Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.5406/1945662x.122.1.05
Chelsea Silva
In the Middle Ages, the term “blind” was capacious, denoting both complete lack of sight and lesser forms of visual impairment. Though absolute blindness was generally considered beyond medical remedy, treatments for innumerable other ocular complaints were ubiquitous in medieval leechbooks and remedy collections. In Beatrix Busse and Annette KernStähler’s words, these Middle English medical texts describe visual impairment not as a total, static state, but as liminal: a “gradual process of decay or of moving towards blindness,” what they call “blindness as a process of becoming.”1 This article explores how conceptualizing blindness as a dynamic movement, rather than a static state, might illuminate the relationship between late medieval medical and literary cultures. I focus on the devotional poetry of fifteenth-century priest John Audelay, which is preserved in Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Douce 302; a brief overview of this manuscript and its treatment of Audelay’s impairment is provided below. The article’s first section proposes that approaching the material and medical realities of Audelay’s blindness as evidence rather than metaphor allows us to understand his writing as the product of a nuanced system of medieval healthcare that, particularly where ocular health was concerned, was shaped as much by continual care as it was by discrete moments of trauma and treatment. The second section discusses the form of the spiritual “remede” presented in Audelay’s “Carol 2,” arguing that his didactic prescription constitutes a regimen of care that asserts the efficacy of durative, long-term treatment. Ultimately, I suggest that John Audelay’s poetry offers one example of how we might productively think through late medieval health as a durative and dynamic process, rather than a discrete destination. Aside from the devotional verse contained in Douce 302, we have only one other document with which to reconstruct Audelay’s life: a 1417 court record that identifies him as the personal chaplain of the Lestrange family, arrested for his involvement in their assault of a knight at a London
{"title":"“Rede hit sofft”: John Audelay’s Practice of Care","authors":"Chelsea Silva","doi":"10.5406/1945662x.122.1.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/1945662x.122.1.05","url":null,"abstract":"In the Middle Ages, the term “blind” was capacious, denoting both complete lack of sight and lesser forms of visual impairment. Though absolute blindness was generally considered beyond medical remedy, treatments for innumerable other ocular complaints were ubiquitous in medieval leechbooks and remedy collections. In Beatrix Busse and Annette KernStähler’s words, these Middle English medical texts describe visual impairment not as a total, static state, but as liminal: a “gradual process of decay or of moving towards blindness,” what they call “blindness as a process of becoming.”1 This article explores how conceptualizing blindness as a dynamic movement, rather than a static state, might illuminate the relationship between late medieval medical and literary cultures. I focus on the devotional poetry of fifteenth-century priest John Audelay, which is preserved in Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Douce 302; a brief overview of this manuscript and its treatment of Audelay’s impairment is provided below. The article’s first section proposes that approaching the material and medical realities of Audelay’s blindness as evidence rather than metaphor allows us to understand his writing as the product of a nuanced system of medieval healthcare that, particularly where ocular health was concerned, was shaped as much by continual care as it was by discrete moments of trauma and treatment. The second section discusses the form of the spiritual “remede” presented in Audelay’s “Carol 2,” arguing that his didactic prescription constitutes a regimen of care that asserts the efficacy of durative, long-term treatment. Ultimately, I suggest that John Audelay’s poetry offers one example of how we might productively think through late medieval health as a durative and dynamic process, rather than a discrete destination. Aside from the devotional verse contained in Douce 302, we have only one other document with which to reconstruct Audelay’s life: a 1417 court record that identifies him as the personal chaplain of the Lestrange family, arrested for his involvement in their assault of a knight at a London","PeriodicalId":44720,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF ENGLISH AND GERMANIC PHILOLOGY","volume":"122 1","pages":"107 - 127"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41970817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.5406/1945662x.122.1.01
A. Lassen
