Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2270347
Mohammad Mirzaei, Rasoul Sadeghi
Abstract:Over the past half-century, Iran has experienced unprecedented demographic transition. With a population over 85 million, Iran’s population growth recently has declined below one per cent per year, compared with nearly four per cent in the 1980s. This phenomenal decline is the result of social developments along with the re-introduction of a family planning program, which progressively brought the total fertility rate (TFR) down to below-replacement level since 2000. That is, from around seven children per woman in the mid-1980s–and despite the reversal of population policies toward pronatalist since 2010–the total fertility rate had decreased to 1.7 children per woman in 2021, partly due to the COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent economic shocks. Life expectancy at birth has tripled in the last century (1920-2020) from 25 to 75 years. There have been important changes in the age structure of Iran’s population, with the under-15 population decreasing from 40 per cent in 1996 to 20 per cent in 2021. In contrast, the working-age population (ages 15 to 64) has increased substantially to over 70%, indicating that Iran has entered a ‘demographic window of opportunity’. Accompanied by rising levels of educational attainment among both men and women, this demographic window has the potential to create socio-economic opportunities for Iran over the next three decades, provided that adequate economic conditions, public policies and youth employment are prepared.Key Words: age structure transitiondemographic windoweconomic developmenteconomic policiesIran AcknowledgmentThe authors gratefully acknowledge valuable comments and editing by Prof. Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 Julian Bharier (Citation1968) A Note on the Population of Iran: 1900–1966, Journal of Population Studies, 22 (2), pp. 273–279.2 Mahdi Amani (Citation1996) A Historical Outlook at the Trends in Birth and Death Rates and the Identification of the Stages of Demographic Transition in Iran, Journal of Population, 13–14, p. 73.3 Statistical Center of Iran (1986–2016) Results of the National Census of Population and Housing 1986, 1996, 2006, 2011, and 2016 (Tehran: Statistical Center of Iran).4 Rasoul Sadeghi, Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi, and Saeedeh Shahbazin (Citation2020) Internal Migration in Iran, in: M. Bell, A. Bernard, E. Charles-Edwards & Y. Zhu (eds), Internal Migration in the Countries of Asia (New York: Springer International Publishing), pp. 295–317.5 Hassan Saraie (Citation1997) The First Phase of Demographic Transition in Iran, Journal of Social Sciences, 9–10, p. 61.6 Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi, Meimanat Hosseini-Chavoshi, Majid Koosheshi and Mohsen Naghavi (Citation2005) Trends and Emerging Issues of Health and Mortality in the Islamic Republic of Iran, In: United Nation (eds). Emerging Issues of Health in Mortality in the Asia and Pacific Region, p. 154.7 Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-S
摘要:在过去的半个世纪里,伊朗经历了前所未有的人口转型。伊朗人口超过8 500万,其人口增长率最近降至每年1%以下,而1980年代则接近4%。这种显著的下降是社会发展的结果,同时重新引入了计划生育计划,自2000年以来,计划生育计划逐步将总生育率(TFR)降至更替水平以下。也就是说,从20世纪80年代中期的每名妇女约7个孩子开始——尽管自2010年以来人口政策向生育政策转变——到2021年,总生育率已降至每名妇女1.7个孩子,部分原因是COVID-19大流行和随后的经济冲击。在上个世纪(1920-2020年),出生时的预期寿命从25岁增加到75岁,增长了两倍。伊朗人口的年龄结构发生了重大变化,15岁以下人口从1996年的40%下降到2021年的20%。相比之下,劳动年龄人口(15岁至64岁)大幅增加,超过70%,表明伊朗已进入“人口机会之窗”。随着男性和女性受教育程度的提高,只要有足够的经济条件、公共政策和青年就业,这一人口窗口有可能在未来三十年为伊朗创造社会经济机会。关键词:年龄结构转变;人口窗口;经济发展;经济政策;披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。3.马赫迪·阿曼尼(Mahdi Amani):《伊朗出生与死亡率趋势的历史展望与人口转型阶段的确定》,《人口杂志》,13-14页,73.3伊朗统计中心(1986 - 2016)1986年、1996年、2006年、2011年和2016年全国人口与住房普查结果(德黑兰:伊朗统计中心)Rasoul Sadeghi, Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi和Saeedeh Shahbazin (Citation2020)伊朗的内部移民,见:M. Bell, A. Bernard, E. Charles-Edwards和Y. Zhu(编),亚洲国家的内部移民(纽约:Hassan Saraie (Citation1997)伊朗人口转型的第一阶段,社会科学杂志,9-10,61.6 Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi, Meimanat Hosseini-Chavoshi, Majid Koosheshi和Mohsen Naghavi (Citation2005)伊朗伊斯兰共和国健康和死亡率的趋势和新出现的问题,in:联合国(编辑)。Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi和Meimanat Hosseini-Chavoshi (Citation2017)伊朗最近的生育趋势:在2016年人口普查中应用自生子女生育率估计方法(德黑兰:伊朗统计中心),第26.8页。Farzaneh Roudi, Pooya Azadi和Mohsen Mesgaran (Citation2017)伊朗的人口动态和人口机会之窗,工作文件4(斯坦福,CA):《斯坦福伊朗2040项目》,斯坦福大学),第3.9页。Bo Malmberg和Lena Sommestad (Citation2000)人口转型的四个阶段,在SSHA会议上发表的论文,匹兹堡,宾夕法尼亚州,第5.10页。David Bloom, David Canning和Jaypee Sevilla(2003) .人口红利:人口变化的经济后果的新视角(加州圣莫莫妮卡:兰德),第1-103.11 Natalie Jackson和Bruce Felmingham(2004) .澳大利亚的人口礼物,议程:小川直宏、近藤诚、松仓理也(Citation2005):《日本从人口红利到人口责任的转变》,《亚洲人口研究》第1期,pp. 207-226.13米特拉·席达多、R. Nagarajan (Citation2005):“利用人口机会之窗”:沃尔夫冈•鲁茨(2014):21世纪的人口政策理性,《人口与发展评论》,40(3),527-544.15加里•贝克尔(1962):人力资本投资:理论分析,政治经济学杂志,70(2),9-49.16罗纳德•李和安德鲁•梅森(Citation2011):人口老龄化与代际经济:全球视角,(北安普顿,MA)伊恩·普尔(引文2005)《年龄结构转变与政策:框架》。见:S. Tuljapurkar, I. Pool & V. Prachuabmoh(编)《人口、资源与发展》(多德雷特:斯普林格出版社),第13-39.18页。Roudi, Azadi, and Mesgaran,《伊朗的人口动态和人口机会之窗》,第6页。 13.19联合国(Citation2004) 2003年亚洲及太平洋经济社会概览(纽约:联合国亚洲及太平洋经济社会委员会).20Bloom, Canning和Sevilla,“人口红利”,第40.22页。David E. Bloom和Jeffrey G. Williamson (Citation1998)新兴亚洲的人口转型和经济奇迹,世界银行经济评论,12(3),第419-455.23页。Norman Owen主编(Citation2005)现代东南亚的出现:一个新的历史(檀香山:《制度框架与经济发展》,载于《政治经济学杂志》1996年第3期,第652-662.25页。Gemma Abio, Concepcio Patxot, Miguel Sánchez-Romero和Guadalupe Souto(2015)福利国家和人口红利:一个跨国比较,工作文件No. 3/2015, Agenta项目,p. 3.27 Mayra Buvinic, Monica Das Gupta和Ursula Casarbonne (Citation2009)性别,贫困和人口统计学:南希·伯德索尔和史蒂文·w·辛丁(Citation2001):《人口问题如何及为何重要:新发现、新问题》,见:n.c.伯德索尔、a.c. Kelley和s.w.辛丁(编),《人口问题:发展中国家的人口变化、经济增长和贫困》(牛津:牛津大学出版社),第3 - 23.29页。布鲁姆和威廉森,《新兴亚洲的人口转型和经济奇迹》,第419-455.31页。梅森,《人口变化和经济发展》,第3-14.32页。布鲁姆、坎宁和塞维利亚,《人口红利》,第56-57.33页。“310.34 Elisenda Rentería, Guadalupe Souto, Iván Mejía-Guevara, and Concepció Patxot (Citation2016):教育对人口红利的影响,人口与发展评论,42(4),第651-671.35 Kua Wongboonsin, Philip Guest, and Vipan Prachuabmoh (Citation2005):泰国的人口变化和人口红利,亚洲人口研究,1(2),第245-256.36 Roudi, Azadi and Mesgaran,”伊朗的人口动态和人口机会之窗,第4页。
{"title":"Iran’s Demographic Transition and Its Potential for Development","authors":"Mohammad Mirzaei, Rasoul Sadeghi","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2023.2270347","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2023.2270347","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Over the past half-century, Iran has experienced unprecedented demographic transition. With a population over 85 million, Iran’s population growth recently has declined below one per cent per year, compared with nearly four per cent in the 1980s. This phenomenal decline is the result of social developments along with the re-introduction of a family planning program, which progressively brought the total fertility rate (TFR) down to below-replacement level since 2000. That is, from around seven children per woman in the mid-1980s–and despite the reversal of population policies toward pronatalist since 2010–the total fertility rate had decreased to 1.7 children per woman in 2021, partly due to the COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent economic shocks. Life expectancy at birth has tripled in the last century (1920-2020) from 25 to 75 years. There have been important changes in the age structure of Iran’s population, with the under-15 population decreasing from 40 per cent in 1996 to 20 per cent in 2021. In contrast, the working-age population (ages 15 to 64) has increased substantially to over 70%, indicating that Iran has entered a ‘demographic window of opportunity’. Accompanied by rising levels of educational attainment among both men and women, this demographic window has the potential to create socio-economic opportunities for Iran over the next three decades, provided that adequate economic conditions, public policies and youth employment are prepared.Key Words: age structure transitiondemographic windoweconomic developmenteconomic policiesIran AcknowledgmentThe authors gratefully acknowledge valuable comments and editing by Prof. Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 Julian Bharier (Citation1968) A Note on the Population of Iran: 1900–1966, Journal of Population Studies, 22 (2), pp. 273–279.2 Mahdi Amani (Citation1996) A Historical Outlook at the Trends in Birth and Death Rates and the Identification of the Stages of Demographic Transition in Iran, Journal of Population, 13–14, p. 73.3 Statistical Center of Iran (1986–2016) Results of the National Census of Population and Housing 1986, 1996, 2006, 2011, and 2016 (Tehran: Statistical Center of Iran).4 Rasoul Sadeghi, Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi, and Saeedeh Shahbazin (Citation2020) Internal Migration in Iran, in: M. Bell, A. Bernard, E. Charles-Edwards & Y. Zhu (eds), Internal Migration in the Countries of Asia (New York: Springer International Publishing), pp. 295–317.5 Hassan Saraie (Citation1997) The First Phase of Demographic Transition in Iran, Journal of Social Sciences, 9–10, p. 61.6 Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi, Meimanat Hosseini-Chavoshi, Majid Koosheshi and Mohsen Naghavi (Citation2005) Trends and Emerging Issues of Health and Mortality in the Islamic Republic of Iran, In: United Nation (eds). Emerging Issues of Health in Mortality in the Asia and Pacific Region, p. 154.7 Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-S","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135617748","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2267768
