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Review of: Michael D. Yates (2018) Can the Working Class Change the World? 评论:Michael D.Yates(2018)《工人阶级能改变世界吗?》?
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.15173/GLJ.V12I2.4711
Fathimah Fildzah Izzati
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引用次数: 0
Review of: Genevieve LeBaron (2019) Researching Forced Labour in the Global Economy: Methodological Challenges and Advances 评论:Genevieve LeBaron(2019)研究全球经济中的强迫劳动:方法论的挑战和进步
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.15173/GLJ.V12I2.4730
Jonelle Humphrey
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引用次数: 9
Transnational Labour Solidarity as Transformative Practice: Reframing the Role of Labour Transnationalism 作为变革实践的跨国劳工团结:重塑劳工跨国主义的角色
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.15173/GLJ.V12I2.4042
Katherine Nastovski
In the 1980s and 1990s, a significant number of rank-and-file trade union activists in Canada became actively engaged in various forms of international labour solidarity. This activity, the end of the Cold War and the increasing impacts of neo-liberal globalisation combined to spark hopes for greatly expanding practices of labour transnationalism. This vision of transnationalising trade union organisation has not materialised and, in fact, inside Canadian unions there has been declining faith in the possibilities of building transnational solidarity. Starting with an analysis of the dominant dichotomies underlying the literature on labour transnationalism, I suggest that stepping outside these dichotomies can provide a different way of assessing the role of transnational labour solidarity within broader struggles for workers’ justice. In this article, drawing upon the case of transnational political solidarities built by workers inside Canadian unions in the 1980s and 1990s, I argue that assessing transnational practices with a longer view to class formation and the goals of workers’ emancipation can help to expand conceptions of what constitutes successful transnational practice. Such a reassessment of the role of labour transnationalism is particularly timely in the current context of right-wing populism.
在1980年代和1990年代,加拿大大量普通工会活动家积极参与各种形式的国际劳工团结。这一活动、冷战的结束以及新自由主义全球化日益严重的影响,共同激发了人们对大幅扩大劳工跨国主义做法的希望。这种将工会组织跨国化的愿景并没有实现,事实上,在加拿大工会内部,人们对建立跨国团结的可能性的信心一直在下降。从分析劳工跨民族主义文献背后的主要二分法开始,我认为,走出这些二分法可以提供一种不同的方式来评估跨国劳工团结在更广泛的工人正义斗争中的作用。在这篇文章中,我以20世纪80年代和90年代加拿大工会内部工人建立的跨国政治团结为例,认为从阶级形成和工人解放目标的角度来评估跨国实践有助于扩展什么是成功的跨国实践的概念。在当前右翼民粹主义的背景下,对劳工跨民族主义作用的重新评估尤其及时。
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引用次数: 4
Review of: Marcelo Hoffman (2019) Militant Acts: The Role of Investigations in Radical Politics Struggles 评论:Marcelo Hoffman(2019)《军事行为:调查在激进政治斗争中的作用》
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-01-31 DOI: 10.15173/GLJ.V12I1.4547
Jamie Woodcock
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引用次数: 0
Regimes, Resistance and Reforms: Comparing Workers' Politics in the Automobile Industry in China and India 制度、反抗与改革:中印汽车工业工人政治比较
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-01-31 DOI: 10.15173/GLJ.V12I1.4256
Manjusha Nair, E. Friedman
The automobile industry in China was shaken by an unprecedented upsurge of labour unrest in 2010, beginning with the much-discussed wildcat strike at the Nanhai Honda transmission plant in Guangdong province. While worker activism in auto plants in India was not as concentrated as in China’s 2010 strike wave, the period 2009–2017 witnessed twenty-seven strikes nationwide, indicating a significant uptick after the global recession. The optimism that regarded the escalation of labour unrest as indicative of a global labour movement emerging from the Global South has died down. This is an appropriate moment to ask the question: Why did these protests not materialise into something more? Existing explanations in China tend to focus on the regime characteristics. In this article, we undertake a much-needed comparative analysis to explore the failure of these protests. We argue that their failure to sustain their momentum, let alone become a global movement, must be understood in the context of the structures and temporality of capitalism. While we show that there were regime-based divergences and national characteristics in each case, we also show the striking global convergence both in the ways that the protests materialised and how the states responded.KEYWORDS: labour resistance; temporary work; democracy; neo-liberalism; China; India
2010年,中国汽车行业受到前所未有的劳工骚乱的冲击,这场骚乱始于广受讨论的广东南海本田变速器厂的野猫式罢工。虽然印度汽车厂的工人活动不像中国2010年的罢工浪潮那样集中,但2009-2017年期间,全国范围内发生了27次罢工,这表明全球经济衰退后罢工人数大幅上升。将劳工骚乱升级视为全球南方出现全球劳工运动的迹象的乐观情绪已经消退。现在是提出这个问题的恰当时机:为什么这些抗议活动没有变成更多的事情?中国现有的解释往往侧重于政权特征。在这篇文章中,我们进行了一次急需的比较分析,以探讨这些抗议活动的失败。我们认为,必须从资本主义的结构和时间性的角度来理解他们未能保持势头,更不用说成为一场全球运动了。虽然我们表明,在每一种情况下都存在基于政权的分歧和国家特征,但我们也表明,在抗议活动的具体方式和各州的反应方面,全球都出现了惊人的趋同。关键词:劳动抵抗;临时工作;民主政体新自由主义;中国印度
