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Middle East Critique最新文献

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Follow the Grid, Follow the Violence: The Project for a Transregional Mediterranean Electricity Ring 跟随电网,跟随暴力:跨区域地中海电力环项目
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-07 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2242108
B. Schuetze
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引用次数: 0
Missing Gender: Conceptual Limitations in the Debate on “Sectarianism” in the Middle East 性别缺失:中东“宗派主义”辩论中的概念局限
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-07 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2243178
Rahaf Aldoughli
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引用次数: 0
UNHCR’s Expansion to the GCC States: Establishing a UNHCR Presence in Saudi Arabia 1987-1993 难民专员办事处向海湾合作委员会国家的扩展:1987年至1993年在沙特阿拉伯设立难民专员办事处
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-22 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2235860
Maja Janmyr, Charlotte Lysa
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引用次数: 0
Weaponizing Democratization: Street Battles and Transformation in Post-Revolutionary Egypt 武器化民主化:革命后埃及的巷战与转型
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-12 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2234131
S. Hynek
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引用次数: 0
The Arab Lecturer on a Zionist Campus: Student Practices Replicating National Hegemony 犹太复国主义校园里的阿拉伯讲师:学生复制国家霸权的实践
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2230672
Ibrahim Mahajne, Nuzha Allassad Alhuzail
Abstract Minority groups tend to experience the academic campus as unpleasant and excluding. Relevant literature attempts to analyze the position of these groups, using terms such as ‘race’ and investigating how higher education institution mechanisms replicate the inequality between the minority group and the hegemonic majority population. In Israel, unresolved problems cause continuing tension between two national groups: citizens who are members of the Palestinian Arab minority (PAMI) and citizens from the Jewish majority. This article focuses on relations between PAMI and Jews on Israeli campuses by drawing upon insights from American research, but it replaces the term ‘race’ with ‘nationality.’ Academe is the only place in Israel where the Arab lecturer is in a position of power vis-à-vis the Jewish student. The study presents this encounter from the viewpoint of the lecturer, drawing on data from interviews with 56 PAMI lecturers in public and private Israeli universities and colleges. The findings indicate that Jewish students use various strategies to divest Arab lecturers of their elevated status in academe.
摘要少数民族群体倾向于将校园视为令人不快和排斥的地方。相关文献试图分析这些群体的立场,使用“种族”等术语,并调查高等教育机构机制如何复制少数群体和霸权多数人口之间的不平等。在以色列,悬而未决的问题导致两个民族群体之间的持续紧张关系:巴勒斯坦阿拉伯少数民族的公民和犹太多数民族的公民。这篇文章通过借鉴美国研究的见解,重点关注PAMI和以色列校园里犹太人之间的关系,但它用“国籍”取代了“种族”一词学院是以色列唯一一个阿拉伯讲师对犹太学生有权力的地方。该研究从讲师的角度介绍了这种遭遇,并利用了对以色列公立和私立大学和学院56名PAMI讲师的采访数据。研究结果表明,犹太学生使用各种策略来剥夺阿拉伯讲师在学术界的崇高地位。
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引用次数: 0
Correction 校正
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2235862
Hassoup Awad
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引用次数: 0
Leaders and the Breakdown of Democracy in Turkey, 1973-1980 1973-1980年,土耳其领导人与民主崩溃
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2227935
Tezan Gűműş
Abstract This article focuses on Turkey’s crisis-ridden years, from 1973 to 1980. As an under-explored era in English language scholarship, it makes a distinct contribution to the literature on pre-1980 coup Turkish politics. In doing so, it illustrates the implications for the democratic order arising from the two central political leaders of the era Süleyman Demirel and Bülent Ecevit’s tussle for power across the decade. The study draws on fieldwork interviews and critical reading of Turkish and English sources to reveal new insights into the leaders’ actions and decisions that trapped the country in a state of political paralysis, inflamed left-right violence, and politicized state institutions, ultimately dragging Turkey down one of its most turbulent periods. It illustrates how the leaders played crucial roles in shaping conditions that eventually resulted in the termination of multi-party politics with a military coup on 12 September 1980.
