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Family Aid in Finding Love Through Beneficial Impression Management on Reality TV: The Case for Representational Social Exchange 通过电视真人秀中有益的印象管理家庭帮助寻找爱情:代表性社会交换的案例
IF 0.8 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-29 DOI: 10.1080/21528586.2023.2281937
Mthobeli Ngcongo
Family aid in securing a romantic relationship is an important part of the process of relationship initiation. Such focused encounters may exemplify high levels of social exchange dynamics. Yet, no...
家庭帮助确保一段浪漫的关系是关系开始过程的重要组成部分。这种集中的接触可能是高水平社会交换动态的例证。然而,不…
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引用次数: 0
Economic Long Waves and Long Waves of Strikes in South Africa (1886–2022) 南非的经济长波与罢工长波(1886-2022)
IF 0.8 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-26 DOI: 10.1080/21528586.2023.2276922
Edward Cottle
Despite the resurgence internationally of strikes in recent years, studies on the temporality of strike waves within a long-wave perspective has been marked by silence in the literature. This paper...
尽管近年来罢工在国际上重新兴起,但从长波角度对罢工波的时效性的研究在文献中一直处于沉默状态。本文……
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引用次数: 0
Weber’s Comparative Analysis of the Rise of Rational Capitalism: A View from the South 韦伯对理性资本主义兴起的比较分析:南方视角
IF 0.8 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-17 DOI: 10.1080/21528586.2023.2267523
D. Gelderblom
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引用次数: 0
Motherhood, Childcare and Work: Exploring the Multilayered Challenges of Finding Paid Work among Young Mothers in South Africa 母亲、儿童保育和工作:探索南非年轻母亲寻找有偿工作的多层次挑战
Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/21528586.2023.2266704
Divane Nzima, Pranitha Maharaj
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引用次数: 0
The Relation Between Sociology and Threats to Our Survival 社会学与人类生存威胁的关系
Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1080/21528586.2023.2265350
Jacklyn Cock
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引用次数: 0
#FeesMustFall and its aftermath. Violence, wellbeing and the student movement in South Africa #FeesMustFall and its aftermath. Violence, wellbeing and the student movement in South Africa , by Thierry M. Luescher, Angelina Wilson-Fadiji, Keamogetse G. Morwe, Antonio Erasmus, Tshireletso S. Letsoalo, Seipati B. Mokhema, Cape Town, HSRC Press, 2022, 224 pp., R465.00(hardback), ISBN 9780796926340 #费用必须下降及其后果。南非的暴力、福利和学生运动#学费必须下降#及其后果。《南非的暴力、福祉和学生运动》,Thierry M. Luescher、Angelina Wilson-Fadiji、Keamogetse G. Morwe、Antonio Erasmus、Tshireletso S. Letsoalo、Seipati B. Mokhema著,开普敦,HSRC出版社,2022年,224页,R465.00(精装本),ISBN 9780796926340
Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/21528586.2023.2269143
Angelique Wildschut
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引用次数: 0
The Construction of Regional Masculinities as Drivers of Sexual Violence Against Women in Lesotho 莱索托地区男性气质的建构作为对妇女性暴力的驱动因素
Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.1080/21528586.2023.2253526
Josphine Hapazari
ABSTRACTSexual violence against women (SVAW) is a social problem that perseveres despite preventive efforts made at international, regional and national levels. In terms of research, very little has been covered on the comparative, diverse regional masculinities that drive men to sexually abuse women. This sociological study, therefore, focuses on the construction of regional masculinities that cause SVAW, with the study site being Maseru district of Lesotho. Qualitative data were gleaned utilizing four interview guides for 10 SVAW survivors, 10 perpetrators, 10 village chiefs and 10 police officers. The study adopted a qualitative interpretative approach and a phenomenology research design. Underpinning the study's theoretical framework was the masculinity framework. In rural areas of Lesotho, results revealed that the construction of regional masculinities as drivers of SVAW entails the following: misuse of traditional weapons such as koto, molamu and lebetlela and cultural practices such as ho ratha patsi and ho kenela. In urban areas, the drivers of SVAW include men as providers and protectors. This illustrates that certain specific but diverse forms of masculinities continue to heighten women’s vulnerabilities to sexual violence. This study argues that various masculinity traits that are intended to exhibit manhood intentionally or unintentionally manifest into SVAW. This study is envisaged to broaden the masculinity framework by bringing in the context of the Sotho culture and urban/rural diversity in exploring the nexus between regional masculinities and SVAW. This study contributes to the scholarship on African masculinities.KEYWORDS: Sexual violence against womenAfrican masculinitiesregional masculinitiesrural areasurban areasLesotho Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Molamu is a Sesotho name for a weapon used by Basotho men when herding domestic animals and beating their enemies.2 Koto is a Sesotho name for a weapon used by Basotho men for stick fighting.3 Lebetlela is a Sesotho name for a stick used by Basotho men from initiation school to celebrate the transition to manhood.4 In Lesotho, chiefs are found in both rural and urban areas, and they usually handle sexual violence cases in their community courts.5 Ho ratha patsi literally means “cutting wood”.6 Bomachonisa is a Sesotho name for money-lenders.7 Four plus-one is a name commonly used by Basotho to refer to cabs or taxis that transport only four passengers.
