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Self-Control Preferences and Status-Quo Bias 自我控制偏好与现状偏见
IF 0.4 4区 经济学 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2021-06-11 DOI: 10.1515/bejte-2020-0136
Guy Barokas
Abstract In a setting of choice with an observable status quo, we model an agent who struggles with temptation by exercising (costly) self-control, and who views the status quo as a commitment opportunity that allows him to avoid the self-control costs incurred when making an active choice. Our model is rational in that the agent always maximizes the same ex-post utility function; hence, when the standard indirect utility property holds, the model reduces to classic rational choice model. However, when we allow for costly self-control, our theory provides a rationale for three well-documented phenomena that cannot be captured by the standard model: the status-quo bias, the compromise effect, and the satisficing choice procedure (when ignoring the information on the status quo). A notable feature of our theory is that while it relaxes the indirect utility property, it still allows for a complete identification of an agent’s preference relation over menus. This is found to be important in many practical situations.
摘要在一个具有可观察现状的选择环境中,我们为一个代理人建模,他通过行使(昂贵的)自我控制来与诱惑作斗争,并将现状视为一个承诺机会,使他能够避免在做出积极选择时产生的自我控制成本。我们的模型是合理的,因为代理总是最大化相同的事后效用函数;因此,当标准的间接效用性质成立时,该模型简化为经典的理性选择模型。然而,当我们考虑到代价高昂的自我控制时,我们的理论为标准模型无法捕捉到的三种有据可查的现象提供了理由:现状偏见、妥协效应和令人满意的选择程序(当忽略关于现状的信息时)。我们理论的一个显著特点是,虽然它放松了间接效用性质,但它仍然允许完全识别代理相对于菜单的偏好关系。这在许多实际情况下都很重要。
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引用次数: 3
Introduction to the Special Issue on Unawareness 不知情问题特刊简介
IF 0.4 4区 经济学 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1515/bejte-2021-0078
Burkhard C. Schipper
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引用次数: 0
Frontmatter Frontmatter
IF 0.4 4区 经济学 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1515/bejte-2021-frontmatter2
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引用次数: 0
When is Knowledge Acquisition Socially Beneficial in the Laffont–Tirole Regulatory Framework? 在拉方-梯若尔监管框架中,知识获取何时对社会有益?
IF 0.4 4区 经济学 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2021-03-22 DOI: 10.1515/bejte-2020-0069
A. Zimper, Mpoifeng Molefinyane
Abstract The Laffont–Tirole regulator observes the accounting costs of a firm but she can neither observe its true cost-type nor its chosen effort level. This paper considers a Laffont–Tirole regulator who could employ an expert to obtain better, albeit not perfect, knowledge about the firm’s true cost type. Both the welfare gains through superior allocations from better knowledge but also the knowledge acquisition costs increase in the ‘marginal deadweight losses from taxes’ parameter λ ≥ 0. We derive a closed-form expression of the overall welfare benefits from knowledge acquisition as a function in λ. We characterize parameter conditions such that knowledge acquisition could improve social welfare in dependence on the value of λ. For this case we show that knowledge acquisition strictly increases social welfare if and only if λ falls into the interval (λ *, ∞) whereby we present a sharp characterization of the critical threshold-value λ * ≥ 0. In other words, information acquisition through a regulator only increases welfare for economies with comparatively high deadweight losses from taxation whereas welfare is decreased whenever these deadweight losses are low.