Sohelia Alirezanejad, Nafiseh Azad
Abstract:Considering the changing circumstances of Iranian rural women’s lives, do they still fulfill traditional roles? Have their lifestyles and expectations of themselves changed? To answer these questions, this long-term anthropological research was conducted in seven villages in three different and diverse provinces: Gilan, Isfahan, and Semnan. Our findings showed that some female roles in the villages have been eliminated or shifted to men due to developmental interventions. Women do not consider themselves in charge of the family’s economic activities. Instead, they tend to share the values of middle-class urban homemakers. They have pushed to abandon some of their traditional economic production roles, and consequently, they have lost access to financial resources and the public arena of the village. In a sense, they might have lost their bargaining power after some developmental interventions.Key Words: Iranrural developmentwomen AcknowledgmentsWe would like to express our sincere gratitude to the men and women in these seven villages who always welcomed us to their communities over the years. They kindly answered our questions and familiarized us with their situation.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Iranian Population Indexes between Demographic indicators of Iran over time (1956–2016), Statistical Centre of Iran, Available online at: https://bit.ly/3HlPE98, Accessed May 14, 2022.2 H. Soroushmehr, M. Azami, N. Mehregan, & A. Yaghobi Farani (Citation2011) Investigation of Socioeconomic Status of Rural Women and Effective Factors on its Improvement (Case Study: Hamedan County), Rural Research, 1(1), pp. 141–163.3 H. Soroushmehr, M. Azami, N. Mehregan & A. Yaghobi Farani (Citation2018) The Role of Government Investments in the Sustainable Quality of Rural Life, Research & Rural Planning, 7(2), pp. 63–77.4 S. Moshiri, M. Mahdavei, & M. Sadegh Olyaye (Citation2009) The Impact of Literacy and Labour of Women in the Rural Households’ Income (A Case Study: The Divandareh Town, Kordestan Province), Geography and Development, 7(14), p. 71.5 F. Pasban (2006) Economic and Social Factors of Rural Women in Iran (1967 to 2004), Agricultural Economics and Development, 53 (14), pp. 153–176.6 F. Dadvarkhani. (Citation2006) Rural Development and Women’s Work Challenges in Iran, Geographical Researches, 53(38), p. 182.7 S. Alirezanejad & F. Banihashem (Citation2012) Gender and Development: A Glimpse on Demographic Changes in Iranian Rural Areas, Iranian Social Development Studies, 4(2), 81–93.8 E. SamAram (Citation2002) Re-socialization of Rural Women in the Process of Economic Development (Tehran: Office of Rural Women, Ministry of Jihad Agriculture), pp. 384–385.9 S. Sheibani (Citation2020) The Prominent Role of Women’s Employment in Reverse Migration to Villages Available online at: https://bit.ly/3Ho770V, accessed January14, 2023.10 S. Moshiri, M. Mahdavei, & M. Olyaye (Citation2009) The Impact
摘要:考虑到伊朗农村妇女生活环境的变化,她们是否还在履行传统的角色?他们的生活方式和对自己的期望改变了吗?为了回答这些问题,这项长期的人类学研究在吉兰、伊斯法罕和塞姆南三个不同省份的七个村庄进行。我们的研究结果表明,由于发展干预,村庄中的一些女性角色已经被消除或转移到男性身上。妇女不认为自己负责家庭的经济活动。相反,他们倾向于分享城市中产阶级家庭主妇的价值观。他们被迫放弃了一些传统的经济生产角色,因此,他们失去了获得财政资源和村庄公共舞台的机会。从某种意义上说,在一些发展干预之后,他们可能失去了议价能力。关键词:伊朗农村发展妇女致谢我们向这七个村庄的男男女女表示衷心的感谢,多年来他们一直欢迎我们到他们的社区做客。他们友好地回答了我们的问题,并使我们熟悉了他们的情况。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1伊朗各时期人口指标间的人口指数(1956-2016),伊朗统计中心,网址:https://bit.ly/3HlPE98, 2015年5月14日获取。2.2 H. Soroushmehr, M. Azami, N. Mehregan, A. Yaghobi Farani (Citation2011)农村妇女社会经济地位及其改善的有效因素调查(案例研究:H. Soroushmehr, M. Azami, N. Mehregan和A. Yaghobi Farani (Citation2018)政府投资在农村生活可持续质量中的作用,研究与农村规划,7(2),pp. 63-77.4 S. Moshiri, M. Mahdavei, M. Sadegh Olyaye (Citation2009)妇女识字和劳动对农村家庭收入的影响(以Kordestan省Divandareh镇为例),地理与发展,7(14),p. 71.5 F。Pasban(2006),伊朗农村妇女的经济和社会因素(1967 - 2004),农业经济与发展,53(14),页153-176.6 F。Dadvarkhani。S. Alirezanejad & F. Banihashem (Citation2012)性别与发展:一瞥伊朗农村地区的人口变化,伊朗社会发展研究,4(2),81-93.8 . E. SamAram (Citation2002)经济发展过程中农村妇女的再社会化(德黑兰:S. Sheibani (Citation2020)《妇女就业在农村逆向移民中的突出作用》,可在线查阅:https://bit.ly/3Ho770V, 2023.1月14日。S. Moshiri, M. Mahdavei, M. Olyaye (Citation2009)《识字和妇女劳动对农村家庭收入的影响:以Kordestan省Divandareh镇为例》。地理与发展,7(14)。p. 78.11 N. Azad (Citation2009)城乡贫困的异同;E. Hooglund (Citation1997)《来自一个伊朗村庄的信》,Journal of Palestine Studies, 27(1), p. 78.13 M. Azkia & H. Imanijajarmi (Citation2011)应用方法;李志强(Citation2019):《南亚农村地区男性外迁对女性的影响》,载于:https://www.siani.se/news-story/what-does-male-out-migration-mean-for-women-in-rural-south-asia/, 2012.06月3日。Agadjanian, C. Menjivar和A. Sevoyan (Citation2007),重塑后苏联外围:男性劳动力迁移对亚美尼亚农村妇女生活和愿望的影响,美国人口协会年会上,可在线查阅:https://paa2007.populationassociation.org/papers/71032, 2022.4月27日。M. Grace & J. Lennie (Citation1998)澳大利亚农村妇女的建构与重构:变革、多样性与认同的政治,《农村社会学》,38(3),pp. 353-354.18I. A. Morel, & B. Bock (Citation2008)性别制度、公民参与和农村重组(阿姆斯特丹:Elsevier), pp. 34-45.20 D. Kandiyoti (Citation1990)妇女和农村发展政策:不断变化的议程,发展和变化,21(1),p. 19.21 Dadvarkhani,“农村发展和妇女的工作挑战,”p. 186.22 S。
{"title":"Urbanized Rural Women: A Study in Rural Areas of Gilan, Isfahan, and Semnan Provinces","authors":"Sohelia Alirezanejad, Nafiseh Azad","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2023.2267768","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2023.2267768","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Considering the changing circumstances of Iranian rural women’s lives, do they still fulfill traditional roles? Have their lifestyles and expectations of themselves changed? To answer these questions, this long-term anthropological research was conducted in seven villages in three different and diverse provinces: Gilan, Isfahan, and Semnan. Our findings showed that some female roles in the villages have been eliminated or shifted to men due to developmental interventions. Women do not consider themselves in charge of the family’s economic activities. Instead, they tend to share the values of middle-class urban homemakers. They have pushed to abandon some of their traditional economic production roles, and consequently, they have lost access to financial resources and the public arena of the village. In a sense, they might have lost their bargaining power after some developmental interventions.Key Words: Iranrural developmentwomen AcknowledgmentsWe would like to express our sincere gratitude to the men and women in these seven villages who always welcomed us to their communities over the years. They kindly answered our questions and familiarized us with their situation.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Iranian Population Indexes between Demographic indicators of Iran over time (1956–2016), Statistical Centre of Iran, Available online at: https://bit.ly/3HlPE98, Accessed May 14, 2022.2 H. Soroushmehr, M. Azami, N. Mehregan, & A. Yaghobi Farani (Citation2011) Investigation of Socioeconomic Status of Rural Women and Effective Factors on its Improvement (Case Study: Hamedan County), Rural Research, 1(1), pp. 141–163.3 H. Soroushmehr, M. Azami, N. Mehregan & A. Yaghobi Farani (Citation2018) The Role of Government Investments in the Sustainable Quality of Rural Life, Research & Rural Planning, 7(2), pp. 63–77.4 S. Moshiri, M. Mahdavei, & M. Sadegh Olyaye (Citation2009) The Impact of Literacy and Labour of Women in the Rural Households’ Income (A Case Study: The Divandareh Town, Kordestan Province), Geography and Development, 7(14), p. 71.5 F. Pasban (2006) Economic and Social Factors of Rural Women in Iran (1967 to 2004), Agricultural Economics and Development, 53 (14), pp. 153–176.6 F. Dadvarkhani. (Citation2006) Rural Development and Women’s Work Challenges in Iran, Geographical Researches, 53(38), p. 182.7 S. Alirezanejad & F. Banihashem (Citation2012) Gender and Development: A Glimpse on Demographic Changes in Iranian Rural Areas, Iranian Social Development Studies, 4(2), 81–93.8 E. SamAram (Citation2002) Re-socialization of Rural Women in the Process of Economic Development (Tehran: Office of Rural Women, Ministry of Jihad Agriculture), pp. 384–385.9 S. Sheibani (Citation2020) The Prominent Role of Women’s Employment in Reverse Migration to Villages Available online at: https://bit.ly/3Ho770V, accessed January14, 2023.10 S. Moshiri, M. Mahdavei, & M. Olyaye (Citation2009) The Impact ","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135616226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-19DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2261082
Ibrahim Fraihat, Basem Ezbidi