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引用次数: 1
Unfree Labour, Migration and Racism: Towards an Analytical Framework 不自由的劳动、移民和种族主义:走向一个分析框架
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-01-31 DOI: 10.15173/GLJ.V12I1.4159
Lisa Carstensen
When it comes to analysing exploitative and unfree labour, most research refers to “othering” or “race”. Race is often treated as a given category rather than a social phenomenon that needs explanation. In this article, I draw attention to the question of how racism is preserved, reproduced and changed within and through unfree labour relations. I do this by discussing the conceptual interlinkages between unfree labour, migration and racism. While the role of migration policies should not be underestimated, this should be accompanied by an analytical account of their racist background and outcomes. Based on this I present a framework for the analysis of racism as it relates to unfree labour and migration. I draw attention to three different levels of analysis (historico-structural, discursive-symbolic and everyday practices) and the interrelations between them. For empirical illustrations, I draw on my research on modern slave labour in two production sectors in Brazil: charcoal and clothing. I discuss the empirical findings with regard to three analytical problems in the analysis of unfree labour and racism: the impact of generalising knowledge on (future) migrant workers; the role and responsibility of global production networks; and the need to critically reflect on initiatives and policies aimed at the eradication of unfree labour. KEYWORDS: labour migration; unfree labour; racism; Brazil; workers’ rights
在分析剥削性和非自由劳动时,大多数研究都提到了“他人”或“种族”。种族通常被视为一个特定的类别,而不是一个需要解释的社会现象。在这篇文章中,我提请注意种族主义是如何在不自由的劳动关系中以及通过不自由的劳资关系得以保留、再现和改变的问题。我通过讨论不自由劳动、移民和种族主义之间的概念联系来做到这一点。虽然不应低估移民政策的作用,但同时应分析其种族主义背景和结果。在此基础上,我提出了一个分析种族主义的框架,因为它与不自由的劳动力和移民有关。我提请注意三个不同层次的分析(历史结构、话语象征和日常实践)以及它们之间的相互关系。为了进行实证说明,我借鉴了我对巴西两个生产部门的现代奴隶劳动的研究:木炭和服装。我讨论了在分析不自由劳动和种族主义时关于三个分析问题的实证结果:普及知识对(未来)移民工人的影响;全球生产网络的作用和责任;以及需要认真反思旨在消除不自由劳动的举措和政策。关键词:劳动力迁移;不自由劳动;种族歧视巴西工人权利
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引用次数: 3
Review of: Marquita R. Walker (2019) Protecting the Workforce: A Defense of Workers' Rights in Global Supply Chains 书评:马奎塔·r·沃克(2019)保护劳动力:全球供应链中工人权利的捍卫
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-01-31 DOI: 10.15173/GLJ.V12I1.4552
M. Naughton
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引用次数: 0
Review of: Phil Taylor and Sian Moore (2019) Cabin Crew Conflict: The British Airways Dispute 2009-11 菲尔·泰勒和希恩·摩尔(2019)《机组人员冲突:2009-11年英国航空公司纠纷》
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-01-31 DOI: 10.15173/GLJ.V12I1.4589
Darragh Golden
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引用次数: 0
Review of: Robert O'Brien (2019) Labour Internationalism in the Global South: The SIGTUR Initiative 罗伯特·奥布莱恩(2019)《全球南方的劳工国际主义:SIGTUR倡议》
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-01-31 DOI: 10.15173/GLJ.V12I1.4546
Ricardo Framil Filho
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引用次数: 0
Labour Reforms in a Neo-liberal Setting: Lessons from India 新自由主义背景下的劳工改革:来自印度的教训
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-01-31 DOI: 10.15173/GLJ.V12I1.4457
A. Roychowdhury, K. Sarkar
On 26 November 2020, ten central trade unions in India went on a nation-wide strike to protest against anti-working-class policies of the ruling Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) government at the Centre. Their main grievances were directed towards the recently passed four labour codes and three farm laws, among others. In fact, farmers are currently holding a historic demonstration and have occupied the expressways near the nation’s capital at Singhu, Tikri, Ghazipur and Palwal; they plan to march into the capital on 26 January 2021. It appears then, every section of the working population is opposing the economic policies of the government, which incidentally has resulted in low to negative output growth and an unprecedented surge in open unemployment rates. Although we shall briefly discuss the resistance emerging against the farm laws, our main concern in this article is about the political roots and implications of labour law changes.
2020年11月26日,印度十个中央工会在全国范围内举行罢工,抗议执政的印度人民党(BJP)政府的反工人阶级政策。他们的主要不满是针对最近通过的四项劳工法和三项农业法等。事实上,农民们正在举行历史性的示威活动,占领了首都辛格胡、提克里、加济布尔和帕尔瓦尔附近的高速公路;他们计划在2021年1月26日进军首都。看来,劳动人口的每一部分都在反对政府的经济政策,这偶然导致了低至负增长的产出和前所未有的公开失业率飙升。虽然我们将简要讨论反对农业法的阻力,但我们在本文中主要关注的是劳动法变化的政治根源和影响。
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引用次数: 4
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Global Labour Journal
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