The eddic poems are, as is well known, only preserved in written form and can therefore only be studied via the written records. As Fidjestøl put it: “All poetry which is orally transmitted from the past can be known only in its written form after the process of oral transmission has ceased” 1 — even though oral transmission may continue again on the basis of written sources. Scholars have argued that it is possible to draw a distinction between the linguistic body of a poem/text and the literary or narrative content, since, of course, a young poem or saga can tell an older story, as Erik Noreen remarked in 1926. 2 This article discusses the transmission of the myth of Þórr’s recovery of his hammer, a story most famously known from Þrymskviða . The story matter of Þrymskviða has a rich transmission. It is possible to follow it from the thirteenth century in Codex Regius, Reykjavík, Stofnun Árna Magnússonar í íslenskum fræðum, GKS 2365 4to, until Early Modern times. The only medieval copy of the poem is preserved in Codex Regius, and the poem does not seem to have been known by Snorri—even though it has been argued that Snorri may have composed the poem. 3 From a later period, we have a cycle of rímur , Þrymlur , which are preserved in Staðarhólsbók (Reykjavík, Stofnun Árna Magnússonar í íslenskum fræðum, AM 604 g 4to), a collection of rímur dated to around the middle of the sixteenth century. 4 We also have a Danish, Swedish, and
众所周知，eddic诗歌只能以书面形式保存，因此只能通过书面记录进行研究。正如Fidjestøl所说：“所有从过去口头传播的诗歌，只有在口头传播过程停止后，才能以书面形式为人所知”1——尽管口头传播可能会在书面来源的基础上再次继续。学者们认为，可以区分诗歌/文本的语言主体和文学或叙事内容，因为正如埃里克·诺林在1926年所说，一首年轻的诗歌或传奇故事当然可以讲述一个古老的故事。2这篇文章讨论了Þórr找回锤子的神话的传播，这个故事最著名的是来自Þ。里姆斯克维的故事有着丰富的传播。从13世纪起，雷克雅未克法典、StofnunÁrna Magnússonaríslenskum fræğum、GKS 2365 4to一直沿用到现代早期。这首诗的唯一中世纪副本保存在《瑞吉法典》中，尽管有人认为这首诗可能是斯诺里写的，但斯诺里似乎并不知道这首诗。3从后期开始，我们有一个rímur循环，Þrymulr，保存在Stağarhólsbók（雷克雅未克，StofnunÁrna Magnússonaríslenskum fræğum，AM 604 g 4to），这是一个可追溯到16世纪中期左右的rí穆尔收藏。4我们还有丹麦语、瑞典语和
{"title":"Þrymskviða, Þrymlur, and Tord af Havsgaard—a Case of Early Antiquarianism?","authors":"A. Lassen","doi":"10.5406/1945662x.122.1.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/1945662x.122.1.01","url":null,"abstract":"The eddic poems are, as is well known, only preserved in written form and can therefore only be studied via the written records. As Fidjestøl put it: “All poetry which is orally transmitted from the past can be known only in its written form after the process of oral transmission has ceased” 1 — even though oral transmission may continue again on the basis of written sources. Scholars have argued that it is possible to draw a distinction between the linguistic body of a poem/text and the literary or narrative content, since, of course, a young poem or saga can tell an older story, as Erik Noreen remarked in 1926. 2 This article discusses the transmission of the myth of Þórr’s recovery of his hammer, a story most famously known from Þrymskviða . The story matter of Þrymskviða has a rich transmission. It is possible to follow it from the thirteenth century in Codex Regius, Reykjavík, Stofnun Árna Magnússonar í íslenskum fræðum, GKS 2365 4to, until Early Modern times. The only medieval copy of the poem is preserved in Codex Regius, and the poem does not seem to have been known by Snorri—even though it has been argued that Snorri may have composed the poem. 3 From a later period, we have a cycle of rímur , Þrymlur , which are preserved in Staðarhólsbók (Reykjavík, Stofnun Árna Magnússonar í íslenskum fræðum, AM 604 g 4to), a collection of rímur dated to around the middle of the sixteenth century. 4 We also have a Danish, Swedish, and","PeriodicalId":44720,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF ENGLISH AND GERMANIC PHILOLOGY","volume":"122 1","pages":"1 - 23"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42832588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.5406/1945662x.122.1.04
Yun Ni
Recent scholarship on medieval English law and literature emphasizes their generic affinities and discusses law and literature as equally fluid “parallel discourses” that illuminate a common culture.1 The preponderance of legal vocabulary in Gower’s Anglo-Norman poem Mirour de l’Omme (finished in the 1370s) has attracted the attention of many literary critics, who have noted the paradoxical juxtaposition of a bitter satire of the legal profession and a heavy reliance on allegorized legal devices for the purpose of moral didacticism. Among his references to legal devices, Gower’s diversification of the concept of “property ownership” is the most noteworthy. At the beginning of Mirour in the devils’ parliament, “the whole metaphoric complex of property ownership is split between the initial presentation of Man as having lost property (Paradise) and his more extensive role as lost property.”2 After losing Paradise, Man is in danger of losing his soul to the devil. Gower’s allegory expands the narrative of mankind’s fall by continually glossing “ownership” and “property rights” throughout the poem, which creates a tension between Man as property at the mercy of external forces and Man as a free creature capable of