Abstract:In 2017 US President Donald Trump launched the ‘Deal of the Century’ (DoC) to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Although Trump is no longer in office, the impact of the DoC lingers and will continue affecting future approaches to the conflict and its resolution. This article argues that the Trump DoC profoundly impacted the colonial order in Palestine, destroying further the illusion that a just settlement addressing the plight of the Palestinians could be reached. The DoC’s impact has affected three significant areas: the vision of a resolution, the approach to conflict resolution, and the venue where the conflict occurs. It helped shift the vision from two-state solution to none, significantly undermining the approach that was based on negotiation and third-party mediation, and assisted in creating a new regional versus international venue for the conflict.Key Words: Deal of the centuryIsraelIsraeli-Palestinian conflictPalestineTrump Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See Mounir Akash (Citation2013) The right to sacrifice the other, America and genocide. (Beirut: Dar Riad Al-Rayes) [in Arabic].2 See Robert Freedman, ed., Israel and the United States: Six Decades of US-Israeli Relations, (Westview Press, 2012). See also Khaled Elgindy. Blind Spot: America and the Palestinians, from Balfour to Trump. Brookings Institution Press, 2019.3 Yasser Arafat ‘may have been poisoned with polonium,’ BBC News, November 6, 2013, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-24838061. Accessed on August 21, 2023.4 Noam Chomsky (1999) Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinians (London: Pluto Press).5 Edward W. Said (2001) The End of the Peace Process: Oslo and After (Vintage Books).6 Naseer Aruri (Citation2003) Dishonest Broker: The Role of the United States in Palestine and Israel Publisher (South End Press).7 Rashid Khalidi (Citation2014) Brokers of Deceit: How the U.S. Has Undermined Peace in the Middle (Beacon Press).8 United States Department of State (n.d.) The Abraham Accords Declaration. United States Department of State. Available online at: https://www.state.gov/the-abraham-accords, accessed on January 23, 2023.9 See the full plan online at: Peace to Prosperity: A Vision to Improve the Lives of the Palestinian and Israeli People. Trump White House Archives (January 2020). Available online at: https://trumpwhitehouse.archives.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/Peace-to-Prosperity-0120.pdf, accessed on Aug. 23, 2023.10 Tariq Dana and Ali Jarbawi (2022) Whose Autonomy? Conceptualising ‘Colonial Extraterritorial Autonomy’ in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Politics, 43 (1), p. 107.11 Ilan Pappe (2020) The Steal of the Century: Robbing Palestinians of Their Past and Future, The Arab World Geographer, 23 (1), p.9.12 Ibid.13 Patrick Wolfe (Citation2006) Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native, Journal of Genocide Research, 8 (4), p. 387–409. See also on s
{"title":"The Lasting Impact of Trump’s ‘Deal of the Century’ on the Question of Palestine","authors":"Ibrahim Fraihat, Basem Ezbidi","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2023.2261082","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2023.2261082","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In 2017 US President Donald Trump launched the ‘Deal of the Century’ (DoC) to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Although Trump is no longer in office, the impact of the DoC lingers and will continue affecting future approaches to the conflict and its resolution. This article argues that the Trump DoC profoundly impacted the colonial order in Palestine, destroying further the illusion that a just settlement addressing the plight of the Palestinians could be reached. The DoC’s impact has affected three significant areas: the vision of a resolution, the approach to conflict resolution, and the venue where the conflict occurs. It helped shift the vision from two-state solution to none, significantly undermining the approach that was based on negotiation and third-party mediation, and assisted in creating a new regional versus international venue for the conflict.Key Words: Deal of the centuryIsraelIsraeli-Palestinian conflictPalestineTrump Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See Mounir Akash (Citation2013) The right to sacrifice the other, America and genocide. (Beirut: Dar Riad Al-Rayes) [in Arabic].2 See Robert Freedman, ed., Israel and the United States: Six Decades of US-Israeli Relations, (Westview Press, 2012). See also Khaled Elgindy. Blind Spot: America and the Palestinians, from Balfour to Trump. Brookings Institution Press, 2019.3 Yasser Arafat ‘may have been poisoned with polonium,’ BBC News, November 6, 2013, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-24838061. Accessed on August 21, 2023.4 Noam Chomsky (1999) Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinians (London: Pluto Press).5 Edward W. Said (2001) The End of the Peace Process: Oslo and After (Vintage Books).6 Naseer Aruri (Citation2003) Dishonest Broker: The Role of the United States in Palestine and Israel Publisher (South End Press).7 Rashid Khalidi (Citation2014) Brokers of Deceit: How the U.S. Has Undermined Peace in the Middle (Beacon Press).8 United States Department of State (n.d.) The Abraham Accords Declaration. United States Department of State. Available online at: https://www.state.gov/the-abraham-accords, accessed on January 23, 2023.9 See the full plan online at: Peace to Prosperity: A Vision to Improve the Lives of the Palestinian and Israeli People. Trump White House Archives (January 2020). Available online at: https://trumpwhitehouse.archives.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/Peace-to-Prosperity-0120.pdf, accessed on Aug. 23, 2023.10 Tariq Dana and Ali Jarbawi (2022) Whose Autonomy? Conceptualising ‘Colonial Extraterritorial Autonomy’ in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Politics, 43 (1), p. 107.11 Ilan Pappe (2020) The Steal of the Century: Robbing Palestinians of Their Past and Future, The Arab World Geographer, 23 (1), p.9.12 Ibid.13 Patrick Wolfe (Citation2006) Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native, Journal of Genocide Research, 8 (4), p. 387–409. See also on s","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135728601","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-19DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2271761
Faruk Yalvaç, Hikmet Mengütürk
Abstract:This article explores the constitutive impact of the ‘international’ on the sociopolitical transformations in Syria and Libya through the lens of the theory of Uneven and Combined Development (UCD). The conventional and numerous critical analyses of Syrian and Libyan sociopolitical change suffer from a Eurocentric and stagist understanding of development. This paper argues that development problems can be better conceptualized with an interactive framework made possible by the UCD theory. In this context, we focus on how the expansion and consolidation of capitalism through the dynamics of UCD have concretely shaped the process of sociopolitical transformation in Syria and Libya to shed light on how the international and the local have articulated to produce the socioeconomic and political outcomes in these two states. We conclude by arguing that the theory of UCD provides an alternative conceptualization in explaining the specific development trajectories in both countries.Key Words: DevelopmentLibyaSyriaTrotskyUneven and Combined Development AcknowledgementThe authors would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and editors of the journal for their valuable feedback and constructive comments on an earlier version of this article.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 See Justin Rosenberg (Citation2006) Why Is There No International Historical Sociology?,European Journal of International Relations, 12(3), pp. 307–40; (2010) Basic Problems in the Theory of Uneven and Combined Development. Part II: Unevenness and Political Multiplicity, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 23(1), pp. 165–189; (2013) The “Philosophical Premises” of Uneven and Combined Development, Review of International Studies, 39(3), pp. 1–29; (2020); Results and Prospects: An Introduction to the CRIA Special Issue on UCD, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 34(2), pp. 146–63; (2022) Debating Uneven and Combined Development/Debating International Relations: A Forum, Millennium, 50(2), pp. 1–37.See also, Alex Callinicos & Justin Rosenberg (2008) Uneven and Combined Development: The Social-Relational Substratum of 'the International'?:An Exchange of Letters, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 21(1), pp. 77–112; Jamie Allinson & Alexander Anievas (2009) The Uses and Misuses of Uneven and Combined Development: An Anatomy of a Concept, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 22(1), pp. 47–67; Alexander Anievas & Kerem Nişancıoğlu (2015) How the West Came to Rule: The Geopolitical Origins of Capitalism (London: Pluto Press); Sam Ashman (Citation2010) Capitalism, Uneven and Combined Development, and the Transhistoric, in Mark Rupert & Hazel Smith (eds) Historical Materialism and Globalization, pp. 183–96 (London: Routledge); Neil Davidson (Citation2009) Putting the Nation Back into ‘the International', Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 22(1), pp. 9–28; Davidson (Citation2018) The Frontiers of Une