摘要Laffont–Tirole监管机构观察了一家公司的会计成本,但她既不能观察到其真实的成本类型,也不能观察到所选择的努力水平。本文考虑了一个Laffont–Tirole监管机构,该监管机构可以雇佣一位专家来获得关于公司真实成本类型的更好的(尽管不是完美的)知识。在“税收边际自重损失”参数λ≥0中,通过更好的知识进行更高分配而获得的福利收益以及知识获取成本都会增加。我们导出了知识获取的整体福利效益作为λ函数的闭合形式表达式。我们刻画了参数条件,使得知识获取可以根据λ的值来提高社会福利。在这种情况下,我们证明了知识获取严格增加社会福利,当且仅当λ落入区间(λ*,∞)时,我们对临界阈值λ*≥0给出了尖锐的刻画。换言之,通过监管机构获取信息只会增加税收无谓损失相对较高的经济体的福利,而当这些无谓损失较低时,福利就会减少。
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引用次数: 0
Skepticism and Credulity: A Model and Applications to Political Spin, Belief Formation, and Decision Weights 怀疑主义和轻信:一个模型及其在政治旋转、信念形成和决策权重中的应用
IF 0.4 4区 经济学 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2021-03-19 DOI: 10.1515/bejte-2019-0184
James David Campbell
Abstract In this paper I model a decision maker who forms beliefs and opinions using a dialectic heuristic that depends on their degree of skepticism or credulity. In an application to political spin, two competing parties choose how to frame commonly observed evidence. If the receiver is sufficiently credulous, equilibrium spin is maximally extreme and generates short, superficial news cycles. When receivers vary in their skepticism, there is partisan sorting by skepticism parameter: the more credulous group systematically favors one party and displays hostility to evidence and a media they see as biased. In behavioral applications in which the frames arise from the decision maker’s internal deliberation, a decision maker with the same credulous nature would display known behavioral anomalies in forming beliefs and forming decision weights from stated probabilities. The dialectic model therefore captures a simple psychological mechanism and matches closely some stylized facts across these three disparate applications.
在本文中,我模拟了一个决策者,他使用依赖于他们的怀疑或轻信程度的辩证启发式来形成信仰和意见。在政治炒作的应用中,两个相互竞争的政党选择如何构建普遍观察到的证据。如果接收者足够轻信,平衡旋转就会达到极端,产生短暂而肤浅的新闻周期。当接受者的怀疑态度不同时,就会根据怀疑参数进行党派分类:更容易轻信的群体系统地倾向于一方,并对他们认为有偏见的证据和媒体表现出敌意。在行为应用中,框架产生于决策者的内部考虑,具有相同轻信性质的决策者在形成信念和从陈述概率形成决策权重时会表现出已知的行为异常。因此,辩证法模型捕获了一个简单的心理机制,并在这三个不同的应用程序中紧密匹配一些程式化的事实。
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引用次数: 0
Knowledge, Awareness and Probabilistic Beliefs 知识、意识和概率信念
IF 0.4 4区 经济学 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2021-02-17 DOI: 10.1515/BEJTE-2019-0014
Tomasz Sadzik
Abstract Bayesian game theory investigates strategic interaction of players with full awareness but incomplete information about their environment. We extend the analysis to players with incomplete awareness, who might not be able to reason about all contingencies in the first place. We develop three logical systems for knowledge, probabilistic beliefs and awareness, and characterize their axiom systems. Bayesian equilibrium is extended to games with incomplete awareness and we show that it is consistent with common prior and speculative trade, when common knowledge of rationality is violated.
摘要贝叶斯博弈论研究了对环境有充分认识但信息不完整的玩家的战略互动。我们将分析扩展到意识不完全的玩家,他们可能一开始就无法对所有突发事件进行推理。我们为知识、概率信念和意识开发了三个逻辑系统,并描述了它们的公理系统。将贝叶斯均衡扩展到具有不完全意识的博弈,我们证明了当理性的常识被违反时,它与一般先验和投机交易是一致的。
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引用次数: 2
Entry Deterrence and Free Riding in License Auctions: Incumbent Heterogeneity and Monotonicity 执照拍卖中的进入威慑与搭便车:在位者异质性与单调性
IF 0.4 4区 经济学 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2021-01-13 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3765246
Biung-Ghi Ju, S. Yoo
Abstract We examine free riding for entry deterrence in license auctions with heterogeneous incumbents. We establish the monotonicity of randomized preemptive bidding equilibria: an incumbent with a higher entry-loss rate has greater free-riding incentive, choosing a lower deterring probability. We then identify conditions for the existence of a series of fully or partially participating equilibria such that two or more incumbents with bounded heterogeneity in their entry-loss rates participate in randomized preemptive bidding. As an application, we examine a simple case of a bipartite group of participating incumbents consisting of one “leader” and many “followers”. We show that the policy of limiting the leader’s participation (set-asides for entrants, limiting participation of incumbents with excessive market shares, etc.) may or may not increase entry probability.