{"title":"Enfeoffment to Use, Legalism, and Humanism in Gower’s Mirour de l’Omme","authors":"Yun Ni","doi":"10.5406/1945662x.122.1.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/1945662x.122.1.04","url":null,"abstract":"Recent scholarship on medieval English law and literature emphasizes their generic affinities and discusses law and literature as equally fluid “parallel discourses” that illuminate a common culture.1 The preponderance of legal vocabulary in Gower’s Anglo-Norman poem Mirour de l’Omme (finished in the 1370s) has attracted the attention of many literary critics, who have noted the paradoxical juxtaposition of a bitter satire of the legal profession and a heavy reliance on allegorized legal devices for the purpose of moral didacticism. Among his references to legal devices, Gower’s diversification of the concept of “property ownership” is the most noteworthy. At the beginning of Mirour in the devils’ parliament, “the whole metaphoric complex of property ownership is split between the initial presentation of Man as having lost property (Paradise) and his more extensive role as lost property.”2 After losing Paradise, Man is in danger of losing his soul to the devil. Gower’s allegory expands the narrative of mankind’s fall by continually glossing “ownership” and “property rights” throughout the poem, which creates a tension between Man as property at the mercy of external forces and Man as a free creature capable of","PeriodicalId":44720,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF ENGLISH AND GERMANIC PHILOLOGY","volume":"122 1","pages":"106 - 86"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46596737","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-01DOI: 10.1515/zcph.1901.3.1.123
Philip Freeman
Chapter ΠΙ. Their structure. (Continued.) The extent to which the Four Branches refer to particular localities will become clear from the following lists. In Pwyll Pt. I, i. e. the history of the relations between Pwyll and the king of Annwn, we have the place-names which follow: (1) Arberth, the 'priflys' of Pwyll. (2) Glynn Cuch. (3) Penn Llwyn Diarwya. In Pt. II of Pwyll the following localities are mentioned: (1) Arberth, the birthplace of Pryderi. (2) Gwent-is-coet, the domain of Teyrnon Twrv Vliant. while at the end of the Mabinogi the domain of Pryderi himself is given as follows: 'Seith cantref dyuet', to which were afterwards added, 'tri chantref ystrat tywi, and 'pedwar cantref keredigyaon'.
{"title":"THE FOUR BRANCHES OF THE MABINOGI.","authors":"Philip Freeman","doi":"10.1515/zcph.1901.3.1.123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/zcph.1901.3.1.123","url":null,"abstract":"Chapter ΠΙ. Their structure. (Continued.) The extent to which the Four Branches refer to particular localities will become clear from the following lists. In Pwyll Pt. I, i. e. the history of the relations between Pwyll and the king of Annwn, we have the place-names which follow: (1) Arberth, the 'priflys' of Pwyll. (2) Glynn Cuch. (3) Penn Llwyn Diarwya. In Pt. II of Pwyll the following localities are mentioned: (1) Arberth, the birthplace of Pryderi. (2) Gwent-is-coet, the domain of Teyrnon Twrv Vliant. while at the end of the Mabinogi the domain of Pryderi himself is given as follows: 'Seith cantref dyuet', to which were afterwards added, 'tri chantref ystrat tywi, and 'pedwar cantref keredigyaon'.","PeriodicalId":44720,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF ENGLISH AND GERMANIC PHILOLOGY","volume":"3 1","pages":"123 - 134"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/zcph.1901.3.1.123","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45351798","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-01-01DOI: 10.5406/JENGLGERMPHIL.117.2.0235
N. V. Deusen
{"title":"A Miracle of St. Sunniva in AM 764 4to","authors":"N. V. Deusen","doi":"10.5406/JENGLGERMPHIL.117.2.0235","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/JENGLGERMPHIL.117.2.0235","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44720,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF ENGLISH AND GERMANIC PHILOLOGY","volume":"117 1","pages":"235-243"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70764767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-10-01DOI: 10.5406/JENGLGERMPHIL.115.4.0496
Marcelle Cole
{"title":"The Lexical Effects of Anglo-Scandinavian Linguistic Contact in Old English by Sara M. Pons-Sanz. Turnhout: Brepols, 2013.","authors":"Marcelle Cole","doi":"10.5406/JENGLGERMPHIL.115.4.0496","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/JENGLGERMPHIL.115.4.0496","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44720,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF ENGLISH AND GERMANIC PHILOLOGY","volume":"115 1","pages":"496-498"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2016-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70764694","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.5406/jenglgermphil.115.3.0398
