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Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the Power Struggle over ‘Muslimness’: Reification, Securitization, and Identification 伊朗、沙特阿拉伯和“穆斯林”的权力斗争:具体化、证券化和身份认同
3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2270346
Jérémy Dieudonné
AbstractThis paper questions the apparent hostility between Iran and Saudi Arabia and highlights its discursive construction. It explores the centrality of ‘Muslimness’ in both countries’ discourses and how it both shapes and is shaped by their opposition. At the same time, it seeks to uncover how these discourses construct a specific regional and ‘Muslim’ dynamic. To do so, the paper draws on theories from both security and nationalism studies. The application of the theoretical framework was carried out over the 2010-2020 period through a discourse analysis of both primary and secondary sources. It is highlighted that Saudi Arabia resorts to a sectarian perspective, merging the ‘Muslim’ category with a ‘Sunni’ one, while Iran eludes the sectarian dimension and centers on the struggle against oppression and ‘arrogant powers.’ The paper concludes that, in the struggle over the definition of ‘Muslimness,’ both parties invest this label with different, but not opposing, attributes. While Saudi speeches express a closed and exclusive ‘identity’ defined by their understanding of religion and in direct opposition to Shias, Iranian speeches express an inclusive ‘identity’ based on ‘Muslimness,’ which is largely defined by the struggle against oppression.Key Words: IdentificationIranMuslimnessSaudi ArabiaSecuritization Disclosure StatementThe authors declare there is no Complete of Interest at this study.AcknowledgementsThe author would like to thank Elena Aoun, Thierry Balzacq and Christophe Wasinski for their comments and suggestions on previous versions of this article.Notes1 See Paul Vallely (Citation2014) The Vicious Schism between Sunni and Shia Has Been Poisoning Islam for 1,400 years - and it's Getting Worse, The Independent (February 19). Available at: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/the-vicious-schism-between-sunni-and-shia-has-been-poisoning-islam-for-1-400-years-and-it-s-getting-worse-9139525.html, accessed April 29, 2022; Adam Taylor (Citation2016) 5 facts about Sunnis and Shiites that Help Make Sense of the Saudi-Iran Crisis, The Washington Post (January 5). Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2016/01/05/5-facts-about-sunnis-and-shiites-that-help-makes-sense-of-the-saudi-iran-crisis/, accessed April 29, 2022.2 See Vali Nasr (Citation2007) The Shia Revival: How Conflicts Within Islam Will Shape the Future (New York: W.W. Norton); Nathan Gonzalez (Citation2009) The Sunni-Shia Conflict: Understanding Sectarian Violence in the Middle East (Mission Viejo: Nortia Press); Helle Malmvig (Citation2014) Power, Identity and Securitization in Middle East: Regional Order after the Arab Uprisings, Mediterranean Politics, 19(1), pp. 145–148.3 Asad A. Ahmed (Citation2010) The Paradoxes of Ahmadiyya Identity: Legal Appropriation of Muslim-ness and the Construction of Ahmadiyya Difference, in Navida Khan (ed) Beyond Crisis: Re-evaluating Pakistan (Abingdon: Routledge), pp. 273–314; Mohamed Sulaiman (Citation2
