from the Academy: Uncovering the Unnamed Targets of Makereti's Revisionist Anthropology 从学院写回来:揭示马克雷蒂修正主义人类学的未命名目标
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-07 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000124
Emma Gattey
The second Māori student to enrol at the University of Oxford, Makereti studied anthropology in the intellectual epicentre of the British Empire from 1927 to 1930, participating in transnational academic networks by writing about her own people. Her work was published posthumously as The Old-Time Maori, now acclaimed as an unprecedented work of Māori auto-ethnography. Exploring a forgotten seam of revisionist anthropology, this article argues that reappraisals of Makereti have failed to capture the magnitude of her project of Indigenous resistance writing. Through close reading of Makereti's personal papers and published work, this article uncovers the targeted revisionism of Makereti's scholarship—in particular identifying the unnamed targets of her critique—and how she used the epistemic tools of imperial and salvage anthropology to challenge colonial discourses about Māori. Makereti's engagement with Oxford illuminates Indigenous adaptation of a discipline and institutions often portrayed as sites of incorrigibly imperialist ideology.
马克雷蒂是牛津大学的第二名毛利学生,1927年至1930年,她在大英帝国的知识中心学习人类学,通过写自己人的文章参与跨国学术网络。她的作品在死后出版为《旧时代的毛利人》,现在被誉为毛利汽车民族志的一部前所未有的作品。本文探讨了修正主义人类学被遗忘的一条缝,认为对Makereti的重新评价未能捕捉到她土著抵抗写作项目的重要性。通过仔细阅读Makereti的个人论文和已发表的作品,本文揭示了Makereti学术的有针对性的修正主义——特别是确定了她批评的未命名目标——以及她如何利用帝国人类学和抢救人类学的认识工具来挑战关于毛利人的殖民话语。Makereti与牛津大学的合作阐明了土著人对一门学科和机构的适应,这些学科和机构经常被描绘成不可救药的帝国主义意识形态的场所。
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引用次数: 0
The New Liberals and Chinese Civilization: Idealist Philosophy, Evolutionary Sociology, and the Quest for a Humanitarian Ethics in Edwardian Britain 新自由主义者与中国文明:唯心主义哲学、进化社会学和对爱德华七世英国人道主义伦理的追求
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-07 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000112
Charles C. H. Lee
It is well known that the leading New Liberals L. T. Hobhouse and J. A. Hobson were critics of the British Empire, and their sympathy with China has been understood as an expression of their anti-imperialism. However, this article argues that this reading is at best one-sided. By examining Hobhouse's and Hobson's ethical and sociological thought, it demonstrates that their Sinophile position drew on a broader concern about the turn-of-the-century moral crisis. Informed by Idealist philosophy, positivism, and evolutionary biology, their quest for a post-Christian ethics led to an appreciation of the harmonic order of Chinese society and its secularism. The leading New Liberals’ earnest study of China on the one hand represented a departure from the Eurocentric position of British Liberals who had seen “stationary” China as a negative object lesson, and on the other anticipated a generation of Liberal/progressive thinkers who were attracted to Chinese culture.
众所周知,新自由主义者领军人物l·t·霍布豪斯和j·a·霍布森是大英帝国的批评者,他们对中国的同情被理解为他们反帝国主义的一种表达。然而,本文认为这种解读充其量是片面的。通过考察霍布豪斯和霍布森的伦理和社会学思想,可以看出他们的亲华立场引起了对世纪之交道德危机的更广泛关注。在唯心主义哲学、实证主义和进化生物学的影响下,他们对后基督教伦理的追求导致了对中国社会和谐秩序及其世俗主义的欣赏。新自由主义者的领军人物对中国的认真研究,一方面代表了英国自由主义者对欧洲中心立场的背离,他们将“静止”的中国视为负面的客观教训,另一方面也预示着被中国文化吸引的一代自由主义/进步思想家。
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引用次数: 0
MIH volume 20 issue 2 Cover and Front matter MIH第20卷第2期封面和封面问题
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000082
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引用次数: 0
MIH volume 20 issue 2 Cover and Back matter MIH第20卷第2期封面和封底
IF 0.9 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000094
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引用次数: 0
Three Versions of Social Science in Late Eighteenth-Century France 十八世纪晚期法国社会科学的三个版本
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1017/s1479244323000100
Thomas Lalevée
The term science sociale was first employed by Mirabeau père in 1767, not Emmanuel-Joseph Sieyès in 1789, as historians until now believed. Taking this discovery as its starting point, this article examines the ways in which the idea of a science of society was successively conceptualized in the late eighteenth century by Mirabeau, Sieyès, and Nicolas de Condorcet. Situating their ideas in the context of evolving discussions over the reform of the French state, it argues that they developed three different versions of social science, and that these reflected different attempts to answer the question of how to achieve collective prosperity, justice, and happiness under modern conditions. This article further highlights the changing modes of historical temporality that informed those approaches, which shifted from a focus on the social forms of a mythical past, to a concern with the prevailing norms of the present, to an emphasis, finally, on the likely developments of an ever-perfecting future. In doing so, it shows that the history of early French social science is best understood not as a process of gradual advancement, but rather as one of serial reinvention.
“社会科学”一词最早是由米拉波·波蒂尔在1767年使用的,而不是像历史学家迄今为止所认为的那样,伊曼纽尔·约瑟夫·西伊在1789年使用的。本文以这一发现为出发点,考察了18世纪晚期米拉波、西伊和尼古拉斯·德·孔多塞相继将社会科学概念概念化的方式。文章将他们的观点置于法国国家改革讨论的背景下,认为他们发展了三种不同版本的社会科学,这些版本反映了在现代条件下如何实现集体繁荣、正义和幸福的不同尝试。本文进一步强调了历史时间性的变化模式,这些模式为这些方法提供了信息,这些方法从关注神话般的过去的社会形式,转向关注当前的主流规范,最后强调一个不断完善的未来的可能发展。在这样做的过程中,它表明,早期法国社会科学的历史最好不是被理解为一个渐进的进步过程,而是被理解为一个连续的再创造过程。
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Modern Intellectual History
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