8见Matteo Capasso (Citation2020):《战争与经济:利比亚的逐渐毁灭》,《非洲政治经济评论》,47(166),第545-67页;国际关系、帝国主义和全球南方:从利比亚到委内瑞拉,《政治》第0期,第1-16页。乌萨马·马克迪西(2017):《宗派中东的神话》。赖斯大学贝克公共政策研究所,2月13日。可访问网址:https://www.bakerinstitute.org/research/mythology-sectarian-middle-east,于2023.8月15日访问。费利佩·安图内斯·德·奥利维拉(Citation2020):为谁发展?《超越发达/不发达的两分法》,《国际关系与发展杂志》,第23期,第925.11页。17 .马丁:《重新塑造伊朗的现代性》,第16.16页。列昂·托洛茨基(Citation2008)《俄国革命史》(芝加哥,伊利诺斯州:Haymarket Books)典型的例子是沃尔特·惠特曼·罗斯托(1960)的《经济增长的阶段:非共产主义宣言》(伦敦:剑桥大学出版社)。另见塞缪尔·菲利普斯·亨廷顿(Citation1971)《变革的变革:现代化、发展和政治》,《比较政治》第3期,第282 - 322.18 .阿尼瓦斯和Nişancıoğlu,《西方是如何统治的》,第44.19页。罗森伯格,《为什么没有国际》,第310.20页。艾林森,《中东和北非》,第211.21页。Nazih N. Ayubi (Citation2009)《夸大阿拉伯国家:中东的政治和社会》(伦敦:I.B. Tauris);西蒙·布罗姆利(引文1994)《重新思考中东政治》(奥斯汀:德克萨斯大学).22伊曼纽尔·沃勒斯坦(引文1974)现代世界体系,V.1:资本主义农业和16世纪欧洲世界经济的起源(纽约:学术出版社);费尔南多·恩里克和恩佐·法莱托(1979)拉丁美洲的依赖与发展(奥克兰:加州大学出版社).23Isam al-Khafaji (Citation2004):《痛苦的出生:通往欧洲和中东现代性的通道》(伦敦:I.B. Tauris),第9.24页。Allinson,《中东和北非》,第211.25同上,第218.26页。Michael Burawoy (Citation1989):《寻找科学的两种方法:斯科波尔与托洛茨基》,《理论与社会》,18(6),第759-805.27页。托洛茨基,《俄国革命史》,第5.28同上,第429同上,第6 - 12.30页,见Rosenberg,《基本问题》;罗森博格:《哲学前提》;罗森伯格:《不均衡与综合发展》;31 Justin Rosenberg & Chris Boyle (2019) Understanding 2016:中国、英国脱欧和特朗普在不平衡与综合发展的历史,历史社会学杂志,32,pp. e52-e53.32。戴维森:《让国家回归》,《重塑伊朗的现代性》第33期;罗森伯格:《为什么没有国际》;罗森博格:《基本问题》;罗森博格,《哲学前提》34 Allinson & Anievas:《使用与误用》。35 Davidson:《让国家回归》。36Anievas & Nisancıoğlulu,西方是如何统治的,第55.37页,Oliveira,为谁发展?Ali A. Ahmida (Citation2008):从部落到阶级:非洲殖民地利比亚抵抗运动的起源和政治;Adham Saoli (Citation2020)中东的国家和国家建设,见Raymond Hinnebusch和Jasmin K. Gani(编)《中东和北非国家和国家体系劳特利奇手册》,第40-50页(伦敦:劳特利奇出版社);布罗姆利:《重新思考中东》,第61页;Raymond Hinnebusch (Citation2003)中东的国际政治(曼彻斯特:曼彻斯特大学出版社),第15.41页Ahmida,从部落到阶级,第299.42页Raymond Hinnebusch (Citation2020)中东国家形成的历史背景:结构和机构,在Raymond Hinnebusch和Jasmin K. Gani(编辑)劳特利奇手册中东和北非国家和国家系统,第21-39页(伦敦:Ali Kadri (Citation2016)阿拉伯社会主义的毁灭(伦敦:Anthem出版社),第55.45页托洛茨基,俄国革命的历史,第5.46页同上,第5.47页托洛茨基(Citation1962)不断革命及其结果和前景(伦敦:劳工),第31.48页托洛茨基(1973 [1908])1905 (Harmondsworth:欣尼布希,中东国家形成的历史背景,25.50 Ali a . Ahmida (Citation2012)利比亚,独裁的社会起源和对民主的挑战,中东和非洲杂志,3(1),73.51 Larbi Sadiki (Citation2011)利比亚:填补无国家国家的空白,半岛电视台,2011年4月27日。52 Anievas和Nişancıoğlulu,西方如何来统治,第62页。
{"title":"The Theory of Uneven and Combined Development and the Sociopolitical Transformations in Syria and Libya","authors":"Faruk Yalvaç, Hikmet Mengütürk","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2023.2271761","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2023.2271761","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article explores the constitutive impact of the ‘international’ on the sociopolitical transformations in Syria and Libya through the lens of the theory of Uneven and Combined Development (UCD). The conventional and numerous critical analyses of Syrian and Libyan sociopolitical change suffer from a Eurocentric and stagist understanding of development. This paper argues that development problems can be better conceptualized with an interactive framework made possible by the UCD theory. In this context, we focus on how the expansion and consolidation of capitalism through the dynamics of UCD have concretely shaped the process of sociopolitical transformation in Syria and Libya to shed light on how the international and the local have articulated to produce the socioeconomic and political outcomes in these two states. We conclude by arguing that the theory of UCD provides an alternative conceptualization in explaining the specific development trajectories in both countries.Key Words: DevelopmentLibyaSyriaTrotskyUneven and Combined Development AcknowledgementThe authors would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and editors of the journal for their valuable feedback and constructive comments on an earlier version of this article.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 See Justin Rosenberg (Citation2006) Why Is There No International Historical Sociology?,European Journal of International Relations, 12(3), pp. 307–40; (2010) Basic Problems in the Theory of Uneven and Combined Development. Part II: Unevenness and Political Multiplicity, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 23(1), pp. 165–189; (2013) The “Philosophical Premises” of Uneven and Combined Development, Review of International Studies, 39(3), pp. 1–29; (2020); Results and Prospects: An Introduction to the CRIA Special Issue on UCD, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 34(2), pp. 146–63; (2022) Debating Uneven and Combined Development/Debating International Relations: A Forum, Millennium, 50(2), pp. 1–37.See also, Alex Callinicos & Justin Rosenberg (2008) Uneven and Combined Development: The Social-Relational Substratum of 'the International'?:An Exchange of Letters, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 21(1), pp. 77–112; Jamie Allinson & Alexander Anievas (2009) The Uses and Misuses of Uneven and Combined Development: An Anatomy of a Concept, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 22(1), pp. 47–67; Alexander Anievas & Kerem Nişancıoğlu (2015) How the West Came to Rule: The Geopolitical Origins of Capitalism (London: Pluto Press); Sam Ashman (Citation2010) Capitalism, Uneven and Combined Development, and the Transhistoric, in Mark Rupert & Hazel Smith (eds) Historical Materialism and Globalization, pp. 183–96 (London: Routledge); Neil Davidson (Citation2009) Putting the Nation Back into ‘the International', Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 22(1), pp. 9–28; Davidson (Citation2018) The Frontiers of Une","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135779966","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-18DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2268881
Mostafa Azkia, Hossein Imani Jajarmi
Abstract:The constitutional revolution in 1906 was the beginning of a new era for Iran. A national parliament was established for making laws that established modern institutions such as city and village councils and mayors over the decades. Urban governance was renewed and the land reforms in the 1960s transformed rural governance, changed landlord– peasant relations and reduced the traditional authority of village headman (kadkhodas) in village administration. The 1979 revolution introduced a new kind of local governance, Islamic councils for governing cities and villages. This article discusses the main changes and challenges of local governance in Iran by using theoretical concepts of dependent development. The changing pattern of authority and penetration of state bureaucracy through the creation of several rural and urban organizations before and after the Revolution of 1979 is discussed. The article also explains how the establishments of these rural and urban institutions have helped to increase the domination of the state officials within both cities and villages.Key Words: BureaucracycentralismdevelopmentgovernanceIran Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Fernando Henrique Cardoso & Enzo Faletto (Citation1979) Dependency and Development in Latin America (Berkeley: University of California Press).2 John Foran (Citation1999) Fragile Resistance: A History of Social Transformations in Iran, From the Safavid Era to the Years Following the Islamic Revolution [Persian translation by A. Tadayon] (Tehran: RASA Institute for Cultural Services), p. 288.3 Hossein Mahdavi (Citation1970) The Pattern and Problems of Economic Development in Rentier States: The Case of Iran, in: M.A. Cook (ed.), Studies in Economic History of the Middle East from the Rise of Islam to the Present Day, p. 258 (Oxford: Oxford University Press).4 Mohsen Modir Shanehchi (Citation2000) Centralism and Underdevelopment in Contemporary Iran, p. 361 (Tehran : RASA Institute for Cultural Services).5 Ibid, p. 31.6 Homa Katouzian (Citation1993 (Political Economy of Iran, vol. 2. [Persian translation by M. R. Nafisi and K. Azizi], pp. 4–53 (Tehran: Papirus Publications).7 Ali Asghar Shamim (Citation1992) Iran in Ghajarid Era: 13th Century to the First Half of the 14th Lunar Century, p. 223 (Tehran: Elmi Publications).8 A. S. Malikof (Citation1979) The Establishment of Reza Khan Dictatorship in Iran [Persian translation by S. Irani], p. 66 (Tehran: the Pocket books Company).9 Fred Halliday (Citation1979) Iran, Dictatorship and Development [Persian translation by M. Yalghani and A. Tolou], p. 24 (Tehran: Elm Publications).10 Foran, op. cit., p. 339.11 Ervand Abrahamian (Citation1998) Iran Between Two Revolutions [Persian translation by A. Golmohammadi and M. A. Fatahi], p. 541 (Tehran: Nashr-e Ney Publications).12 Katouzian, “Political Economy,” p. 225.13 Jahangir Amouzgar (Citation1996) The Rise and Fall of Pahlavi Dynasty [Persian