摘要针对妇女的性暴力是一个社会问题,尽管在国际、地区和国家层面都做出了预防努力,但仍然存在。就研究而言,很少有研究涉及驱使男性对女性进行性侵犯的相对的、不同地区的男性气质。因此,这项社会学研究的重点是造成性别歧视的区域男子气概的建构,研究地点是莱索托的马塞卢地区。通过对10名暴力受害者幸存者、10名施暴者、10名村长和10名警察的四份访谈指南收集了定性数据。本研究采用定性解释方法和现象学研究设计。支撑该研究理论框架的是男性气质框架。在莱索托农村地区,结果显示,将区域男子气概塑造为农村暴力的驱动因素导致以下情况:误用koto、molamu和lebetlela等传统武器和ho ratha patsi和ho kenela等文化习俗。在城市地区,妇女暴力的推动者包括男性作为提供者和保护者。这表明,某些具体但不同形式的男子气概继续加剧妇女遭受性暴力的脆弱性。本研究认为,有意或无意地表现出男子气概的各种男子气概特征在SVAW中表现出来。本研究旨在通过引入索托文化和城市/农村多样性的背景来探索区域男性气质与性别歧视之间的关系,从而拓宽男性气质框架。这项研究对非洲男性的学术研究做出了贡献。关键词:针对妇女的性暴力;非洲男性;区域性男性;农村地区;莱索托;Molamu是巴索托语,指的是巴索托人在放牧家畜和殴打敌人时使用的一种武器Koto是巴索托语的一个名字,指的是巴索托人在棍棒战斗中使用的一种武器Lebetlela是巴索托语的一个名字,指的是一根巴索托男子在启蒙学校用来庆祝向成年过渡的棍子在莱索托,农村和城市地区都有酋长,他们通常在社区法院处理性暴力案件Ho ratha patsi的字面意思是“砍柴”Bomachonisa是塞索托语中对放债人的称呼四加一是巴索托人常用的一个名字,指的是只载四名乘客的出租车或出租车。
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引用次数: 0
Ethno-religious Conflicts and the Challenges of National Security in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic 尼日利亚第四共和国的民族-宗教冲突与国家安全挑战
IF 0.8 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/21528586.2023.2233462
Gbeke Adenuga, Amos Olajubu, S. Oyewole, J. S. Omotola
ABSTRACT The threats of ethnic, religious, and ethno-religious conflicts have endured in Nigeria and become increasingly alarming in the fourth republic, which started in 1999. Ethno-religious conflicts are hostile engagements where actors and their motivations reflect a combination of ethnic and religious interests. These conflicts are deeply rooted in colonial legacies, ethno-religious-based distributions of power and resources, and failure of the post-colonial state to advance unity in diversity and promote the welfare and security of all citizens without discrimination. Between 1999 and 2021, Nigeria recorded no fewer than 2811 incidences of ethnic conflict with 18,132 fatalities, 3703 incidences of religious conflict with 29,957 fatalities, and 117 incidences of ethno-religious conflict with 2420 fatalities. These conflicts have had negative consequences for the lives and properties of the affected population, political stability, national unity, integration, development, security, and the image of the country internationally. This article examines the threats of ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria’s fourth republic, their causes, manifestations, consequences, and possible ways forward.