104 - 121;7 . Ibrahim Fraihat (Citation2020)伊朗和沙特阿拉伯:驯服混乱的冲突(爱丁堡:爱丁堡大学出版社)8 .《伊朗和沙特阿拉伯》9 . dazi - hassimni,“阿拉伯人的生活与伊朗的环境”沙特阿拉伯-伊朗之争,第10页Keynoush,“沙特阿拉伯和伊朗”;艾哈迈迪,“伊朗和沙特阿拉伯”玛本,《平息破坏的号角》见Mabon,“沙特阿拉伯和伊朗”,139.13 Éva Ádám (Citation2021)海湾地区的民意和精英威胁感知:沙特阿拉伯公共话语中的伊朗,见:Mahjoob Zweiri, Md Mizanur Rahman和Arwa Kamal(编)2017年海湾危机:跨学科方法,第145页(新加坡:Springer)参见Frederic Wehrey (Citation2013)《海湾地区的宗派政治:从伊拉克战争到阿拉伯起义》(纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社);Geneive Abdo,《新宗派主义:阿拉伯起义和什叶派-逊尼派分裂的重生》(牛津:牛津大学出版社);Nader A. Hashemi & Danny Postel(引文2017)导论:宗派化论文,见:Nader A. Hashemi & Danny Postel(编)宗派化:绘制中东新政治,第1-22页(伦敦:Hurst出版社);法纳尔·哈达德:《理解“宗派主义”:现代阿拉伯世界的逊尼派-什叶派关系》(伦敦:赫斯特出版社)参见Morten valbj约恩(Citation2021):“宗派主义的观察(辩论):论新中东的宗派主义政治的概念、把握和解释”,《地中海政治》,26(5),第612 - 634.17页。罗杰斯·布鲁贝克(Citation2002):“没有群体的民族”,《欧洲社会学杂志》,43(2),第163-189.17页。Mabon,“沙特阿拉伯和伊朗”;《沙特阿拉伯的宗教证券化和制度化宗教化》,《安全批判研究》,8(3),第203-222.18页。David Campbell (Citation1993)《没有原则的政治:主权、伦理和海湾战争的叙事》(Boulder: Lynne Reinner),第8.19页。Thierry Balzacq (Citation2011)《建构主义和证券化研究》,载于Myriam Dunn Cavelty和Victor Mauer(编)《Routledge安全研究手册》,第56-72页(Abingdon: Routledge);巴尔扎克(引自2016)Le constructivisme[建构主义],见:巴尔扎克主编。[安全理论:批判方法],第165-249页(巴黎:科学出版社)布鲁贝克,《没有群体的种族》,第21页罗杰斯·布鲁贝克和Frederick Cooper (Citation2000):超越“身份”,《理论与社会》,29(1),pp. 1 - 47。Neo,“宗教证券化”;另见Simon Mabon (Citation2018a):“存在主义威胁与调节生活:当代中东地区的证券化”,《全球话语》,8(1),pp. 42-58.24。[26]罗翰·伊斯梅尔:《沙特的神职人员与什叶派伊斯兰教》(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2016)Ole Waever, Barry Buzan, Morten Kelstrup & Pierre Lemaitre (Citation1993),身份,移民和欧洲的新安全议程(伦敦:Palgrave McMillan);Barry Buzan, Ole Waever & Jaap de Wilde(1998)。证券:一个新的分析框架(博尔德:琳恩·瑞纳出版社)Ole Waever(引文1995)证券化与非证券化,见:Ronnie D. Lipschutz(编)On Security,第55页(纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社)Holger Stritzel (Citation2007):《走向证券化理论:哥本哈根及其以后》,《欧洲国际关系杂志》13(3),第357-383页;菲利克斯·丘塔:《安全与语境问题:对证券化理论的解释学批判》,《国际研究评论》,35(2),第301-326.30页。巴尔扎克:《建构主义与证券化研究》;巴尔扎克,<建构主义>,第31页斯特泽尔,《安全,翻译》32页巴尔扎克,<建构主义>,第33页同上,第199页。每句原为法语的引语都被作者翻译了Stritzel:《走向证券化理论》,第367.35页;巴尔扎克:《建构主义与证券化研究》;巴尔扎克,<建构主义>,36页巴尔扎克,“建构主义和证券化研究”,第3.40页。马本,“存在主义威胁和调节生活”,第41页《革命证券化:证券化理论的人类学延伸》,《国际理论》,2012年第4期,第2页。 165 - 197;参见Laura a . Bray、Thomas E. Shriver和Alison E. Adams (Citation2019)《构建威权合法性:民众叛乱后的精英凝聚力》,《社会运动研究》,18(6),682-701页;从哥本哈根到乌里,跨越控制线:印度的“外科手术式打击”作为两种行为的证券化案例,《全球话语》,8(1),pp. 62-79.44 Brubaker & Cooper,“超越身份”;布鲁贝克,"没有群体的种族" 45页布鲁贝克,“没有群体的种族”,第169.46页。布鲁贝克和库珀,“超越身份”,第14.47页。Ulrik Pram Gad (Citation2017)格陵兰将成为什么样的民族国家?瑞克·Neo (Citation2020b)总统的证券化:特朗普作为国家安全威胁,剑桥国际事务评论,第10页,doi: 10.1080/09557571.2020.1816900.50 Thierry Balzacq (Citation2010)证券化理论:安全问题如何出现和化解,第3页(Abingdon: Routledge).51罗杰斯·布鲁贝克:《重新塑造的民族主义:新欧洲的国家地位和国家问题》,第21页(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社)《宏观证券化与安全体系:重新考虑证券化理论中的规模》,《国际研究评论》,35(2),第257.53页。Neo,“总统的证券化”,第3.54页。Jack Holland (Citation2013):《推销反恐战争:9/11后的外交政策话语》,第11-12页(Abingdon: Routledge)(引用2018)Quelles发出了关于“伊朗再来一次”的制裁。对伊朗的哪些制裁仍在生效?], Le Monde(5月8日),可在:https://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2018/05/08/quelles-sanctions-contre-l-iran-sont-elles-encore-en-vigueur_5296163_3218.html,访问日期:2020年4月8日。(引文2011)巴林镇压加剧伊朗和沙特阿拉伯之间的紧张关系。《华盛顿邮报》(4月22日)。巴尔扎克,“
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引用次数: 0
Anthropology of Water in Varzaneh, Iran 伊朗Varzaneh的水人类学
3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-15 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2266866
Dina Taghipour Ziksari, Jalaledin Rafifar
AbstractWater quality/quantity crises may make water a hazard source. This study investigates the coded meaning that water crisis causes, how water insecurity impacts mental and physical health, and ways of dealing with water scarcity. However, this cultural meaning contradicts community-level governmental decisions and the unequal water distribution of Iran’s Zayanderud River. Consequently, there is a water crisis in the small city of Varzaneh, and it induces undesired individual-level feelings, such as local concerns that cancer is associated with