摘要:1906年的宪法革命开启了伊朗的新时代。几十年来,为了制定法律,建立了一个国家议会,建立了城市、村庄委员会和市长等现代机构。城市治理得到更新,20世纪60年代的土地改革改造了农村治理,改变了地主-农民关系,削弱了村长在村庄管理中的传统权威。1979年的革命引入了一种新的地方治理方式——伊斯兰委员会来管理城市和村庄。本文运用依存性发展的理论概念,讨论了伊朗地方治理的主要变化和挑战。在1979年革命前后,通过创建几个农村和城市组织,讨论了权力的变化模式和国家官僚机构的渗透。文章还解释了这些农村和城市机构的建立如何有助于增加国家官员在城市和农村的统治。关键词:官僚主义中央集权主义发展治理伊朗披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。注1 Fernando Henrique Cardoso & Enzo Faletto(引文1979)拉丁美洲的依赖与发展(伯克利:加州大学出版社)约翰份(Citation1999)脆弱的阻力:在伊朗社会转变的历史,从沙法维王朝时代到伊斯兰革命之后(由A . Tadayon波斯语翻译)(德黑兰:拉莎文化服务研究所),p。288.3 Hossein Mahdavi (Citation1970)食利者州的经济发展模式和问题:伊朗的情况下,:硕士库克(主编),研究经济史的中东伊斯兰教的崛起至今,p。258(牛津大学:牛津大学出版社)4 . Mohsen Modir Shanehchi (citation):当代伊朗的中央集权与欠发达,第361页(德黑兰:RASA文化服务研究所)同上,第31.6页。Homa Katouzian(引文1993)《伊朗政治经济学》第2卷。[M. R. Nafisi和K. Azizi的波斯语翻译],第4-53页(德黑兰:Papirus出版社)8 . Ali Asghar Shamim (Citation1992)《Ghajarid时代的伊朗:13世纪到14世纪上半叶》,第223页(德黑兰:Elmi出版社)一个。9 . S. Malikof (citation) 1979:伊朗礼萨汗独裁政权的建立[S. Irani波斯语翻译],第66页(德黑兰:口袋图书公司)弗雷德·哈利迪(引文1979),伊朗,独裁和发展[M. Yalghani和A. Tolou的波斯语翻译],第24页(德黑兰:Elm出版社)Ervand Abrahamian (Citation1998)两次革命之间的伊朗[A. Golmohammadi和M. A. Fatahi的波斯语翻译],第541页(德黑兰:Nashr-e Ney Publications)Jahangir Amouzgar (Citation1996)《巴列维王朝的兴衰》[A. Lotfian波斯语翻译],第321页(德黑兰:图书翻译和出版中心)fereydown Kamran(引文1995)农村发展和规划,第20页(德黑兰:Avay-e Nour出版社)Abdol Ali Lahsaeizadeh (Citation1998),《伊朗农村管理的社会学研究》,载于:第一届社会学与管理会议论文集,第403页(德黑兰:工业管理组织)19 . Fatemeh E. Moghadam (Citation1996)《从土地改革到革命,伊朗农业发展的政治,1962-1979》,第193页(伦敦:Tanris)宪法序言:宪法保证否定任何形式的知识和社会压迫以及经济垄断,并试图摆脱独裁制度,将人民的命运掌握在自己手中。——第44条将经济划分为政府、合作社、民间等3个部门:——第7条与理事会有关。100年的文章:为了迅速执行社会、经济、发展、卫生、文化和教育计划及其他福利事务,每一村、区、市、镇或省的事务应在称为村、区、市、镇或省议会的监督下,在人民的合作下进行管理,并适当考虑到当地的需要,该委员会的成员应由同一地方的人民选举产生。-第102条:允许省最高委员会在其职能范围内直接或通过政府起草法案并向国民议会提出。20德黑兰大学社会研究和研究所(Citation1974)伊朗六个地区农业公司社会经济研究(德黑兰:社会研究和研究出版物研究所)。 21 Mostafa Azkia (citation):伊朗农村发展与欠发展的社会学,p. 435(德黑兰:Etla 'at Publications).22Ali Shakoori (Citation2019)伊朗农村发展:政策和结果调查,发展中社会杂志,35 (3),p. 347.23 Abrahamian,“两次革命之间的伊朗”,p. 29.24 Hesbat有一个历史过去,是伊斯兰城市日常生活秩序的重要机构。13世纪的一篇文章《Ayeen-i Hesbat(市政条例)》列出了Mohtaseb的职责:负责城市商业监督和检查。他必须防止商业上的欺骗和欺诈,并指导商人按照伊斯兰教的命令行事(更多信息见Ibn-e- Ekhvah (Citation1988) 7世纪的市政条例(德黑兰:Elmi va Farhangi Publications)Saadodin Rooshdiye(引文1964)伊朗的城市发展和城市规划(德黑兰:伊朗市政协会出版社).26赛义德·莫森·哈比比:《从旧城到城市:对城市概念的历史分析》(德黑兰:德黑兰大学出版社,1997).27Mosstafa Keeyani (Citation2007)第一个巴列维的建筑(德黑兰:当代历史研究所).28Bernard Hourcade (citation) 2009) Alborz的德黑兰[S. Sahami的波斯语翻译](Mashhad: mohaghgh and Tarane Publications).2930 .德黑兰大学社会研究和研究所(引文1964)第一届德黑兰社会问题研讨会的讲稿和报告(德黑兰:社会研究和研究出版物研究所)Ahmad Ashraf & Ali Banuazizi (Citation2008)伊朗的社会阶级、国家和革命[S. Torabi Farsani波斯语翻译](德黑兰:Niloofar出版社).31赛义德·穆罕默德·侯赛因·米拉博尔加塞米(引文2003):《寂静中的咆哮:阿亚图拉·塔莱哈尼生平与思想简史》(德黑兰:Enteshar出版社),第32页伊朗地方民主的挑战:伊斯兰城市议会的研究,中东批判,18(2),页145-159.33 Azkia,“发展社会学”,页426.34 Ali Shakoori (Citation2006),“伊朗革命后农村改革中的人民参与”,页420-421.35 Shakoori,“人民参与”,页420.36 Simin Fadaeei (Citation2018)。Kaveh Ehsani (Citation2006)革命后伊朗的农村社会和农业发展:前二十年,批判:关键的中东研究15(1),78.38页。欲了解更多细节,请参见ahmad Ashraf (Citation1985)伊朗革命中的国家、阶级和动员模式,国家、文化和社会,1(3),277-311页;Ehsani,“乡村社会”,第79-96页;Ali Asghar Saeidi (Citation2004
{"title":"Historical Overview of Development’s Impact on Rural and Urban Governance in Iran","authors":"Mostafa Azkia, Hossein Imani Jajarmi","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2023.2268881","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2023.2268881","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The constitutional revolution in 1906 was the beginning of a new era for Iran. A national parliament was established for making laws that established modern institutions such as city and village councils and mayors over the decades. Urban governance was renewed and the land reforms in the 1960s transformed rural governance, changed landlord– peasant relations and reduced the traditional authority of village headman (kadkhodas) in village administration. The 1979 revolution introduced a new kind of local governance, Islamic councils for governing cities and villages. This article discusses the main changes and challenges of local governance in Iran by using theoretical concepts of dependent development. The changing pattern of authority and penetration of state bureaucracy through the creation of several rural and urban organizations before and after the Revolution of 1979 is discussed. The article also explains how the establishments of these rural and urban institutions have helped to increase the domination of the state officials within both cities and villages.Key Words: BureaucracycentralismdevelopmentgovernanceIran Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Fernando Henrique Cardoso & Enzo Faletto (Citation1979) Dependency and Development in Latin America (Berkeley: University of California Press).2 John Foran (Citation1999) Fragile Resistance: A History of Social Transformations in Iran, From the Safavid Era to the Years Following the Islamic Revolution [Persian translation by A. Tadayon] (Tehran: RASA Institute for Cultural Services), p. 288.3 Hossein Mahdavi (Citation1970) The Pattern and Problems of Economic Development in Rentier States: The Case of Iran, in: M.A. Cook (ed.), Studies in Economic History of the Middle East from the Rise of Islam to the Present Day, p. 258 (Oxford: Oxford University Press).4 Mohsen Modir Shanehchi (Citation2000) Centralism and Underdevelopment in Contemporary Iran, p. 361 (Tehran : RASA Institute for Cultural Services).5 Ibid, p. 31.6 Homa Katouzian (Citation1993 (Political Economy of Iran, vol. 2. [Persian translation by M. R. Nafisi and K. Azizi], pp. 4–53 (Tehran: Papirus Publications).7 Ali Asghar Shamim (Citation1992) Iran in Ghajarid Era: 13th Century to the First Half of the 14th Lunar Century, p. 223 (Tehran: Elmi Publications).8 A. S. Malikof (Citation1979) The Establishment of Reza Khan Dictatorship in Iran [Persian translation by S. Irani], p. 66 (Tehran: the Pocket books Company).9 Fred Halliday (Citation1979) Iran, Dictatorship and Development [Persian translation by M. Yalghani and A. Tolou], p. 24 (Tehran: Elm Publications).10 Foran, op. cit., p. 339.11 Ervand Abrahamian (Citation1998) Iran Between Two Revolutions [Persian translation by A. Golmohammadi and M. A. Fatahi], p. 541 (Tehran: Nashr-e Ney Publications).12 Katouzian, “Political Economy,” p. 225.13 Jahangir Amouzgar (Citation1996) The Rise and Fall of Pahlavi Dynasty [Persian","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135884036","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-17DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2270346
Jérémy Dieudonné
AbstractThis paper questions the apparent hostility between Iran and Saudi Arabia and highlights its discursive construction. It explores the centrality of ‘Muslimness’ in both countries’ discourses and how it both shapes and is shaped by their opposition. At the same time, it seeks to uncover how these discourses construct a specific regional and ‘Muslim’ dynamic. To do so, the paper draws on theories from both security and nationalism studies. The application of the theoretical framework was carried out over the 2010-2020 period through a discourse analysis of both primary and secondary sources. It is highlighted that Saudi Arabia resorts to a sectarian perspective, merging the ‘Muslim’ category with a ‘Sunni’ one, while Iran eludes the sectarian dimension and centers on the struggle against oppression and ‘arrogant powers.’ The paper concludes that, in the struggle over the definition of ‘Muslimness,’ both parties invest this label with different, but not opposing, attributes. While Saudi speeches express a closed and exclusive ‘identity’ defined by their understanding of religion and in direct opposition to Shias, Iranian speeches express an inclusive ‘identity’ based on ‘Muslimness,’ which is largely defined by the struggle against oppression.Key Words: IdentificationIranMuslimnessSaudi ArabiaSecuritization Disclosure StatementThe authors declare there is no Complete of Interest at this study.AcknowledgementsThe author would like to thank Elena Aoun, Thierry Balzacq and Christophe Wasinski for their comments and suggestions on previous versions of this article.Notes1 See Paul Vallely (Citation2014) The Vicious Schism between Sunni and Shia Has Been Poisoning Islam for 1,400 years - and it's Getting Worse, The Independent (February 19). Available at: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/the-vicious-schism-between-sunni-and-shia-has-been-poisoning-islam-for-1-400-years-and-it-s-getting-worse-9139525.html, accessed April 29, 2022; Adam Taylor (Citation2016) 5 facts about Sunnis and Shiites that Help Make Sense of the Saudi-Iran Crisis, The Washington Post (January 5). Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2016/01/05/5-facts-about-sunnis-and-shiites-that-help-makes-sense-of-the-saudi-iran-crisis/, accessed April 29, 2022.2 See Vali Nasr (Citation2007) The Shia Revival: How Conflicts Within Islam Will Shape the Future (New York: W.W. Norton); Nathan Gonzalez (Citation2009) The Sunni-Shia Conflict: Understanding Sectarian Violence in the Middle East (Mission Viejo: Nortia Press); Helle Malmvig (Citation2014) Power, Identity and Securitization in Middle East: Regional Order after the Arab Uprisings, Mediterranean Politics, 19(1), pp. 145–148.3 Asad A. Ahmed (Citation2010) The Paradoxes of Ahmadiyya Identity: Legal Appropriation of Muslim-ness and the Construction of Ahmadiyya Difference, in Navida Khan (ed) Beyond Crisis: Re-evaluating Pakistan (Abingdon: Routledge), pp. 273–314; Mohamed Sulaiman (Citation2