摘要我们研究了异质在位者的许可证拍卖中的进入威慑搭便车。我们建立了随机抢先竞价均衡的单调性:具有较高进入损失率的现任者具有更大的搭便车激励,选择较低的威慑概率。然后,我们确定了一系列完全或部分参与均衡存在的条件,使得两个或多个进入损失率具有有限异质性的在职者参与随机抢先竞价。作为一个应用程序,我们研究了一个由一个“领导者”和许多“追随者”组成的参与在职者的两党小组的简单案例。我们表明,限制领导者参与的政策(为进入者设定条件,限制市场份额过大的在职者的参与等)可能会也可能不会增加进入概率。
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引用次数: 1
Tacit Collusion with Consumer Preference Costs 隐性共谋与消费者偏好成本
IF 0.4 4区 经济学 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2021-01-13 DOI: 10.1515/BEJTE-2020-0042
Guillem Roig
Abstract When consumers have preference costs, two opposing effects need to be assessed to analyse the incentives of firms to set collusive prices. On the one hand, preference costs make a deviation from collusion less attractive, as the deviating firm must offer a large enough discount to cover the preference costs. On the other hand, preference costs lock in consumers and make punishment from rivals less effective. When preference costs are low, the latter of the two effects dominates and collusion is more challenging to sustain than in a situation with no preference costs. With high enough preference costs, collusion is a (weakly) dominant strategy. These results do not eventuate in a model with switching costs.
摘要当消费者有偏好成本时,需要评估两种相反的效应来分析企业制定串通价格的动机。一方面,偏好成本降低了偏离共谋的吸引力,因为偏离共谋的公司必须提供足够大的折扣来弥补偏好成本。另一方面,偏好成本锁定了消费者,降低了竞争对手的惩罚效果。当偏好成本较低时,后两种效应占主导地位,与没有偏好成本的情况相比,共谋更难维持。在偏好成本足够高的情况下,串通是一种(微弱的)主导策略。这些结果不会在具有转换成本的模型中得出。
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引用次数: 0
Corporate Profit Tax and Strategic Corporate Social Responsibility Under Foreign Acquisition 外资并购下的企业利得税与战略性企业社会责任
IF 0.4 4区 经济学 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2020-12-22 DOI: 10.1515/BEJTE-2020-0028
Lili Xu, Sang‐Ho Lee
Abstract This study investigates government public policies facing competing firms’ strategic corporate social responsibility (CSR) activities and finds that the choice of CSR crucially depends on corporate profit tax. We demonstrate that strategic CSR decreases while social welfare increases with corporate tax. When the government grants uniform output subsidies, we show that bilateral CSR leads to a lower CSR level than under unilateral CSR but bilateral CSR is always beneficial to society. However, when the government grants discriminatory output subsidies which yield different levels of unilateral CSR, we show that domestic CSR leads to a lower CSR level than under foreign CSR. In an endogenous CSR choice game, domestic CSR (no CSR) is a Nash equilibrium when corporate tax is low (high) under the uniform subsidy, while foreign CSR could be a Nash equilibrium when corporate tax is low under the discriminatory subsidy.
