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Disciplining the Notion of "Labour Rights as Human Rights" 恪守“劳动权利即人权”的理念
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-01-31 DOI: 10.15173/glj.v13i1.4477
Cedric E. Dawkins, Christina Dawkins
Beleaguered labour movement advocates are turning to the “labour rights as human rights” framing to address labour issues that have traditionally been tackled by labour unions. Human rights language is indispensable in making the normative case that labour is not a commodity, but an unstructured adoption of the human rights frame poses the spectre of a diminished role for collective labour rights and an overburdened human rights regime. Under the principle of subsidiarity, the notion of human rights substitutes for core labour rights (i.e., freedom of association) where they are absent and reinforces them when they are present. Beyond simply suggesting that both regimes are used to protect labour rights, we propose using the principle of subsidiarity to structure and reinforce the interdependence of human and labour rights.KEYWORDS: labour rights; human rights; core labour standards
愤怒的劳工运动倡导者正转向“劳工权利即人权”的框架,以解决传统上由工会解决的劳工问题。在提出劳工不是商品这一规范性案例时,人权语言是必不可少的,但对人权框架的无组织采用造成了集体劳工权利作用减弱和人权制度负担过重的幽灵。根据辅助性原则,人权的概念在核心劳工权利(即结社自由)不存在的情况下取代了这些权利,并在存在时加强了这些权利。除了简单地建议使用这两种制度来保护劳工权利外,我们还建议使用辅助性原则来构建和加强人权与劳工权利的相互依存关系。关键词:劳工权利;人权;核心劳工标准
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引用次数: 0
Review of: Maurizio Atzeni and Immanuel Ness (eds.) (2018) Global Perspectives on Workers' and Labour Organizations 评论:Maurizio Atzeni和Immanuel Ness(编辑)(2018)《工人和劳工组织的全球视角》
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-01-31 DOI: 10.15173/glj.v13i1.5069
É. Florence
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引用次数: 0
Formal Organising in the Informal Sector: The Hawker Sangram Committee and the Politics of Hawking in Kolkata, India 非正式部门的正式组织:印度加尔各答的小贩桑格拉姆委员会和霍金政治
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-01-31 DOI: 10.15173/glj.v13i1.4412
Koyel Lahiri
Drawing from ethnographic fieldwork, this article offers a close reading of the Hawker Sangram Committee (HSC), an independent street vendors’ union in the city of Kolkata in the state of West Bengal in eastern India; I explore the manner in which the politics of the HSC expand or complicate our understanding of street vendor politics and informal worker organising in the Global South. I argue that the HSC’s ability to implement its politics and successfully organise rests heavily on its dual strategy of organising (simultaneously building the struggle at the macro and micro level), which widened from space-bound little struggles to larger collective action (while still holding on to the former). I contend that the execution of this dual strategy is possible because of its structure, in which its member unions function autonomously, with member union organisers/leaders connecting the local hawkers to the central HSC leadership. Thus member unions comfortably negotiate a relationship where they participate as the HSC, with no political party banners, on work and livelihood issues related to hawking, while retaining their autonomy and various political identities at all other times. This parallel relationship has arguably built a stable base from which the HSC movement was able to scale city-wide, nationally and internationally, without disintegrating at the local level.KEYWORDS: informal workers; street vendors; hawkers; Hawker Sangram Committee; Global South
根据民族志的田野调查,这篇文章提供了一个小贩桑格拉姆委员会(HSC)的仔细阅读,一个独立的街头小贩联盟在加尔各答在印度东部的西孟加拉邦;我探索了HSC的政治如何扩展或复杂化我们对全球南方街头小贩政治和非正式工人组织的理解。我认为,HSC实施其政治和成功组织的能力在很大程度上取决于其组织的双重战略(同时在宏观和微观层面上建立斗争),它从局限于空间的小斗争扩大到更大的集体行动(同时仍坚持前者)。我认为,这种双重战略的执行是可能的,因为它的结构,其成员工会自主运作,成员工会组织者/领导人连接地方小贩与中央HSC领导。因此,工会成员可以轻松地谈判一种关系,他们以HSC的身份参与,没有政党旗帜,就与小贩有关的工作和生计问题进行谈判,同时在其他任何时候都保留他们的自主权和各种政治身份。这种平行关系可以说建立了一个稳定的基础,使HSC运动能够在城市范围内,全国和国际范围内扩展,而不会在地方层面上瓦解。关键词:非正规工人;街头小贩;小贩;小贩歌唱委员会;南半球