104 - 121;7 . Ibrahim Fraihat (Citation2020)伊朗和沙特阿拉伯:驯服混乱的冲突(爱丁堡:爱丁堡大学出版社)8 .《伊朗和沙特阿拉伯》9 . dazi - hassimni,“阿拉伯人的生活与伊朗的环境”沙特阿拉伯-伊朗之争,第10页Keynoush,“沙特阿拉伯和伊朗”;艾哈迈迪,“伊朗和沙特阿拉伯”玛本,《平息破坏的号角》见Mabon,“沙特阿拉伯和伊朗”,139.13 Éva Ádám (Citation2021)海湾地区的民意和精英威胁感知:沙特阿拉伯公共话语中的伊朗,见:Mahjoob Zweiri, Md Mizanur Rahman和Arwa Kamal(编)2017年海湾危机:跨学科方法,第145页(新加坡:Springer)参见Frederic Wehrey (Citation2013)《海湾地区的宗派政治:从伊拉克战争到阿拉伯起义》(纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社);Geneive Abdo,《新宗派主义:阿拉伯起义和什叶派-逊尼派分裂的重生》(牛津:牛津大学出版社);Nader A. Hashemi & Danny Postel(引文2017)导论:宗派化论文,见:Nader A. Hashemi & Danny Postel(编)宗派化:绘制中东新政治,第1-22页(伦敦:Hurst出版社);法纳尔·哈达德:《理解“宗派主义”:现代阿拉伯世界的逊尼派-什叶派关系》(伦敦:赫斯特出版社)参见Morten valbj约恩(Citation2021):“宗派主义的观察(辩论):论新中东的宗派主义政治的概念、把握和解释”,《地中海政治》,26(5),第612 - 634.17页。罗杰斯·布鲁贝克(Citation2002):“没有群体的民族”,《欧洲社会学杂志》,43(2),第163-189.17页。Mabon,“沙特阿拉伯和伊朗”;《沙特阿拉伯的宗教证券化和制度化宗教化》,《安全批判研究》,8(3),第203-222.18页。David Campbell (Citation1993)《没有原则的政治:主权、伦理和海湾战争的叙事》(Boulder: Lynne Reinner),第8.19页。Thierry Balzacq (Citation2011)《建构主义和证券化研究》,载于Myriam Dunn Cavelty和Victor Mauer(编)《Routledge安全研究手册》,第56-72页(Abingdon: Routledge);巴尔扎克(引自2016)Le constructivisme[建构主义],见:巴尔扎克主编。[安全理论:批判方法],第165-249页(巴黎:科学出版社)布鲁贝克,《没有群体的种族》,第21页罗杰斯·布鲁贝克和Frederick Cooper (Citation2000):超越“身份”,《理论与社会》,29(1),pp. 1 - 47。Neo,“宗教证券化”;另见Simon Mabon (Citation2018a):“存在主义威胁与调节生活:当代中东地区的证券化”,《全球话语》,8(1),pp. 42-58.24。[26]罗翰·伊斯梅尔:《沙特的神职人员与什叶派伊斯兰教》(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2016)Ole Waever, Barry Buzan, Morten Kelstrup & Pierre Lemaitre (Citation1993),身份,移民和欧洲的新安全议程(伦敦:Palgrave McMillan);Barry Buzan, Ole Waever & Jaap de Wilde(1998)。证券:一个新的分析框架(博尔德:琳恩·瑞纳出版社)Ole Waever(引文1995)证券化与非证券化,见:Ronnie D. Lipschutz(编)On Security,第55页(纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社)Holger Stritzel (Citation2007):《走向证券化理论:哥本哈根及其以后》,《欧洲国际关系杂志》13(3),第357-383页;菲利克斯·丘塔:《安全与语境问题:对证券化理论的解释学批判》,《国际研究评论》,35(2),第301-326.30页。巴尔扎克:《建构主义与证券化研究》;巴尔扎克,<建构主义>,第31页斯特泽尔,《安全,翻译》32页巴尔扎克,<建构主义>,第33页同上,第199页。每句原为法语的引语都被作者翻译了Stritzel:《走向证券化理论》,第367.35页;巴尔扎克:《建构主义与证券化研究》;巴尔扎克,<建构主义>,36页巴尔扎克,“建构主义和证券化研究”,第3.40页。马本,“存在主义威胁和调节生活”,第41页《革命证券化:证券化理论的人类学延伸》,《国际理论》,2012年第4期,第2页。 165 - 197;参见Laura a . Bray、Thomas E. Shriver和Alison E. Adams (Citation2019)《构建威权合法性:民众叛乱后的精英凝聚力》,《社会运动研究》,18(6),682-701页;从哥本哈根到乌里,跨越控制线:印度的“外科手术式打击”作为两种行为的证券化案例,《全球话语》,8(1),pp. 62-79.44 Brubaker & Cooper,“超越身份”;布鲁贝克,"没有群体的种族" 45页布鲁贝克,“没有群体的种族”,第169.46页。布鲁贝克和库珀,“超越身份”,第14.47页。Ulrik Pram Gad (Citation2017)格陵兰将成为什么样的民族国家?瑞克·Neo (Citation2020b)总统的证券化:特朗普作为国家安全威胁,剑桥国际事务评论,第10页,doi: 10.1080/09557571.2020.1816900.50 Thierry Balzacq (Citation2010)证券化理论:安全问题如何出现和化解,第3页(Abingdon: Routledge).51罗杰斯·布鲁贝克:《重新塑造的民族主义:新欧洲的国家地位和国家问题》,第21页(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社)《宏观证券化与安全体系:重新考虑证券化理论中的规模》,《国际研究评论》,35(2),第257.53页。Neo,“总统的证券化”,第3.54页。Jack Holland (Citation2013):《推销反恐战争:9/11后的外交政策话语》,第11-12页(Abingdon: Routledge)(引用2018)Quelles发出了关于“伊朗再来一次”的制裁。对伊朗的哪些制裁仍在生效?], Le Monde(5月8日),可在:https://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2018/05/08/quelles-sanctions-contre-l-iran-sont-elles-encore-en-vigueur_5296163_3218.html,访问日期:2020年4月8日。(引文2011)巴林镇压加剧伊朗和沙特阿拉伯之间的紧张关系。《华盛顿邮报》(4月22日)。巴尔扎克,“
{"title":"Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the Power Struggle over ‘Muslimness’: Reification, Securitization, and Identification","authors":"Jérémy Dieudonné","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2023.2270346","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2023.2270346","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis paper questions the apparent hostility between Iran and Saudi Arabia and highlights its discursive construction. It explores the centrality of ‘Muslimness’ in both countries’ discourses and how it both shapes and is shaped by their opposition. At the same time, it seeks to uncover how these discourses construct a specific regional and ‘Muslim’ dynamic. To do so, the paper draws on theories from both security and nationalism studies. The application of the theoretical framework was carried out over the 2010-2020 period through a discourse analysis of both primary and secondary sources. It is highlighted that Saudi Arabia resorts to a sectarian perspective, merging the ‘Muslim’ category with a ‘Sunni’ one, while Iran eludes the sectarian dimension and centers on the struggle against oppression and ‘arrogant powers.’ The paper concludes that, in the struggle over the definition of ‘Muslimness,’ both parties invest this label with different, but not opposing, attributes. While Saudi speeches express a closed and exclusive ‘identity’ defined by their understanding of religion and in direct opposition to Shias, Iranian speeches express an inclusive ‘identity’ based on ‘Muslimness,’ which is largely defined by the struggle against oppression.Key Words: IdentificationIranMuslimnessSaudi ArabiaSecuritization Disclosure StatementThe authors declare there is no Complete of Interest at this study.AcknowledgementsThe author would like to thank Elena Aoun, Thierry Balzacq and Christophe Wasinski for their comments and suggestions on previous versions of this article.Notes1 See Paul Vallely (Citation2014) The Vicious Schism between Sunni and Shia Has Been Poisoning Islam for 1,400 years - and it's Getting Worse, The Independent (February 19). Available at: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/the-vicious-schism-between-sunni-and-shia-has-been-poisoning-islam-for-1-400-years-and-it-s-getting-worse-9139525.html, accessed April 29, 2022; Adam Taylor (Citation2016) 5 facts about Sunnis and Shiites that Help Make Sense of the Saudi-Iran Crisis, The Washington Post (January 5). Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2016/01/05/5-facts-about-sunnis-and-shiites-that-help-makes-sense-of-the-saudi-iran-crisis/, accessed April 29, 2022.2 See Vali Nasr (Citation2007) The Shia Revival: How Conflicts Within Islam Will Shape the Future (New York: W.W. Norton); Nathan Gonzalez (Citation2009) The Sunni-Shia Conflict: Understanding Sectarian Violence in the Middle East (Mission Viejo: Nortia Press); Helle Malmvig (Citation2014) Power, Identity and Securitization in Middle East: Regional Order after the Arab Uprisings, Mediterranean Politics, 19(1), pp. 145–148.3 Asad A. Ahmed (Citation2010) The Paradoxes of Ahmadiyya Identity: Legal Appropriation of Muslim-ness and the Construction of Ahmadiyya Difference, in Navida Khan (ed) Beyond Crisis: Re-evaluating Pakistan (Abingdon: Routledge), pp. 273–314; Mohamed Sulaiman (Citation2","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135993329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-15DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2266866
Dina Taghipour Ziksari, Jalaledin Rafifar
AbstractWater quality/quantity crises may make water a hazard source. This study investigates the coded meaning that water crisis causes, how water insecurity impacts mental and physical health, and ways of dealing with water scarcity. However, this cultural meaning contradicts community-level governmental decisions and the unequal water distribution of Iran’s Zayanderud River. Consequently, there is a water crisis in the small city of Varzaneh, and it induces undesired individual-level feelings, such as local concerns that cancer is associated with the deterioration of the Gavkhouni Wetland into which the Zayanderud drains. At the household level, water shortage problems are causing population emigration and/or adoption of different jobs and cropping styles. On a larger scale, public protests are responses to the deteriorating natural environment. Generally, the region’s hierarchical and sectarian social organizing forms contradict. In Varzaneh, the sectarian form views environmental hazards as a higher priority. As a hierarchical form, the government emphasizes foreign enemies and defines the water problems in Varzaneh as not being a top priority. The outcome is social tension over water supply at both small and large scales.Key Words: AgricultureHierarchyIranSocial organizationWater crisisWater management AcknowledgementsThe authors would like to thank all the participants in this study as they enabled this research journey by helping us to obtain new and deeper insights into the subject. Also, the authors are grateful to Mr. J., the key informant of the study, for selfless guidance and introductions to invaluable individuals. Furthermore, the authors express their gratitude to their families for their support in the ups and downs of this research project.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 I. Mohammad Jani & N. Yazdanian (Citation2015) The Analysis of Water Crisis Conjecture in Iran and the Exigent Measures for its Management [in Persian], Ravand Journal, 21 (65–66), pp. 123–124.2 K. Milton (Citation1996) Environmentalism and Cultural Theory: Exploring the Role of Anthropology in Environmental Discourse (London: Routledge), p. 178.3 V. Strang (2004) The Meaning of Water (New York: Berg).4 Eslami, “Zayanderud: Past, Present and Future,” pp. 123–124.5 J. Murchison (Citation2009) Ethnography Essentials: Designing, Conducting and Presenting Your Research (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass), p. 4.6 Ibid, p. 42.7 For more on ethnographic research methods, see U. Flick (Citation2009) An Introduction to Qualitative Research (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications), p. 169.8 Ibid, pp. 118–119.9 N. Hajian (Citation2016) Comprehensive Reference of Zayanderud; Studying the Reasons Behind Dried Zayanderud from Technical Perspective and National and International Rights Views (Isfahan, Khorasgan Branch: Islamic Azad University), p. 38 [in Persian].10 Wutich & Brewis. “Food, Water, and Scarcity,” p. 445.11 Ibid,
