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Understanding Russian Strategic Behavior: Imperial Strategic Culture and Putin’s Operational Code, written by Graeme P. Herd 《理解俄罗斯的战略行为:帝国战略文化与普京的作战准则》,格雷姆·P·赫尔德著
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10129
Keith Prushankin
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引用次数: 1
Introduction: Approaching Gender and Ministries of Foreign Affairs 导言:探讨性别问题和外交部
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-08-18 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10123
Birgitta Niklasson, Ann E. Towns
This introductory article situates Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFAs) as gendered institutions at the intersection between domestic and international relations. Based on an extensive literature review and analysis of articles on Australian, Bulgarian, Czech, Japanese, Turkish, UK, and US MFAs in this special issue, we claim that research on gender and MFAs has made important contributions to diplomatic studies by deepening, challenging, and diversifying understandings of what MFAs are; MFAs’ institutional structures; and power struggles within MFAs. MFA relations with other actors remain decidedly understudied from a gender perspective, however. Future research on gender and MFAs should direct attention to these relationships, including how they shape MFAs as gendered institutions. Future studies would also benefit from global and intersectional analyses of multiple axes of power and differentiation. By identifying research questions, new theoretical perspectives, and largely unapplied research designs, we hope to facilitate the pursuit of such studies.
这篇介绍性文章将外交部定位为国内和国际关系交叉点上的性别机构。基于对本期特刊中关于澳大利亚、保加利亚、捷克、日本、土耳其、英国和美国外交部的文章的广泛文献回顾和分析,我们声称,性别和外交部的研究通过深化、挑战和多样化对外交部的理解,为外交研究做出了重要贡献;MFA的体制结构;MFA内部的权力斗争。然而,从性别角度来看,外交部与其他行为者的关系显然仍然研究不足。未来对性别和MFA的研究应该关注这些关系,包括它们如何将MFA塑造成性别化的机构。未来的研究也将受益于对多个权力和分化轴的全球和交叉分析。通过识别研究问题、新的理论视角和基本上不适用的研究设计,我们希望促进此类研究的开展。
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引用次数: 2
Breaking Protocol: America’s First Female Ambassadors, 1933-1964, written by Philip Nash 《打破协议:美国第一位女大使,1933-1964》,菲利普·纳什著
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-08-17 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10124
Cecile Divya Lorrillard
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引用次数: 0
Not Always Diplomatic: An Australian Woman’s Journey through International Affairs, written by Sue Boyd 《不总是外交:一个澳大利亚女人的国际事务之旅》,苏·博伊德著
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-08-11 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10122
Diletta M. L. Alparone
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引用次数: 0
The Daughters of Yalta: The Churchills, Roosevelts, and Harrimans: A Story of Love and War, written by Catherine Grace Katz 《雅尔塔的女儿们:丘吉尔、罗斯福和哈里曼斯:爱与战争的故事》,凯瑟琳·格蕾丝·卡茨著
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-08-11 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10116
P. Nash
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引用次数: 1
Global Norm Diffusion of LGBTI Diplomacy LGBTI外交的全球规范扩散
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-08-11 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10119
Elise Rainer
This article examines the genesis of LGBTI diplomacy across ministries of foreign affairs (MFA s). Examining primarily Sweden and the United States, insights are provided into early LGBTI diplomatic adoption in the 2000 s. It analyses how foreign policy leaders have peer-pressured, inspired and influenced another, and continue to do so, to include LGBTI rights into their foreign policy agendas. As a former US diplomat and scholar, the author utilises primary source data and high-level interviews from the US, Sweden and the EU. Findings indicate that Swedish diplomats played a unique role in norm entrepreneurship in the development of global LGBTI diplomacy. Diplomats across North America and the EU replicated Sweden’s policy framing and programmatic strategies for global LGBTI rights. From the State Department side, once US diplomats joined the small community of nations engaged in LGBTI diplomacy, US political influence served to legitimise and further prioritise LGBTI rights across global institutions.
本文探讨了跨外交部(MFA)的LGBTI外交的起源。本文主要考察了瑞典和美国,提供了对2000年代早期LGBTI外交收养的见解。它分析了外交政策领导人如何施加压力,激励和影响他人,并继续这样做,将LGBTI权利纳入其外交政策议程。作为一名前美国外交官和学者,作者采用了第一手资料和来自美国、瑞典和欧盟的高层访谈。研究结果表明,瑞典外交官在全球LGBTI外交发展中发挥了独特的规范创业作用。北美和欧盟的外交官们复制了瑞典为全球LGBTI权利制定的政策框架和规划战略。从国务院的角度来看,一旦美国外交官加入了参与LGBTI外交的国家小团体,美国的政治影响力就有助于在全球机构中使LGBTI权利合法化并进一步优先考虑。
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引用次数: 1
Women’s Access, Representation and Leadership in the United Nations, written by Kirsten Haack 《妇女在联合国的机会、代表性和领导力》,作者:柯尔斯滕·哈克
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-08-10 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10120
G. Papapietro
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引用次数: 0
Duty of Care: Consular Diplomacy Response of Baltic and Nordic Countries to COVID-19 注意义务:波罗的海和北欧国家应对COVID-19的领事外交
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-08-03 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10115
I. Birka, Didzis Kļaviņš, Robert J. Kits
Declaring the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020 left thousands of travellers stranded, propelling consular work to the forefront, and testing governments’ capacity to aid their nationals abroad. While all consular departments provided assistance and duty of care (DoC) through information and guidance, some were reactive while others were proactive, and some were willing to make exceptions and engage in pastoral care. Analysis of the Baltic and Nordic countries’ reactions to the initial outbreak of COVID-19 shows us how DoC diverged in practice, and to note the transition of consular affairs into consular diplomacy and its interplay with facets of digital, citizen-centric and diaspora diplomacy. The conclusion is that all eight countries exceeded normal consular practice and exhibited some level of pastoral DoC, with Latvia and Lithuania exhibiting high levels of pastoral care. In parallel, Lithuania and Denmark, in their responses, effectively incorporated innovative elements of digital and diaspora diplomacy.
