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Inclusivity in Mediation and Peacebuilding: UN, Neighboring States, and Global Powers, written by Daisaku Higashi 《调解与建设和平的包容性:联合国、邻国和全球大国》,东大作
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-06 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10140
Ahmet Serdar Günaydın
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引用次数: 0
Diplomats on the Frontlines: Knowing and Ordering in Crisis 前线外交官:危机中的认知与秩序
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-21 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10142
Maren Hofius
How do diplomatic practices change under crisis conditions? To explore the possible effects of crisis on diplomatic standards of competence, the article zooms in on the modes of knowledge production of frontline diplomats in crisis. An illustrative case study of European Union (EU) diplomatic practice in Ukraine during the Euromaidan revolution reveals two different modes of knowledge production among members of the local EU diplomatic ‘community of practice’: a rule-following and reflexive mode. The article finds that the reflexive mode of knowledge production surfaces in times of crisis and reflects a heretofore under-acknowledged standard of excellence, the ‘ethics of care’ towards the host state’s citizens. Foregrounding the ‘ethics of care’ as a standard of competence sheds new light on diplomatic ethics and advances International Practice Theory’s (IPT) discussion about the normativity of practices and the contested nature of diplomatic competence.
在危机条件下,外交实践如何改变?为了探讨危机对外交能力标准的可能影响,本文重点探讨了危机中前线外交官的知识生产模式。对欧盟(EU)在乌克兰的外交实践进行的一项例证性案例研究揭示了当地欧盟外交“实践共同体”成员之间的两种不同的知识生产模式:遵循规则和反射模式。文章发现,知识生产的反射模式在危机时期出现,并反映了迄今为止公认的卓越标准,即对东道国公民的“关怀伦理”。将“谨慎伦理”作为能力标准的前景为外交伦理提供了新的视角,并推动了国际实践理论对实践规范性和外交能力争议性的讨论。
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking the Tensions between Populism and Diplomacy: A Case Study of Regional Sub-State Diplomacy as Populist Image-Building Strategy in Flanders 民粹主义与外交张力的再思考——以佛兰德斯地区次国家外交为例
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-21 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10143
Jens Meijen
Populism is traditionally understood as a challenge to diplomacy. This article reconsiders that notion through an illustrative case of regional sub-state diplomacy. First, it examines how and why populists discredit diplomacy and the international order through four typically populist discursive strategies: crisis discourse, exceptionalism, underdogism and challengerism. Second, it explores why populists may approach regional sub-state diplomacy differently. To illustrate this, it examines the position of Vlaams Belang (a Flemish populist party in Belgium) in the Flemish Parliament Commission for Foreign Policy. It shows that the party discredits state diplomacy while advocating for stronger Flemish diplomacy, implying that the idea of populism as a challenge to diplomacy does not necessarily hold up for regional sub-state diplomacy. As such, the article suggests that the multifarious ways in which populism and diplomacy intersect deserve greater scrutiny and that diplomacy studies should approach populism not as a monolith but as a multi-faceted concept.
民粹主义传统上被理解为对外交的挑战。本文通过一个区域次国家外交的例证来重新思考这一概念。首先,它考察了民粹主义者如何以及为什么通过四种典型的民粹主义话语策略来诋毁外交和国际秩序:危机话语、例外论、劣势论和挑战者主义。其次,它探讨了为什么民粹主义者可能会以不同的方式对待地区次国家外交。为了说明这一点,它考察了弗拉芒-贝朗(比利时的弗拉芒民粹主义政党)在弗拉芒议会外交政策委员会中的立场。这表明,该党在主张加强佛兰德外交的同时,抹黑了国家外交,这意味着民粹主义对外交的挑战并不一定适用于地区次国家外交。因此,文章认为,民粹主义和外交的多种交叉方式值得进一步审视,外交研究不应将民粹主义视为一个整体,而应将其视为一种多方面的概念。
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引用次数: 0
Analysing Knowledge Diplomacy and Differentiating It from Soft Power and Cultural, Science, Education and Public Diplomacies 知识外交与软实力及文化、科学、教育、公共外交的辨析
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10145
J. Knight
The purpose of this article is to explore the contemporary role of international higher education, research and innovation (IHERI) in international relations (IR). Using an interdisciplinary and conceptual approach, it examines how diplomacy and higher education scholars understand and label the rationales, strategies and contributions of IHERI to IR. The findings indicate that multiple terms are used, resulting in terminology chaos and confusion. The concept of knowledge diplomacy is proposed, defined and analysed as a comprehensive term to frame the role of IHERI in IR. The similarities and differences between knowledge diplomacy and related terms such as cultural, public, science and education diplomacy and soft power are examined. Issues that require further investigation are identified, with special attention given to the differences between using a knowledge diplomacy approach versus a soft power approach to understand the role of IHERI in IR.