{"title":"Anthropology of Water in Varzaneh, Iran","authors":"Dina Taghipour Ziksari, Jalaledin Rafifar","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2023.2266866","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2023.2266866","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractWater quality/quantity crises may make water a hazard source. This study investigates the coded meaning that water crisis causes, how water insecurity impacts mental and physical health, and ways of dealing with water scarcity. However, this cultural meaning contradicts community-level governmental decisions and the unequal water distribution of Iran’s Zayanderud River. Consequently, there is a water crisis in the small city of Varzaneh, and it induces undesired individual-level feelings, such as local concerns that cancer is associated with the deterioration of the Gavkhouni Wetland into which the Zayanderud drains. At the household level, water shortage problems are causing population emigration and/or adoption of different jobs and cropping styles. On a larger scale, public protests are responses to the deteriorating natural environment. Generally, the region’s hierarchical and sectarian social organizing forms contradict. In Varzaneh, the sectarian form views environmental hazards as a higher priority. As a hierarchical form, the government emphasizes foreign enemies and defines the water problems in Varzaneh as not being a top priority. The outcome is social tension over water supply at both small and large scales.Key Words: AgricultureHierarchyIranSocial organizationWater crisisWater management AcknowledgementsThe authors would like to thank all the participants in this study as they enabled this research journey by helping us to obtain new and deeper insights into the subject. Also, the authors are grateful to Mr. J., the key informant of the study, for selfless guidance and introductions to invaluable individuals. Furthermore, the authors express their gratitude to their families for their support in the ups and downs of this research project.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 I. Mohammad Jani & N. Yazdanian (Citation2015) The Analysis of Water Crisis Conjecture in Iran and the Exigent Measures for its Management [in Persian], Ravand Journal, 21 (65–66), pp. 123–124.2 K. Milton (Citation1996) Environmentalism and Cultural Theory: Exploring the Role of Anthropology in Environmental Discourse (London: Routledge), p. 178.3 V. Strang (2004) The Meaning of Water (New York: Berg).4 Eslami, “Zayanderud: Past, Present and Future,” pp. 123–124.5 J. Murchison (Citation2009) Ethnography Essentials: Designing, Conducting and Presenting Your Research (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass), p. 4.6 Ibid, p. 42.7 For more on ethnographic research methods, see U. Flick (Citation2009) An Introduction to Qualitative Research (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications), p. 169.8 Ibid, pp. 118–119.9 N. Hajian (Citation2016) Comprehensive Reference of Zayanderud; Studying the Reasons Behind Dried Zayanderud from Technical Perspective and National and International Rights Views (Isfahan, Khorasgan Branch: Islamic Azad University), p. 38 [in Persian].10 Wutich & Brewis. “Food, Water, and Scarcity,” p. 445.11 Ibid,","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135758915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-09DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2260535
Gholamreza Ghaffari
AbstractContemporary Iran has undergone many small and large transformations at the structural, process and agency levels. This article attempts to present a picture of social relations in Iran after ther 1979 Revolution by using the construct of social capital and its ups and downs. The evidence presented in this article shows that at times conditions have improved and steps have been taken to strengthen social capital, for example in the years 1998–2005, 2010 and 2013, when moderate governments were in office, the conditions and atmosphere of optimism were strengthened and the fields of economics, politics and social interactions became more prosperous. However, none of these conditions have continued. Promises made have not been fulfilled and, more importantly, negating the past, ignoring the efforts made, not allowing accumulation, and not building the ladder of social progress are all contributors to the decline of social capital in Iran.Key Words: GovernmentIranJusticeParticipationSocial CapitalTrust AcknowledgementsI feel it is my duty to express my utmost gratitude to the respected professor, Dr. Mustafa Azkia of Tehran University, who provided the opportunity to compile and publish this article. Also, I am extremely grateful to Dr. Alireza Mohseni Tabrizi and Dr. Kush Gorji Sefat in the Department of Sociology at Tehran University. They read earlier versions of the manuscript, and their constructive comments were of tremendous help for improving it.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Mostefa Azkia & Ahmad Firousabadi (Citation2006) The Role of Social Capital in the Creation of Rural Production Associations: A Case Study of the Karkheh Dam Watershed Basin, Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies, 15(3), p. 296.2 Emile Durkheim (Citation2013) The Division of Labour in Society,’ trans. by W. D. Halls; ed. & intro. by S. Lukes, p. 178 (London: Palgrave Macmillan).3 Alexis De Tocqueville ([1840]/2000) Democracy in America, trans., ed. & intro. by Harvey C. Mansfield and Delba Winthrop, p. 486 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).4 Robert D. Putnam (Citation2007) E Pluribus Unum: Diversity and Community in the Twenty-first Century The 2006 Johan Skytte Prize Lecture, Scandinavian Political Studies, 30(2), p. 137.5 Hilde Coffé & Benny Geys (Citation2006) Community Heterogeneity: A Burden for the Creation of Social Capital? Social Science Quarterly, 87(5), p. 1055.6 Behrooz Hadizonooz (Citation2005) Poverty and inequality of income in Iran, Social Welfare Quarterly, 4(17), p. 187. [in Persian].7 Ibid.8 Robert D. Putnam and Kristin A. Goss (Citation2002) Introduction, in: Robert D. Putnam (ed) Democracies in Flux The Evolution of Social Capital in Contemporary Society, p. 18 (New York: Oxford University Press).9 Hadi Zonooz, “Poverty and inequality of Income in Iran,” p. 187.10 Organization of Management and Planning (Citation2003) Economic Performance Report of the Third Program, p. 16 (Teh
{"title":"Analysis of Social Capital Trends after Iran’s Islamic Revolution","authors":"Gholamreza Ghaffari","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2023.2260535","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2023.2260535","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractContemporary Iran has undergone many small and large transformations at the structural, process and agency levels. This article attempts to present a picture of social relations in Iran after ther 1979 Revolution by using the construct of social capital and its ups and downs. The evidence presented in this article shows that at times conditions have improved and steps have been taken to strengthen social capital, for example in the years 1998–2005, 2010 and 2013, when moderate governments were in office, the conditions and atmosphere of optimism were strengthened and the fields of economics, politics and social interactions became more prosperous. However, none of these conditions have continued. Promises made have not been fulfilled and, more importantly, negating the past, ignoring the efforts made, not allowing accumulation, and not building the ladder of social progress are all contributors to the decline of social capital in Iran.Key Words: GovernmentIranJusticeParticipationSocial CapitalTrust AcknowledgementsI feel it is my duty to express my utmost gratitude to the respected professor, Dr. Mustafa Azkia of Tehran University, who provided the opportunity to compile and publish this article. Also, I am extremely grateful to Dr. Alireza Mohseni Tabrizi and Dr. Kush Gorji Sefat in the Department of Sociology at Tehran University. They read earlier versions of the manuscript, and their constructive comments were of tremendous help for improving it.