摘要本文聚焦于1973年至1980年土耳其危机重重的岁月。作为一个英语学术探索不足的时代,它对1980年政变前土耳其政治的文学做出了独特的贡献。通过这样做,它说明了苏莱曼·德米雷尔和比伦特·埃切维特时代的两位中央政治领导人在过去十年中的权力争夺对民主秩序的影响。这项研究利用实地采访和对土耳其语和英语来源的批判性阅读,揭示了对领导人的行动和决定的新见解,这些行动和决定使土耳其陷入政治瘫痪状态,加剧了左右暴力,并使国家机构政治化,最终将土耳其拖入了最动荡的时期之一。它说明了领导人如何在形成条件方面发挥关键作用,最终导致多党政治在1980年9月12日的军事政变中终止。
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引用次数: 0
The Politics of Faith among the Palestinian-Arab Minority in Israel: Increasing Human Capital and Public Engagement 以色列巴勒斯坦-阿拉伯少数民族的信仰政治:增加人力资本和公众参与
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-29 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2226887
Muhammed Khalaily, A. Ghanem
Abstract This article examines the steep rise in self-confidence among the Arab-Palestinian public in Israel over the last two decades. We suggest that this self-confidence is partially due to higher education levels and the rise of the middle class. We argue that these enhanced levels of human capital have led to more concerted cultural, political and social activism. Our analysis is grounded in the ‘politics of faith’ which we define as a willingness to change the status quo. As such, this article contributes to literature explaining how political and social developments affect collective activism in the public sphere—both within one’s one own community and in relation to the state.
本文考察了过去二十年来以色列阿拉伯-巴勒斯坦公众自信心的急剧上升。我们认为,这种自信部分是由于高等教育水平和中产阶级的崛起。我们认为,这些人力资本水平的提高导致了更协调的文化、政治和社会行动主义。我们的分析基于“信仰政治”,我们将其定义为改变现状的意愿。因此,本文有助于解释政治和社会发展如何影响公共领域的集体行动主义——无论是在自己的社区内还是在与国家的关系中。
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引用次数: 0
Re-Narrating the Past, Producing the Present and Unlocking the Future: Haris al-Quds, a TV-Dramatization of ‘Post-war’ Syria 重叙过去,制造现在,开启未来:“战后”叙利亚的电视剧《圣城》
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-28 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2229188
Christine Crone
Abstract Regaining control of Aleppo was an important symbolic victory for the Syrian state army, which has opened the way for state-sanctioned narrations of ‘post-war’ Syria. To elucidate the workings of this narration, I explore the TV drama Haris al-Quds (2020) as a fascinating window into Syrian state ideology in Bashar al-Assad’s ‘post-war’ Syria. I argue that the Syrian state holds on to future visions of the past while re-narrating history to fine-tune its ideological heritage in a state-endorsed and state-endorsing TV drama. The serial’s interweaving of selected historical times allows for the experience of alternative narrative times, constructing what I refer to as resistance time, Manichaean time, and restoration time. In this play with temporality, each time serves in different ways as a promotion of a particular ideological understanding of Syria.
重新控制阿勒颇对叙利亚政府军来说是一个重要的象征性胜利,这为国家认可的“战后”叙利亚的叙述开辟了道路。为了阐明这种叙事的作用,我探索了电视剧《圣城》(2020),作为一个迷人的窗口,了解巴沙尔·阿萨德“战后”叙利亚的叙利亚国家意识形态。我认为,叙利亚政府坚持对过去的未来展望,同时在一部政府认可和政府认可的电视剧中重新叙述历史,以微调其意识形态遗产。这个系列的历史时间交织在一起,让我们可以体验到不同的叙事时间,构建我所说的抵抗时间、摩尼教时间和恢复时间。在这场关于时间性的戏剧中,每一次都以不同的方式促进了对叙利亚的某种意识形态的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Israeli Colonial Governance vs. Palestinian Resistance: An Institutional Genealogy 以色列殖民统治vs.巴勒斯坦抵抗:制度谱系
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-28 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2229678
Hani Awad
Abstract This article examines the institutional genealogy of Israeli colonial governance (ICG) and the accompanying patterns of Palestinian resistance in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip. It argues that ICG has experienced three phases, each marked by a particular form of direct or indirect colonial rule. Each of these colonial rule forms has been resisted through a distinct pattern of centralized or decentralized collective political agency. I argue that both the form and governing logic of ICG are determined not only by colonialist aims, but also by their interplay with the Palestinian resistance.
摘要本文考察了以色列殖民统治(ICG)的制度谱系,以及在被占领的西岸和加沙地带巴勒斯坦抵抗的伴随模式。它认为,国际殖民集团经历了三个阶段,每个阶段都以一种特定形式的直接或间接殖民统治为标志。每一种殖民统治形式都通过一种独特的集中或分散的集体政治机构模式受到抵制。我认为,ICG的形式和统治逻辑不仅取决于殖民主义的目标,还取决于它们与巴勒斯坦抵抗运动的相互作用。
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引用次数: 0
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Middle East Critique
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