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引用次数: 1
Working-class Commuters and Innovative Use of Associational Power: The Case of Mamelodi Train Sector in South Africa 工人阶级通勤者与联合动力的创新利用——以南非马梅洛迪火车行业为例
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-01-31 DOI: 10.15173/glj.v13i1.4346
M. Mmadi
The article analyses the power resources of working-class train commuters in Tshwane, South Africa. I examine the organisational strategy of Mamelodi Train Sector (MTS), considering the crisis of representation characteristic of the South African labour movement currently. With changing composition of membership in the Congress of South African Trade Unions, the article begins with the question, what strategies and avenues are there for both unions and unorganised members of the working class? Through the case study of MTS, I suggest a need to rethink power resources and strategies in order to appreciate various non-union ways in which workers continue to organise under conditions that are at times hostile to unions. Drawing on the Power Resources Approach, I argue that MTS can utilise its strategic site of operations and associational power to link unorganised workers with relevant unions. Through its on-train organising, MTS strategically uses its associational power to achieve two things: 1) to empower non-unionised workers, and 2) to influence local-level politics during the morning and afternoon commutes. KEYWORDS: Mamelodi Train Sector; train; comrades’ coach; associational power; political agency
本文分析了南非茨瓦内工人阶级乘坐火车上下班的权力资源。考虑到目前南非劳工运动的代表性危机,我研究了马梅洛迪火车部门(MTS)的组织战略。随着南非工会大会成员组成的变化,文章首先提出了一个问题,工会和工人阶级的非组织成员有什么战略和途径?通过对MTS的案例研究,我建议有必要重新思考权力资源和战略,以便欣赏工人在有时对工会怀有敌意的条件下继续组织的各种非工会方式。根据权力资源方法,我认为MTS可以利用其战略运营地点和协会力量将无组织工人与相关工会联系起来。通过在列车上的组织,MTS战略性地利用其协会力量来实现两件事:1)赋予非工会工人权力,2)在上午和下午通勤期间影响地方一级的政治。关键词:马梅洛地铁路;火车;同志们的教练;联想的权力;政治机构
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引用次数: 0
Structuring Workers' Bargaining Power in Mexico's Strawberry Fields 构建墨西哥草莓地工人的议价能力
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-01-31 DOI: 10.15173/glj.v13i1.4456
Matthew Fischer-Daly
Workers shut down production and transportation of strawberries during the peak of the 2015 harvest in San Quintín, Mexico, which supplies winter berries to US markets. In the years since the strike, strike-settlement wage increases have eroded, commitments to register workers in the national social security system fell far short, and no workers gained representation by a union in collective bargaining with their employer. This case analyses the limited strike outcomes and persistent gaps in labour law compliance based on interviews and observation in 2019 and 2020. Building on the power resources approach, it highlights the historical character of structural power. Falling short of achieving strike demands underscored constraints on workers’ disruptive capacity. The case suggests that reading structural power as a dynamic complex of actions by employers, national states and workers enhances the concept’s ability to predict effects of collective action on social relations of production.KEYWORDS: Mexico; agriculture; supply chains; bargaining power; structural power
2015年墨西哥圣昆廷草莓收获高峰期,工人们关闭了草莓的生产和运输,该公司向美国市场供应冬季浆果。在罢工后的几年里,罢工解决方案中的工资增长受到了侵蚀,在国家社会保障系统中登记工人的承诺远远不够,没有工人在与雇主的集体谈判中获得工会的代表权。本案基于2019年和2020年的采访和观察,分析了有限的罢工结果和劳动法合规方面的持续差距。在权力资源方法的基础上,突出了结构性权力的历史特征。未能达到罢工要求凸显了工人破坏能力的限制。该案例表明,将结构性权力解读为雇主、国家和工人行动的动态综合体,可以增强这一概念预测集体行动对社会生产关系影响的能力。关键词:墨西哥;农业供应链;议价能力;结构性权力
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引用次数: 1
Review of: Stephanie Barrientos (2020) Gender and Work in Global Value Chains: Capturing the Gains? 斯蒂芬妮·巴里恩托斯(2020)全球价值链中的性别与工作:获取收益?