Bonnie Mak
{"title":"Review: T.A. Bredehoft's The Visible Text: Textual Production and Reproduction from Beowulf to Maus","authors":"Bonnie Mak","doi":"10.5406/jenglgermphil.115.3.0398","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/jenglgermphil.115.3.0398","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44720,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF ENGLISH AND GERMANIC PHILOLOGY","volume":"115 1","pages":"398-401"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70764668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-01-01DOI: 10.5406/JENGLGERMPHIL.113.2.0206
N. V. Deusen
Mary Magdalen enjoyed considerable popularity in Catholic-era Iceland (1000–1550). The saint, who in the Middle Ages was conflated with Mary of Bethany and the unnamed sinner in Luke who washed and anointed Jesus’s feet, and who, according to medieval apocryphal legend, evangel ized Marseilles in France following the resurrection, is reported to have been the patron of a chapel at Reykir in Fljot and the co-patron of Fell in Kollafjorður, Grunnavik, Hvammur in Hvammssveit, Meðalfell, Skarð in Skarðsstrond, and Þerney. 2 In addition, the extant church inventories reveal that the monasteries at Þykkvabaer and Þingeyrar and the churches at Borg, Holar in Eyjafjorður, Oddi, Rip, and Skutustaðir had her image. 3 Mary Magdalen’s feast day, July 22, is listed in a number of medieval Ice landic calendars and appears with some frequency in legal texts, both to mark the date of letters and to give instructions regarding the observation of holy days. She is named in testaments, indicating both personal and localized devotion to the saint, and is frequently mentioned in medieval Icelandic religious literature. A significant manifestation of her medieval Icelandic cult is the composite legend of the saint and her “sister,” Mar tha of Bethany. This so-called Mortu saga ok Mariu Magðalenu, which was probably compiled during the first half of the fourteenth century, is extant in the late medieval Icelandic manuscripts NoRA 79 fragm. (ca. 1350), AM 233a fol. (ca. 1350–1375), AM 235 fol. (ca. 1400), Stock. Perg. 2 fol. (ca. 1425–1445), and AM 764 4to (ca. 1376–1386). 4 There are many
抹大拉的玛丽在天主教时代的冰岛(1000-1550)享有相当大的声望。这位圣人在中世纪与伯大尼的玛利亚和路加福音中为耶稣洗脚并抹油的无名罪人混在一起，根据中世纪的杜撰传说，他在耶稣复活后向法国马赛传福音，据报道，他是弗约特Reykir一座教堂的赞助人，也是kollafjoror ður、Grunnavik、Hvammssveit的Hvammur、Meðalfell、Skarð in Skarðsstrond和Þerney的共同赞助人。2此外，现存的教堂清单显示，Þykkvabaer和Þingeyrar的修道院以及eyjafjoror & ur、Oddi、Rip和skutusta & ir的Borg、Holar教堂都有她的肖像。抹大拉的玛利亚的节日，7月22日，被列在许多中世纪的冰大陆日历上，并在法律文本中出现一些频率，既是为了标记信件的日期，也是为了给出关于遵守圣日的指示。她在遗嘱中被命名，表明个人和地方对圣人的忠诚，并在中世纪冰岛宗教文学中经常提到。中世纪冰岛人对她的崇拜的一个重要表现是这位圣徒和她的“妹妹”伯大尼的玛尔塔的复合传说。这个所谓的Mortu saga ok Mariu magzu alenu，可能是在14世纪上半叶编成的，现存于中世纪晚期的冰岛手稿NoRA 79片段中。(约1350年)，AM 233a。(约1350-1375);(约1400年)，股票。2 .傻瓜。(ca. 1425-1445)和AM 764至(ca. 1376-1386)。有很多
{"title":"The Dominican Connection: Some Comments on the Sources, Authorship, and Provenance of Mǫrtu saga ok Maríu Magðalenu","authors":"N. V. Deusen","doi":"10.5406/JENGLGERMPHIL.113.2.0206","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/JENGLGERMPHIL.113.2.0206","url":null,"abstract":"Mary Magdalen enjoyed considerable popularity in Catholic-era Iceland (1000–1550). The saint, who in the Middle Ages was conflated with Mary of Bethany and the unnamed sinner in Luke who washed and anointed Jesus’s feet, and who, according to medieval apocryphal legend, evangel ized Marseilles in France following the resurrection, is reported to have been the patron of a chapel at Reykir in Fljot and the co-patron of Fell in Kollafjorður, Grunnavik, Hvammur in Hvammssveit, Meðalfell, Skarð in Skarðsstrond, and Þerney. 2 In addition, the extant church inventories reveal that the monasteries at Þykkvabaer and Þingeyrar and the churches at Borg, Holar in Eyjafjorður, Oddi, Rip, and Skutustaðir had her image. 3 Mary Magdalen’s feast day, July 22, is listed in a number of medieval Ice landic calendars and appears with some frequency in legal texts, both to mark the date of letters and to give instructions regarding the observation of holy days. She is named in testaments, indicating both personal and localized devotion to the saint, and is frequently mentioned in medieval Icelandic religious literature. A significant manifestation of her medieval Icelandic cult is the composite legend of the saint and her “sister,” Mar tha of Bethany. This so-called Mortu saga ok Mariu Magðalenu, which was probably compiled during the first half of the fourteenth century, is extant in the late medieval Icelandic manuscripts NoRA 79 fragm. (ca. 1350), AM 233a fol. (ca. 1350–1375), AM 235 fol. (ca. 1400), Stock. Perg. 2 fol. (ca. 1425–1445), and AM 764 4to (ca. 1376–1386). 4 There are many","PeriodicalId":44720,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF ENGLISH AND GERMANIC PHILOLOGY","volume":"113 1","pages":"206-221"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5406/JENGLGERMPHIL.113.2.0206","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70764617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