2020年初宣布COVID-19大流行,导致数千名旅客滞留,将领事工作推到了最前沿,并考验了政府援助海外国民的能力。虽然所有领事部门都通过信息和指导提供了协助和照顾义务(DoC),但有些是被动的,有些是主动的,有些则愿意例外,从事教牧关怀。分析波罗的海和北欧国家对COVID-19最初爆发的反应,我们可以看到DoC在实践中是如何分歧的,并注意到领事事务向领事外交的过渡及其与数字、以公民为中心和侨民外交方面的相互作用。结论是,所有八个国家都超出了正常的领事惯例,并表现出一定程度的教牧关怀,拉脱维亚和立陶宛表现出高水平的教牧关怀。与此同时,立陶宛和丹麦在回应中有效地融入了数字和侨民外交的创新元素。
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引用次数: 0
Gender Representation in Japan’s National and International Diplomacy 日本国家和国际外交中的性别代表
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-07-28 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10114
P. Flowers
How do we account for the discrepancy between the number of Japanese women serving in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the number in United Nations (UN) organisations? This article identifies where women and men are located in both national and international diplomacy. I argue that in ministries of foreign affairs around the world, institutional rules and norms account for the low numbers of women in these organisations. This research makes a new contribution to the literature by demonstrating that institutional rules and norms at the UN provide many opportunities for Japanese women to engage in diplomatic work, in contrast to national MFAs where norms and rules tend to circumscribe women’s participation. I argue that women choose to seek out these opportunities to fulfil their goals. Thus, this article investigates women’s agency in pursuing careers in international affairs as well as the effect of institutional rules and norms.
我们如何解释在外务省(MFA)任职的日本女性人数与在联合国(UN)组织任职的日本女性人数之间的差异?本文确定了女性和男性在国家和国际外交中的位置。我认为,在世界各地的外交部中,制度规则和规范是这些组织中女性人数较少的原因。这项研究通过证明联合国的制度规则和规范为日本妇女从事外交工作提供了许多机会,从而对文献做出了新的贡献,而国家mfa的规范和规则往往限制妇女的参与。我认为女性选择寻找这些机会来实现她们的目标。因此,本文探讨了妇女在国际事务中追求事业的能力性以及制度规则和规范的作用。
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引用次数: 2
The Diplomatic Glass Cliff: Women’s Representation and Diplomacy’s Decline 外交玻璃悬崖:女性代表与外交的衰落
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-07-27 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10113
Elise Stephenson
For the first time in history, women in Australian diplomacy have equal or near-equal representation in leadership whilst the institution they represent is shrinking — in funding, footprint and status. Even if simply a natural shift in policy priorities, this diplomatic ‘glass cliff’ has specifically gendered effects. Indeed, ‘hard’ militaristic agencies — where funding and prestige flow — remain pockets of gender resistance in Australian international affairs. This article employs a combination of qualitative interview analysis as well as quantitative longitudinal data on gender representation and agency funding across four case agencies to argue that women are gaining positions of diplomatic leadership just as diplomacy’s relative power, influence and funding decreases. It contributes to women’s leadership research in finding that women’s increased opportunities in leadership are therefore constrained by the declining status or shrinking nature of the institution to which they are gaining access.
历史上第一次,澳大利亚外交中的女性在领导层中拥有平等或近乎平等的代表性,而她们所代表的机构在资金、足迹和地位方面正在缩小。即使只是政策重点的自然转变,这种外交“玻璃悬崖”也会产生特定的性别影响。事实上,“强硬”的军国主义机构——资金和声望的流动地——仍然是澳大利亚国际事务中的性别阻力区。这篇文章结合了定性访谈分析以及四个案例机构的性别代表性和机构资金的定量纵向数据,认为女性正在获得外交领导职位,而外交的相对权力、影响力和资金正在减少。它有助于妇女领导力研究,发现妇女在领导力方面增加的机会因此受到她们所获得的机构地位下降或性质缩小的限制。
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引用次数: 3
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