the deterioration of the Gavkhouni Wetland into which the Zayanderud drains. At the household level, water shortage problems are causing population emigration and/or adoption of different jobs and cropping styles. On a larger scale, public protests are responses to the deteriorating natural environment. Generally, the region’s hierarchical and sectarian social organizing forms contradict. In Varzaneh, the sectarian form views environmental hazards as a higher priority. As a hierarchical form, the government emphasizes foreign enemies and defines the water problems in Varzaneh as not being a top priority. The outcome is social tension over water supply at both small and large scales.Key Words: AgricultureHierarchyIranSocial organizationWater crisisWater management AcknowledgementsThe authors would like to thank all the participants in this study as they enabled this research journey by helping us to obtain new and deeper insights into the subject. Also, the authors are grateful to Mr. J., the key informant of the study, for selfless guidance and introductions to invaluable individuals. Furthermore, the authors express their gratitude to their families for their support in the ups and downs of this research project.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 I. Mohammad Jani & N. Yazdanian (Citation2015) The Analysis of Water Crisis Conjecture in Iran and the Exigent Measures for its Management [in Persian], Ravand Journal, 21 (65–66), pp. 123–124.2 K. Milton (Citation1996) Environmentalism and Cultural Theory: Exploring the Role of Anthropology in Environmental Discourse (London: Routledge), p. 178.3 V. Strang (2004) The Meaning of Water (New York: Berg).4 Eslami, “Zayanderud: Past, Present and Future,” pp. 123–124.5 J. Murchison (Citation2009) Ethnography Essentials: Designing, Conducting and Presenting Your Research (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass), p. 4.6 Ibid, p. 42.7 For more on ethnographic research methods, see U. Flick (Citation2009) An Introduction to Qualitative Research (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications), p. 169.8 Ibid, pp. 118–119.9 N. Hajian (Citation2016) Comprehensive Reference of Zayanderud; Studying the Reasons Behind Dried Zayanderud from Technical Perspective and National and International Rights Views (Isfahan, Khorasgan Branch: Islamic Azad University), p. 38 [in Persian].10 Wutich & Brewis. “Food, Water, and Scarcity,” p. 445.11 Ibid,
39 Wutich & Ragsdale,《水的不安全感和情绪困扰》,第2117.4页。Hastrup (citation),《水与社会世界的配置:一个人类学的视角》,《水资源与保护杂志》,第5期,第61.42页同上,第110.44页伊斯法罕地区水务公司(Citation2014)公司历史。Eslami,“Zayanderud:过去,现在和未来,”p. 112.46 Wutich & Ragsdale。“水的不安全感和情绪困扰”,p. 2117.47 H. Nadjari (Citation2003) Gavkhoni;伊斯法罕国际湿地[波斯语](德黑兰:环境部),p. 64.48伊朗统计中心(2016)基于性别和年龄段的伊朗城市人口。可以在https://www.amar.org.ir/%D8%B3%D8%B1%D8%B4%D9%85%D8%A7%D8%B1%DB%8C-%D8%B9%D9%85%D9%88%D9%85%DB%8C-%D9%86%D9%81%D9%88%D8%B3-%D9%88-%D9%85%D8%B3%DA%A9%D9%86/%D9%86%D8%AA%D8%A7%DB%8C%D8%AC-%D8%B3%D8%B1%D8%B4%D9%85%D8%A7%D8%B1%DB%8C, 10月12日访问2017.49 h . Hossaini Abari (Citation2000) Zayandehrud:从源头到嘴(波斯)(伊斯法罕:H. Hossaini Abari(引文1999)Zayanderud的传统管理,伊朗本土知识的辩论,伊斯法罕大学文学院季刊,2(15),p. 104[波斯语].51Hossaini Abari,“Zayanderud的传统管理”,第92.52页,同上,第163.53页。54同上,第105-106.55页。Khatun-Abadi (Citation2009)调查扎耶德鲁德的历史,见:M. Gharani(主编)在调查扎耶德鲁德水危机大会上发表的文章、演讲和观点,第21-43页(Isfahan)。Hajian,“Zayanderud的综合参考”,第60.57页。Orlove & Caton,“水的可持续性”,第403.58页。M. Eslami (Citation2009) Zayanderud:过去,现在和未来,in: M. Gharani(主编)在调查Zayanderud水危机大会上提出的文章,讲座和意见(伊斯法罕,伊朗:Wutich & Ragsdale,“水不安全和情绪困扰”,第2116-2125.60页。Wutich & Brewis,“食物、水和稀缺”,第444-468.61页。C. Hadley & A. Wutich(引文2009)基于经验的食物和水安全措施:生物文化方法的不安全措施,人类组织,68(4).62Wutich & Brewis,《食物、水和稀缺》,第451-452.63页。Wutich & Ragsdale,《水的不安全感和情绪困扰》,第2123页。