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Mostefa Azkia & Ahmad Firousabadi (Citation2006) The Role of Social Capital in the Creation of Rural Production Associations: A Case Study of the Karkheh Dam Watershed Basin, Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies, 15(3), p. 296.2 Emile Durkheim (Citation2013) The Division of Labour in Society,’ trans. by W. D. Halls; ed. & intro. by S. Lukes, p. 178 (London: Palgrave Macmillan).3 Alexis De Tocqueville ([1840]/2000) Democracy in America, trans., ed. & intro. by Harvey C. Mansfield and Delba Winthrop, p. 486 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).4 Robert D. Putnam (Citation2007) E Pluribus Unum: Diversity and Community in the Twenty-first Century The 2006 Johan Skytte Prize Lecture, Scandinavian Political Studies, 30(2), p. 137.5 Hilde Coffé & Benny Geys (Citation2006) Community Heterogeneity: A Burden for the Creation of Social Capital? Social Science Quarterly, 87(5), p. 1055.6 Behrooz Hadizonooz (Citation2005) Poverty and inequality of income in Iran, Social Welfare Quarterly, 4(17), p. 187. [in Persian].7 Ibid.8 Robert D. Putnam and Kristin A. Goss (Citation2002) Introduction, in: Robert D. Putnam (ed) Democracies in Flux The Evolution of Social Capital in Contemporary Society, p. 18 (New York: Oxford University Press).9 Hadi Zonooz, “Poverty and inequality of Income in Iran,” p. 187.10 Organization of Management and Planning (Citation2003) Economic Performance Report of the Third Program, p. 16 (Teh","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135146694","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-09DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2263827
Moosa Anbari, Sedigheh Piri
Abstract:This article examines both the positive and negative aspects of the performance of various governmental poverty elimination institutions and organizations during forty years of the Islamic Republic (1980–2020). Statistics and data show that after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, primarily due to the subsidy for essential goods and the support system based on cash subsidies, extreme poverty decreased dramatically. However, the persistence of relative poverty in society continues to be noticeable, primarily due, after 2010, to international sanctions–and their economic impact–imposed on Iran over its nuclear program. In general, the negative economic factors have reduced the effect of poverty alleviation plans. In addition, weakness in policy coordination among different institutions and programs of poverty eradication and no political will to eliminate the causes of poverty by turning to a sustainable pattern of development also have contributed increasing poverty.Key Words: Iranpovertypoverty eradicationsustainable development AcknowledgmentsWe would like to express our appreciation to Professor Mahmoud Ghazi Tabatabai and Professor Mostafa Azkia for their thoughtful criticisms and helpful suggestions.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) (1992) Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 3–14 June.2 2 United Nations General Assembly Conference (2015) Transforming our World: The 2030, Agenda for Sustainable Development, 25 September.3 See further Imam Ruhollah Khomeini (Citation1999) Collection of Works of Imam Khomeini (Tehran: Center for Organizing and Publishing the Works of Imam Khomeini).4 Ahmad Ashraf & Ali Banuazizi (Citation2014) Social Classes, Government and Revolution in Iran translated into Persian by Sohaila T. Farsani, 3rd ed. (Tehran: Niloufar), p. 108; and Hossain Azimi Arani (Citation1992) Underdeveloped Circuits in the Iranian Economy (Tehran: Ney Publishing).5 Mohadeseh Safshekan (Citation2021) National Report on Poverty and Inequality in Iran: Between 2001 and 2017 (Tehran: Social Security Organization Research Institute), p. 79.6 Azimi Arani, Iranian Economy, p. 92.7 Farshad Momeni (Citation2007) Iran's Economy in the Period of Structural Adjustment (Tehran: Naghsh and Negar), pp. 113–146.8 Safshekan, National Report on Poverty and Inequality in Iran, p. 188.9 Zahra Shahidi & Zahra Kaviani (Citation2021) ‘poverty in 2020’ (Tehran: Ministry of Cooperatives, Labor and Social Welfare), p. 9.10 Ibid.11 Ibid, p. 11.12 People deprived of at least one aspect of housing (access to water, access to sanitation, adequate living space, sustainable housing and security).13 Azadeh Shahab (Citation2021) ‘Housing poverty’ (Tehran: Ministry of Cooperatives, Labor and Social Welfare) p. 10.14 Infant mortality rate, under-5 mortality rate, maternal mortality rate from pregnancy and childbirth complications, and life expectancy at birth.15 Zahr
{"title":"Poverty and Deprivation Problems in Post-Revolutionary Iran","authors":"Moosa Anbari, Sedigheh Piri","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2023.2263827","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2023.2263827","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article examines both the positive and negative aspects of the performance of various governmental poverty elimination institutions and organizations during forty years of the Islamic Republic (1980–2020). Statistics and data show that after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, primarily due to the subsidy for essential goods and the support system based on cash subsidies, extreme poverty decreased dramatically. However, the persistence of relative poverty in society continues to be noticeable, primarily due, after 2010, to international sanctions–and their economic impact–imposed on Iran over its nuclear program. In general, the negative economic factors have reduced the effect of poverty alleviation plans. In addition, weakness in policy coordination among different institutions and programs of poverty eradication and no political will to eliminate the causes of poverty by turning to a sustainable pattern of development also have contributed increasing poverty.Key Words: Iranpovertypoverty eradicationsustainable development AcknowledgmentsWe would like to express our appreciation to Professor Mahmoud Ghazi Tabatabai and Professor Mostafa Azkia for their thoughtful criticisms and helpful suggestions.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) (1992) Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 3–14 June.2 2 United Nations General Assembly Conference (2015) Transforming our World: The 2030, Agenda for Sustainable Development, 25 September.3 See further Imam Ruhollah Khomeini (Citation1999) Collection of Works of Imam Khomeini (Tehran: Center for Organizing and Publishing the Works of Imam Khomeini).4 Ahmad Ashraf & Ali Banuazizi (Citation2014) Social Classes, Government and Revolution in Iran translated into Persian by Sohaila T. Farsani, 3rd ed. (Tehran: Niloufar), p. 108; and Hossain Azimi Arani (Citation1992) Underdeveloped Circuits in the Iranian Economy (Tehran: Ney Publishing).5 Mohadeseh Safshekan (Citation2021) National Report on Poverty and Inequality in Iran: Between 2001 and 2017 (Tehran: Social Security Organization Research Institute), p. 79.6 Azimi Arani, Iranian Economy, p. 92.7 Farshad Momeni (Citation2007) Iran's Economy in the Period of Structural Adjustment (Tehran: Naghsh and Negar), pp. 113–146.8 Safshekan, National Report on Poverty and Inequality in Iran, p. 188.9 Zahra Shahidi & Zahra Kaviani (Citation2021) ‘poverty in 2020’ (Tehran: Ministry of Cooperatives, Labor and Social Welfare), p. 9.10 Ibid.11 Ibid, p. 11.12 People deprived of at least one aspect of housing (access to water, access to sanitation, adequate living space, sustainable housing and security).13 Azadeh Shahab (Citation2021) ‘Housing poverty’ (Tehran: Ministry of Cooperatives, Labor and Social Welfare) p. 10.14 Infant mortality rate, under-5 mortality rate, maternal mortality rate from pregnancy and childbirth complications, and life expectancy at birth.15 Zahr","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135146636","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-18DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2256144
Hamidreza Rabiei-Dastjerdi
Since 1970, Iran has experienced dramatic environmental, political, and socioeconomic changes and events. All these events have impacted and shaped the urbanized landscape in Iran during the past 50 years. This article provides an overview of those factors influencing the socio-spatial patterns during this half-century of urbanization and highlights the current challenges that confront Iran’s cities.
{"title":"One Thousand and One Cities: Socio-Spatial Patterns and Challenges over a Half-Century of Urbanization in Iran","authors":"Hamidreza Rabiei-Dastjerdi","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2023.2256144","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2023.2256144","url":null,"abstract":"Since 1970, Iran has experienced dramatic environmental, political, and socioeconomic changes and events. All these events have impacted and shaped the urbanized landscape in Iran during the past 50 years. This article provides an overview of those factors influencing the socio-spatial patterns during this half-century of urbanization and highlights the current challenges that confront Iran’s cities.","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135208091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}