摘要本研究调查了面对竞争企业战略企业社会责任活动的政府公共政策,发现企业社会责任的选择主要取决于企业利润税。我们证明,随着公司税的增加,战略企业社会责任减少,而社会福利增加。当政府给予统一的产出补贴时,我们发现双边企业社会责任导致的企业社会责任水平低于单边企业社会责任,但双边企业社会义务总是有益于社会。然而,当政府给予歧视性产出补贴,产生不同水平的单方面企业社会责任时,我们发现国内企业社会责任导致的企业社会责任水平低于国外企业社会责任。在内生企业社会责任选择博弈中,在统一补贴下,当企业税低(高)时,国内企业社会责任(无企业社会责任)是纳什均衡,而在歧视性补贴下,企业税低时,国外企业社会责任可能是纳什均衡。
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引用次数: 3
Examining the Impact of Electoral Competition and Endogenous Lobby Formation on Equilibrium Policy Platforms 考察选举竞争和内生游说团形成对均衡政策平台的影响
IF 0.4 4区 经济学 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2020-12-17 DOI: 10.1515/bejte-2020-0085
Deepti Kohli
Abstract This paper formulates a mathematical model that combines the dynamics of interest group formation with electoral politics, involving office-seeking and corrupt political candidates and voting population with well-defined policy as well as ideological preferences. The analysis provides several interesting insights into the factors affecting lobby membership, free-riding incentives of citizen-voters and aggregate monetary donations garnered by lobby groups. Besides this, the paper also explores the impact of the formation of distinct lobby groups, the presence of swing voters and the corrupt practices or financial embezzlement on the equilibrium policy choice of electoral contenders. The findings reveal that more honest spending of campaign donations by electoral contenders reduces both the size of the lobby (or membership) as well as aggregate campaign contributions in equilibrium. In contrast, a rise in the fixed cost of organization is found to augment lobby membership along with the total amount of campaign contributions. In addition, a reduction in the level of electoral uncertainty as well as a rise in the ideological or swing voter density is found to increase the effectiveness of campaign contributions in raising an electoral candidate’s perceived popularity and, therefore, a smaller lobby group with lower aggregate donations is deemed as sufficient in influencing electoral outcomes. Moreover, the results indicate that a lower utility difference derived by the citizen-voters when comparing the two electoral candidate’s policy choices translates into smaller dispersion of the voters’ ideological bias, and consequently results in an increase in the size of lobby groups and their corresponding aggregate donations. As regards the choice of equilibrium policy, evidence of full policy convergence is not found in the case when citizen-voters of the two groups have separable preferences. In addition, policy equilibrium for a more realistic case in which the two policy platforms exhibit strategic interaction by reacting to each other has also been estimated with the help of simulations. Finally, this paper helps in categorically deciphering the influence of the median voter effect (or the centripetal force) and the distinct centrifugal forces in the form of lobbying effect, swing voter effect and the financial embezzlement effect on the equilibrium policy choice by employing different parametric specifications of the model.
本文建立了一个将利益集团形成动力学与选举政治相结合的数学模型,该模型涉及竞选人和腐败政治候选人以及具有明确政策和意识形态偏好的投票人口。该分析对影响游说团体成员资格、公民选民搭便车的动机和游说团体获得的总捐款的因素提供了一些有趣的见解。除此之外,本文还探讨了不同游说团体的形成、摇摆选民的存在以及腐败行为或财政挪用对选举竞争者均衡政策选择的影响。研究结果表明,竞选候选人更诚实地支出竞选捐款,既减少了游说团体(或成员)的规模,也减少了竞选捐款的总量。相反,固定组织费用的增加会增加游说团体的人数,同时也会增加竞选捐款总额。此外,研究发现,选举不确定性水平的降低以及意识形态或摇摆选民密度的增加,可以提高竞选捐款在提高选举候选人的受欢迎程度方面的有效性,因此,一个规模较小、捐款总额较低的游说团体,被认为足以影响选举结果。此外,研究结果表明,公民选民在比较两名候选人的政策选择时产生的效用差异越小,选民意识形态偏见的分散程度越小,从而导致游说团体的规模和相应的捐款总额增加。关于均衡政策的选择,当两个群体的公民选民具有可分离的偏好时,没有发现政策完全趋同的证据。此外,在模拟的帮助下,还估计了两个政策平台通过相互反应表现出战略互动的更现实情况下的政策均衡。最后,本文利用模型的不同参数规范,分类解读了中位选民效应(或称向心力)以及以游说效应、摇摆选民效应和财政挪用效应为形式的不同离心力对均衡政策选择的影响。
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引用次数: 0
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B E Journal of Theoretical Economics
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