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-01-31 DOI: 10.15173/glj.v13i1.4866
Salil R. Sapre
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引用次数: 0
The Fragility of the Labour Corridors to Costa Rica and the United States: Precarious Migrant Workers in Central America 通往哥斯达黎加和美国的劳工通道的脆弱性:中美洲不稳定的移徙工人
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-09-30 DOI: 10.15173/glj.v12i3.4444
Abelardo Morales-Gamboa
Central American migration flows take place mostly through two main corridors: the northern corridor to the United States, and the southern corridor to Costa Rica. Using the concept of fragility, in this article I analyse how migration combines the precarity and vulnerability that Central American workers face, both in their home country and in the corridors toward the destination labour markets. Their movements and the conditions they encounter reflect a new scale of local and transnational labour relationships. Migrant workers constitute a segment of the workforce in transnational corridors, which circulates between several informal activities but also among key sectors of the formal economy; the latter often takes advantage of their social, occupational and even legal difficulties.Keywords: Central America; migrant workers; labour markets; informal economy; labour corridors
中美洲移民流动主要通过两条主要走廊进行:北部走廊到美国,南部走廊到哥斯达黎加。在本文中,我利用脆弱性的概念,分析了移民如何将中美洲工人在原籍国和通往目的地劳动力市场的走廊中所面临的不稳定性和脆弱性结合起来。他们的运动和他们所遇到的条件反映了当地和跨国劳工关系的新规模。移徙工人构成跨国走廊劳动力的一部分,他们在若干非正式活动之间流动,也在正规经济的关键部门之间流动;后者往往利用他们在社会、职业甚至法律上的困难。关键词:中美洲;农民工;劳动力市场;非正规经济;工党的走廊
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引用次数: 0
Intan Suwandi (2019) Value Chains: The New Economic Imperialism 英坦·苏万迪(2019):价值链:新经济帝国主义
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-09-30 DOI: 10.15173/glj.v12i3.4925
Madhumita Dutta
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引用次数: 1
Rethinking Working-class Politics: Organising Informal Workers in Argentina 重新思考工人阶级政治:组织阿根廷的非正规工人
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-09-30 DOI: 10.15173/glj.v12i3.4473
M. Bascuas, Ruth Felder, Ana Logiúdice, V. Patroni
Our article engages with discussions about the implications of precarious work and its impact on workers’ capacity to organise by analysing the case of Argentina’s Confederation of Popular Economy Workers (CTEP, Confederación de Trabajadores de la Economía Popular). The organisation was created in 2011 with the aim of representing a broad and heterogeneous group of workers in varying conditions of informality, precarious self-employment and workfare programmes. We trace the history of the organisation and analyse its development by focusing on the role of social assistance as a crucial expression of the changing relations between precarious workers and the state. Social assistance has provided some resources for addressing the reproduction needs of precarious workers and of the territories in which they live, and also the material means through which an organisation like CTEP has sought to consolidate its political work among precarious workers. Nonetheless, social assistance has also worked as a means to circumscribe broader demands for change into issues to be addressed through social policy. Our argument is that central to CTEP’s trajectory as an organisation of precarious workers was its attempt to break away from the narrow confines of social assistance, pushing for changes that would allow its members to gain some autonomy both materially and institutionally.KEYWORDS: Argentina; precarious worker organisations; CTEP; social assistance policy
我们的文章通过分析阿根廷大众经济工人联合会(CTEP,Confederación de Trabajadores de la Economía Popular)的案例,讨论了不稳定工作的影响及其对工人组织能力的影响。该组织成立于2011年,旨在代表一个广泛而多样化的工人群体,他们处于不同的非正规条件、不稳定的自营职业和劳动福利计划中。我们追溯了该组织的历史,并通过关注社会援助的作用来分析其发展,社会援助是不稳定工人与国家之间不断变化的关系的重要表现。社会援助提供了一些资源,用于解决不稳定工人及其居住地区的生育需求,也为像CTEP这样的组织寻求巩固其在不稳定工人中的政治工作提供了物质手段。尽管如此,社会援助也作为一种手段,将更广泛的变革需求限制为通过社会政策解决的问题。我们的论点是,CTEP作为一个由不稳定的工人组成的组织,其发展轨迹的核心是试图摆脱社会援助的狭窄限制,推动变革,使其成员在物质和制度上获得一定的自主权。关键词:阿根廷;不稳定的工人组织;CTEP;社会援助政策
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引用次数: 0
Reproductive Work, Territorial Commons and Political Precarity in Peripheral Extractive Sites in Ecuador and Bolivia 厄瓜多尔和玻利维亚周边开采地的生殖工作、领土共享和政治不稳定
IF 2.4 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-09-30 DOI: 10.15173/glj.v12i3.4376
Cristina Cielo, Elizabeth López Canelas
This article examines the labour and political dimensions of non-salaried women workers in the extractive peripheries of Bolivia and Ecuador, to show how the appropriation of racialised and gendered work is a foundational aspect of the extractive logic of capital. We consider extraction in its broadest sense as the dispossession not only of resources but also of informal and reproductive work, and examine the ways in which the territorialised commons produced by, and necessary for, the interdependent activities to sustain life also form the basis of political identification and organisation. Territories as the making of places are fundamental for the constitution of marginalised collective identities. In peripheral sites where extractive logics have been socio-culturally and institutionally established, the literal and figurative common grounds for women’s social reproduction are reduced, individualising livelihoods and increasing physical, economic and subjective vulnerability. As such, the extraction of resources and of territorialised networks intersects with the historical appropriation of reproductive work to configure both material and political precarity.KEYWORDS: informal work; reproductive labour; extractivism; territory; commons
本文考察了玻利维亚和厄瓜多尔采掘业边缘地区无薪女工的劳动和政治层面,以表明对种族化和性别化工作的挪用是资本采掘逻辑的一个基本方面。我们认为,从最广泛的意义上讲,开采不仅是对资源的剥夺,也是对非正式和生殖工作的剥夺,并研究了维持生命的相互依存活动所产生的、必要的领土化公域如何构成政治认同和组织的基础。领土作为地方的组成部分,是构成边缘化集体身份的基础。在社会文化和制度上建立了提取逻辑的外围地区,妇女社会再生产的字面和比喻共同点减少了,生计个性化,身体、经济和主观脆弱性增加。因此,资源和领土化网络的开采与生殖工作的历史挪用相交叉,从而造成物质和政治上的不稳定。关键词:非正式工作;生殖劳动;榨取主义;领土平民
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引用次数: 0
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Global Labour Journal
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