本文旨在探讨当代国际高等教育、研究与创新(IHERI)在国际关系(IR)中的作用。它采用跨学科和概念性的方法,考察了外交和高等教育学者如何理解和标记IHERI对国际关系的基本原理、战略和贡献。研究结果表明,使用了多个术语,造成了术语的混乱和混淆。知识外交的概念被提出,定义和分析为一个全面的术语框架IHERI在国际关系中的作用。考察了知识外交与文化外交、公共外交、科教外交、软实力等相关术语的异同。确定了需要进一步调查的问题,特别注意使用知识外交方法与软实力方法来理解IHERI在国际关系中的作用之间的差异。
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引用次数: 1
Digital Diplomacy and International Organisations: Autonomy, Legitimacy and Contestation, edited by Corneliu Bjola and Ruben Zaiotti 《数字外交与国际组织:自主性、合法性和竞争性》,Corneliu Bjola和Ruben Zaiotti主编
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10144
Nicolas Verbeek
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引用次数: 1
Inter-Korean People-to-People Diplomacy: Social and Cultural Exchanges across the 38th Parallel 韩人文外交:跨越三八线的社会文化交流
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-08 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10139
K. Ayhan, S. Jang
The people of the two Koreas cannot communicate directly with one another. Since the early 1990s, South and North Korea have allowed a limited number of people-to-people exchanges. In this article, we map the South Korean government’s theories of change regarding inter-Korean exchanges based on policy documents and semi-structured interviews with five high-level Ministry of Unification bureaucrats. We also explore the outcomes of inter-Korean exchanges, building on ten South Korean participants’ insights. Our findings suggest that the primary goals of inter-Korean social and cultural exchanges have been to expand contact between the two Koreas to alleviate the sense of mutual alienation, to increase empathy and, in turn, to reduce tensions and establish peace on the Korean Peninsula. Participant interviews reveal that direct interpersonal interaction between South and North Koreans reinforces the idea of a superordinate Korean group identity.
朝韩两国人民不能直接相互交流。自20世纪90年代初以来,韩国和朝鲜允许有限数量的人与人之间的交流。在这篇文章中,我们根据政策文件和对五位统一部高级官员的半结构化采访,绘制了韩国政府关于朝韩交流的变革理论。我们还探讨了朝韩交流的成果,以十位韩国与会者的见解为基础。我们的研究结果表明,朝韩社会和文化交流的主要目标是扩大朝韩之间的接触,以减轻相互疏远的感觉,增强同理心,进而缓解紧张局势,在朝鲜半岛建立和平。参与者访谈显示,韩国和朝鲜人之间的直接人际互动强化了朝鲜群体高级身份的观念。
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引用次数: 1
Democracy, Populism, and Neoliberalism in Ukraine: On the Fringes of the Virtual and the Real, written by Olga Baysha 《乌克兰的民主、民粹主义和新自由主义:在虚拟和现实的边缘》,作者:Olga Baysha
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10126
Jens Meijen
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引用次数: 3
China’s Civilian Army: The Making of Wolf Warrior Diplomacy, written by Peter Martin 《中国的平民军队:战狼外交的形成》,彼得·马丁著
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-26 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10121
M. H. Tekines
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引用次数: 0
Engaging Home in International Diplomacy: Introduction 国内参与国际外交:导论
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-24 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10141
Hwajung Kim, J. Melissen
and its domestic socialisation, a broad and domestic context. We this Forum shows that there is a need for better theoretical and empirical understanding of state-society relations as an integral part of the narrative on contemporary diplomacy. The ‘mood of the country’ has always influenced foreign policy capacity and international state behaviour, but society across the world has become more dynamic, is expressing more pro-nounced opinions on foreign policy-related matters affecting the domestic sphere, and people are claiming greater agency. We suggest that national governments and other international actors have some way to go in their con-ceptual understanding and practices of diplomatic engagement with ‘ordinary people’ and we hope that students of diplomacy will further analyse the trends touched upon in this Forum.
以及它的国内社会化,一个广泛的国内背景。本次论坛表明,作为当代外交叙事的一个组成部分,有必要对国家-社会关系进行更好的理论和实证理解。“国家情绪”一直影响着外交政策能力和国际国家行为,但世界各地的社会变得更加活跃,在影响国内领域的外交政策相关问题上表达了更多公开的意见,人们要求更大的代理。我们建议,各国政府和其他国际行为体在与“普通人”进行外交接触的概念理解和实践方面还有一段路要走,我们希望外交专业的学生能够进一步分析本次论坛所触及的趋势。
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引用次数: 0
The Disintegration of State–Society Relations and Its Moderating Effects on Japanese Diplomacy towards China 国家-社会关系的解体及其对日本对华外交的调节作用
IF 1.4 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-18 DOI: 10.1163/1871191x-bja10137
Yun Zhang
In most of the scholarship on diplomacy, whether historical or contemporary, the governmental elite-based perspective has consistently dominated. The societisation of diplomacy is the process of legitimisation of foreign policy deliberations between state and society, both domestically and internationally. This article argues that there are two types of societisation: internal and external. It defines the former as a dynamic political communication process comprising diplomatic policy deliberation and legitimisation between state and society in a domestic context. The internal dimension is yet to receive sufficient academic and practical attention. This article fills the gap in the literature on the internal societisation of diplomacy through an empirical case study of Japan’s diplomacy towards China. It shows that the unsuccessful internal societisation of diplomacy has had moderating effects on Japan’s diplomacy towards China.
在大多数外交学术中,无论是历史的还是当代的,基于政府精英的视角一直占据主导地位。外交社会化是国家和社会在国内外外交政策审议合法化的过程。本文认为社会化有两种类型:内部社会化和外部社会化。它将前者定义为一个动态的政治沟通过程,包括外交政策审议和国家与社会在国内背景下的合法化。内部维度尚未得到足够的学术和实践关注。本文通过对日本对华外交的实证案例研究,填补了有关外交内部社会化的文献空白。这表明,外交内部社会化的失败对日本的对华外交产生了缓和作用。
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引用次数: 0
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Hague Journal of Diplomacy
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