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Town Scheming: The Kenbi Aboriginal Land Claim and the Role of Planning in Securing Possession 城镇规划:Kenbi原住民的土地主张和规划在确保占有中的作用
IF 0.6 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-15 DOI: 10.1177/15385132221128510
S. Jackson
This article provides a detailed history of Australia’s longest running Indigenous land claim (1978–2016), made by the Larrakia traditional owners to the coastal hinterland of Darwin, under Australia’s first land rights legislation. It reveals the efforts of the state and its planners to exercise territorial control and establish a racialised socio-political order through planning legislation and land use plans. Institutions designed to return land to Indigenous peoples represent a critical site of inquiry for understanding not only how injustice is reproduced and resisted in settler colonial contexts but how settler colonial urbanism is made and remade as imperial power.
本文详细介绍了澳大利亚历史上最长的土著土地要求(1978年至2016年),这是根据澳大利亚第一个土地权利立法,由Larrakia传统所有者对达尔文沿海腹地提出的。它揭示了国家及其规划者通过规划立法和土地使用计划来行使领土控制和建立种族化的社会政治秩序的努力。旨在将土地归还给土著人民的制度是一个重要的调查场所,不仅可以了解不公正在定居者殖民背景下是如何再现和抵抗的,还可以了解定居者殖民城市主义是如何形成和重塑为帝国权力的。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Review Essay: Make No Little Plans? Different Views of the New York and Chicago Waterfronts 书评:评论文章:不做小计划?对纽约和芝加哥海滨的不同看法
IF 0.6 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-15 DOI: 10.1177/15385132221125897
D. Gordon
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Review of Kristin Poling, Germany’s Urban Frontiers: Nature and History on the Edge of the Nineteenth-Century City 书评:《德国的城市前沿:19世纪城市边缘的自然与历史》
IF 0.6 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-15 DOI: 10.1177/15385132221102149
Brian Ladd
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: A Mighty Capital under Threat: The Environmental History of London 书评:《受到威胁的强大首都:伦敦的环境史》
IF 0.6 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-15 DOI: 10.1177/15385132221095040
J. McNeill
This book offers a thorough and compelling analysis of the significance of the notion of fetishism for Marxist Political Economy. In contrast to Dobb’s (1979: 11) argument that the theories of fetishism and alienation belong to the Marxist theory of ideology, McNeill argues that they are sine qua non parts of the qualitative aspect of Marx’s Labour Theory of Value (LTV). This is a correct claim that the author proves convincingly, even though McNeill tends to downplay the quantitative aspect by stating that this was of no concern to Marx. Marxist Political Economy engages with both dimensions. The broader framework within which the author conducts his analysis is the accurate thesis that the Marxist perspective remains relevant in the 21st century. The current crises and turmoil of the capitalist economy, the blatant failure of mainstream economics and the subsequent revival of interest in Marxian Political Economy attest to this. The first part of the book examines the development of the notion of fetishism in Marx’s works, from an initial journalistic metaphor to a fully developed scientific concept. This analysis is extended in Part II where McNeill rigorously establishes the generic category of commodity fetishism and then its relationship to other forms of fetishism (money, capital and interest-bearing capital). He bolsters his exposition with a meticulous and accurate juxtaposition of Marx’s dialectical approach with that of Ricardo and Samuel Bailey (a critic of Ricardo and precursor of the Marginalist theory) regarding the nature of value. He accurately pinpoints Marx’s fundamental difference with both, namely his consideration of value as a social rather than a natural phenomenon. McNeill also juxtaposes Marx’s materialist dialectics with Hegel’s idealist dialectics. These two parts constitute the backbone of the book and offer original contributions to Marxist Political Economy. Part III goes into slippery grounds, as McNeill argues that value would be better understood through linguistics and reflects on the advantages and disadvantages of structuralist Marxism by considering the works of Althusser (whom he characterizes as a not serious structuralist), Levi-Strauss (a non-Marxist structuralist) and Godelier (a promising synthesizer of both of them). McNeill argues that Structuralism, despite its limitations, presents advantages for a social understanding of value and for conceiving of commodity as a sign. Competition & Change
本书对拜物教概念对马克思主义政治经济学的意义进行了深入而有力的分析。与多布(1979:11)关于恋物癖和异化理论属于马克思主义意识形态理论的论点相反,麦克尼尔认为它们是马克思劳动价值理论(LTV)定性方面的必要组成部分。这是一个正确的说法,作者令人信服地证明了这一点,尽管麦克尼尔倾向于淡化数量方面,称这与马克思无关。马克思主义政治经济学涉及两个维度。作者进行分析的更广泛的框架是准确的论点,即马克思主义观点在21世纪仍然具有相关性。当前资本主义经济的危机和动荡、主流经济学的公然失败以及随后对马克思政治经济学兴趣的复兴都证明了这一点。本书的第一部分考察了拜物教概念在马克思作品中的发展,从最初的新闻隐喻到完全发展的科学概念。这一分析在第二部分得到了扩展,McNeill严格地确立了商品恋物癖的一般类别,以及它与其他形式的恋物癖(货币、资本和计息资本)的关系。他将马克思的辩证方法与里卡多和塞缪尔·贝利(里卡多的批评者和边缘主义理论的先驱)关于价值本质的辩证方法细致而准确地并置,以此来支持他的论述。他准确地指出了马克思与两者的根本区别,即他认为价值是一种社会现象,而不是一种自然现象。麦克尼尔还将马克思的唯物辩证法与黑格尔的唯心辩证法并列。这两个部分构成了本书的主干,为马克思主义政治经济学提供了原创性的贡献。第三部分进入了一个棘手的领域,麦克尼尔认为,通过语言学可以更好地理解价值,并通过考虑阿尔都塞(他将阿尔都塞描述为一个不严肃的结构主义者)、列维·斯特劳斯(一个非马克思主义结构主义主义者)和戈德利耶(这两者都是一个很有前途的综合者)的作品来反思结构主义马克思主义的优点和缺点。麦克尼尔认为,尽管结构主义有其局限性,但它为社会理解价值和将商品视为一种标志提供了优势
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引用次数: 0
Making a Self-Reliant Citizen: Technocracy, Rural Redevelopment and the Etawah Pilot 打造一个自力更生的公民:技术官僚,农村再开发和埃塔瓦试点
IF 0.6 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-12 DOI: 10.1177/15385132221081766
D. Ramaswamy
The essay traces the trajectory of India’s first rural development program, the Etawah Pilot program from 1948, which became part of the country’s first five-year plans in 1951 with the support of the US government and the Ford Foundation. With a focus on the project’s two central actors, US architect-planner Albert Mayer and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, the essay argues that the Etawah Pilot program was a modernizing experiment in citizen assimilation that became a trans-national model for postwar development aid with the international architect-planner as the traveling technocrat set to develop expertise for newly independent nations.