民族、宗教和民族-宗教冲突的威胁在尼日利亚持续存在,并在1999年开始的第四共和国中变得越来越令人担忧。民族-宗教冲突是敌对交战,其中行动者及其动机反映了民族和宗教利益的结合。这些冲突深深植根于殖民遗留问题、以种族和宗教为基础的权力和资源分配,以及后殖民国家未能在多样性中推进统一,在不受歧视的情况下促进所有公民的福利和安全。1999年至2021年期间,尼日利亚发生了2811起种族冲突事件,造成18132人死亡;发生了3703起宗教冲突事件,造成29957人死亡;发生了117起民族-宗教冲突事件,造成2420人死亡。这些冲突对受影响人口的生命和财产、政治稳定、民族团结、一体化、发展、安全以及国家在国际上的形象都产生了负面影响。本文探讨了尼日利亚第四共和国的民族-宗教冲突的威胁、原因、表现、后果以及可能的前进方向。
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引用次数: 0
The Post-War Power Sharing and the Legal Politicisation of the Congolese Public Administration 战后权力分享与刚果公共行政的法律政治化
IF 0.8 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/21528586.2023.2233936
S. Inaka
ABSTRACT This study explores how the power-sharing regime legally politicised the Congolese public administration during the transition from 2003 to 2006. Combining Lijpart’s consociational democracy theory with theories on the politicisation of public administration, I argue that the implementation of the power-sharing political regime in a post-war country may result in the legal politicisation of its public administration. This politicisation could disturb the post-war functioning and improvements of this public administration. Drawing on a qualitative research method and documentary research, I have found that the implementation of power-sharing during the post-war transition of the Democratic Republic of the Congo from 2003 to 2006 legally politicised the Congolese public administration. This situation gave rise to contradictions and overlaps between the transitional constitution and the existing labour legislation, multiple chains of command, and increase of appointments of public employees through political networks. These realities affected the implementation of reforms of this public administration.
摘要本研究探讨了2003年至2006年过渡时期,权力分享制度如何使刚果公共行政在法律上政治化。结合Lijpart的联合民主理论和公共行政政治化理论,笔者认为战后国家实行权力分享的政治体制可能导致其公共行政的法律政治化。这种政治化可能会扰乱战后公共行政的运作和改善。利用定性研究方法和文献研究,我发现在2003年至2006年刚果民主共和国战后过渡期间实施的权力分享在法律上使刚果公共行政政治化。这种情况造成了过渡宪法和现有劳工立法之间的矛盾和重叠、指挥系统的多重以及通过政治网络任命公务员的增加。这些现实影响到公共行政改革的执行。
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引用次数: 0
Environmentalism Emboldened? Exploring the Effectiveness of Anti-Fracking Groups in the Fracking Struggle in the Karoo of South Africa, 2008–2022 环保了吗?2008-2022年南非卡鲁地区反水力压裂组织在水力压裂斗争中的有效性探讨
IF 0.8 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/21528586.2023.2233478
Mzingaye Brilliant Xaba
ABSTRACT In 2008, the South African government started to discuss the possibility of utilising shale gas in the energy mix to produce cleaner, cheaper, and more reliable electricity. Shale gas was to be used as a ‘bridge fuel’ in the envisaged transition to renewables. Since 2010, anti-fracking groups and other environmentalists have been at loggerheads with the state and fracking companies. This paper focuses on the effectiveness and role of anti-fracking groups and the wider environmentalism apparatus to stall fracking plans. Data for this paper is based on qualitative research in the Central Karoo between 2019 and 2022. Fieldwork involved in-depth interviews with various stakeholders, observation, documentary study, critical engagement with literature, case law and media analysis. Although the previous literature demonstrated limited power of anti-fracking groups, these groups have set boundaries and gained strides in frustrating fracking processes and conscientising communities about the dangers of fracking. Using the case of fracking, I argue that environmentalists in South Africa have been emboldened by the legal precedents they have created at courts, the secretive and elusive culture of the state, and the global dynamics against fossil fuels, especially in 2021 onwards. If it were not for their activism, fracking would have started earlier. Environmentalists have also been emboldened by global awareness of carbon emissions, especially in 2021. The victories by anti-fracking groups lend support for the argument that civil society movements are central in lobbying governments to embrace good governance, quality democracy and human rights and environmental protection.
2008年,南非政府开始讨论在能源结构中利用页岩气来生产更清洁、更便宜、更可靠的电力的可能性。在向可再生能源过渡的过程中,页岩气被用作“过桥燃料”。自2010年以来,反水力压裂组织和其他环保人士一直与州政府和水力压裂公司发生争执。本文的重点是反水力压裂团体和更广泛的环保主义机构的有效性和作用,以阻止水力压裂计划。本文的数据基于2019年至2022年在中部卡鲁进行的定性研究。实地考察包括与不同利益相关者的深入访谈、观察、文献研究、对文献的批判性参与、判例法和媒体分析。尽管先前的文献表明反压裂团体的力量有限,但这些团体已经设定了界限,并在令人沮丧的水力压裂过程中取得了进展,并使社区意识到水力压裂的危险。以水力压裂法为例,我认为,南非的环保主义者在法庭上创造的法律先例、国家隐秘而难以捉摸的文化,以及全球反对化石燃料的动态(尤其是在2021年以后),使他们变得更加大胆。如果没有他们的积极行动,水力压裂技术可能会更早开始。全球对碳排放的认识,尤其是在2021年,也让环保主义者变得更加大胆。反水力压裂组织的胜利为以下观点提供了支持:公民社会运动是游说政府接受良好治理、高质量民主、人权和环境保护的核心。
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South African Review of Sociology
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