of wyne” (795.8) and make sure that “all the wyndows and holys of that chambir were stopped, that no maner of day myght be seyne” (795.18–19). Thinking he is in bed with Gwenyvere, “wyte you well that sir Launcelot was glad” (795.12). It is only when he “had unshutte the wyndow” (795.21) and realizes, not what has happened, but with whom he has spent the night that he is conscious of having “done amysse” (795.21). It is not because he has committed a sexual sin that he is appalled: unwittingly he has been unfaithful to the queen. Terence McCarthy Université de Bourgogne
{"title":"Naming and Namelessness in Medieval Romance (review)","authors":"L. de Looze","doi":"10.1353/egp.0.0158","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/egp.0.0158","url":null,"abstract":"of wyne” (795.8) and make sure that “all the wyndows and holys of that chambir were stopped, that no maner of day myght be seyne” (795.18–19). Thinking he is in bed with Gwenyvere, “wyte you well that sir Launcelot was glad” (795.12). It is only when he “had unshutte the wyndow” (795.21) and realizes, not what has happened, but with whom he has spent the night that he is conscious of having “done amysse” (795.21). It is not because he has committed a sexual sin that he is appalled: unwittingly he has been unfaithful to the queen. Terence McCarthy Université de Bourgogne","PeriodicalId":44720,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF ENGLISH AND GERMANIC PHILOLOGY","volume":"109 1","pages":"397 - 399"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2010-06-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/egp.0.0158","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66296389","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
to that of the liturgy on the construction of the later medieval Corpus Christi Cycles or on medieval iconography. In the short conclusion following this essay (pp. 219–22) the importance of the ‘remnant’ motif in both heroic and Biblical poetry and their respective historic frameworks is once again underlined. Notwithstanding the fact that The Remnant would have benefited greatly from another round of proofreading, the book offers a great deal of relevant information about the development of the “remnant motif” in Old English poetry and its potential inspiration from Biblical and patristic writings. It makes a particularly interesting contribution to the scholarship on Genesis A, Exodus, and Daniel and on the compilation of MS Junius 11. It is all the more regrettable, therefore, that the linguistic argumentation and documentation in the book does not even meet basic standards. Linguistic archaeology without the proper tools means digging in the dark. Kees Dekker University of Groningen
{"title":"The Old English Homily: Precedent, Practice and Appropriation (review)","authors":"Claudia Di Sciacca","doi":"10.1353/egp.0.0079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/egp.0.0079","url":null,"abstract":"to that of the liturgy on the construction of the later medieval Corpus Christi Cycles or on medieval iconography. In the short conclusion following this essay (pp. 219–22) the importance of the ‘remnant’ motif in both heroic and Biblical poetry and their respective historic frameworks is once again underlined. Notwithstanding the fact that The Remnant would have benefited greatly from another round of proofreading, the book offers a great deal of relevant information about the development of the “remnant motif” in Old English poetry and its potential inspiration from Biblical and patristic writings. It makes a particularly interesting contribution to the scholarship on Genesis A, Exodus, and Daniel and on the compilation of MS Junius 11. It is all the more regrettable, therefore, that the linguistic argumentation and documentation in the book does not even meet basic standards. Linguistic archaeology without the proper tools means digging in the dark. Kees Dekker University of Groningen","PeriodicalId":44720,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF ENGLISH AND GERMANIC PHILOLOGY","volume":"108 1","pages":"539 - 542"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2009-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/egp.0.0079","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66296375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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