这篇文章追溯了印度第一个农村发展计划的轨迹,即1948年的Etawah试点计划,该计划在美国政府和福特基金会的支持下,于1951年成为该国第一个五年计划的一部分。文章聚焦于该项目的两位核心角色,美国建筑规划师阿尔伯特·梅耶和总理贾瓦哈拉尔·尼赫鲁,认为埃塔瓦试点项目是公民同化的现代化实验,成为战后发展援助的跨国模式,国际建筑规划师作为旅行的技术官僚,为新独立的国家发展专业知识。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: How the Working-Class Home became Modern, 1900-1940 书评:1900-1940年工人阶级的家是如何变得现代的
IF 0.6 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-03 DOI: 10.1177/15385132221091489
Arijit Sen
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Rethinking Placemaking in The City Creative 书评:《城市创意》中的场所营造再思考
IF 0.6 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-02 DOI: 10.1177/15385132221091495
Andrés F. Ramirez
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引用次数: 0
A Floral Nation: Warren H. Manning, Civic Horticulture, and the Didactic Cityscape 花卉之国:沃伦·h·曼宁、市民园艺和说教式城市景观
IF 0.6 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1177/15385132211067713
Kevan Klosterwill
Warren H. Manning developed a distinctive approach to civic horticulture that recurred throughout his career as a city planner, calling for educational plantings beyond limited educational gardens to encompass streets, neighborhoods, school and college campuses, and entire park systems. These plantings, supported by printed media, were resources for citizens to educate themselves, improve their own home grounds, and in turn participate in the improvement of the community’s civic landscape as a whole. Manning’s approach brought together village improvement, amateur naturalist societies, schoolyard gardening, and his own experience designing arboreta with the Olmsted firm.
沃伦·h·曼宁(Warren H. Manning)开发了一种独特的公民园艺方法,这种方法在他作为城市规划师的职业生涯中反复出现,他呼吁在有限的教育花园之外种植教育植物,将街道、社区、学校和大学校园以及整个公园系统都包括在内。这些种植在印刷媒体的支持下,是市民教育自己、改善自己家园的资源,反过来又参与改善整个社区的城市景观。曼宁的方法将乡村改善、业余博物学家协会、校园园艺和他自己在奥姆斯特德公司设计植物园的经验结合在一起。
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引用次数: 0
The Dismantling of Growth Management in Florida?: The Consistency Mandate, Policy Change, and Institutional Realignment 佛罗里达州增长管理的瓦解?:一致性任务、政策变化和机构调整
IF 0.6 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-28 DOI: 10.1177/15385132221082652
Evangeline R. Linkous
In 1985, Florida established a groundbreaking approach to growth management and intergovernmental relations, which the state’s 2011 Community Planning Act is widely described as ending. This paper ...
1985年,佛罗里达州在增长管理和政府间关系方面建立了一种开创性的方法,人们普遍认为该州2011年的《社区规划法》(Community Planning Act)结束了这种方法。这张纸……
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引用次数: 0
Saving the Shaker Lakes: How an Alliance between Two Wealthy Suburbs and Cleveland’s Black Mayor Stopped the Clark Freeway 拯救震动湖:两个富裕的郊区和克利夫兰的黑人市长之间的联盟如何阻止克拉克高速公路
IF 0.6 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-22 DOI: 10.1177/15385132221084659
V. Dawson
In the 1960s, the suburbs of Cleveland Heights and Shaker Heights protested the routing of an Interstate highway through their historic park. Known as the Clark Freeway, I-290 was meant to connect downtown Cleveland with the newer suburbs located beyond the city’s outer beltway. Fearing irreparable damage to their communities, a group of garden club women and a committee of citizen activists brought pressure on county, state, and federal officials to delay route selection. However, only after Cleveland Mayor Carl Stokes joined the fight, did Governor James Rhodes summon the political will to cancel the highway.
20世纪60年代,克利夫兰高地和沙克高地的郊区抗议一条州际公路穿过他们的历史公园。被称为克拉克高速公路的I-290是为了连接克利夫兰市中心和位于城市外环城公路之外的新郊区。由于担心对社区造成无法弥补的损害,一群园艺俱乐部的妇女和一个由公民活动家组成的委员会向县、州和联邦官员施压,要求他们推迟路线的选择。然而,只有在克利夫兰市长卡尔·斯托克斯加入斗争之后,州长詹姆斯·罗兹才拿出政治意愿来取消这条高速公路。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Planning History
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