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引用次数: 0
Analysis of Social Capital Trends after Iran’s Islamic Revolution 伊朗伊斯兰革命后社会资本趋势分析
3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-09 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2260535
Gholamreza Ghaffari
AbstractContemporary Iran has undergone many small and large transformations at the structural, process and agency levels. This article attempts to present a picture of social relations in Iran after ther 1979 Revolution by using the construct of social capital and its ups and downs. The evidence presented in this article shows that at times conditions have improved and steps have been taken to strengthen social capital, for example in the years 1998–2005, 2010 and 2013, when moderate governments were in office, the conditions and atmosphere of optimism were strengthened and the fields of economics, politics and social interactions became more prosperous. However, none of these conditions have continued. Promises made have not been fulfilled and, more importantly, negating the past, ignoring the efforts made, not allowing accumulation, and not building the ladder of social progress are all contributors to the decline of social capital in Iran.Key Words: GovernmentIranJusticeParticipationSocial CapitalTrust AcknowledgementsI feel it is my duty to express my utmost gratitude to the respected professor, Dr. Mustafa Azkia of Tehran University, who provided the opportunity to compile and publish this article. Also, I am extremely grateful to Dr. Alireza Mohseni Tabrizi and Dr. Kush Gorji Sefat in the Department of Sociology at Tehran University. They read earlier versions of the manuscript, and their constructive comments were of tremendous help for improving it.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Mostefa Azkia & Ahmad Firousabadi (Citation2006) The Role of Social Capital in the Creation of Rural Production Associations: A Case Study of the Karkheh Dam Watershed Basin, Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies, 15(3), p. 296.2 Emile Durkheim (Citation2013) The Division of Labour in Society,’ trans. by W. D. Halls; ed. & intro. by S. Lukes, p. 178 (London: Palgrave Macmillan).3 Alexis De Tocqueville ([1840]/2000) Democracy in America, trans., ed. & intro. by Harvey C. Mansfield and Delba Winthrop, p. 486 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).4 Robert D. Putnam (Citation2007) E Pluribus Unum: Diversity and Community in the Twenty-first Century The 2006 Johan Skytte Prize Lecture, Scandinavian Political Studies, 30(2), p. 137.5 Hilde Coffé & Benny Geys (Citation2006) Community Heterogeneity: A Burden for the Creation of Social Capital? Social Science Quarterly, 87(5), p. 1055.6 Behrooz Hadizonooz (Citation2005) Poverty and inequality of income in Iran, Social Welfare Quarterly, 4(17), p. 187. [in Persian].7 Ibid.8 Robert D. Putnam and Kristin A. Goss (Citation2002) Introduction, in: Robert D. Putnam (ed) Democracies in Flux The Evolution of Social Capital in Contemporary Society, p. 18 (New York: Oxford University Press).9 Hadi Zonooz, “Poverty and inequality of Income in Iran,” p. 187.10 Organization of Management and Planning (Citation2003) Economic Performance Report of the Third Program, p. 16 (Teh
当代伊朗在结构、过程和机构层面经历了许多大大小小的变革。本文试图通过社会资本的建构及其起起落落来呈现1979年伊朗革命后的社会关系图景。本文提供的证据表明,有时情况有所改善,并采取措施加强社会资本,例如在1998-2005年,2010年和2013年,当温和政府执政时,乐观的条件和气氛得到加强,经济,政治和社会互动领域变得更加繁荣。然而,这些情况都没有持续下去。作出的承诺没有得到履行,更重要的是,否定过去,忽视所作的努力,不允许积累,不建立社会进步的阶梯,这些都是造成伊朗社会资本下降的原因。关键字:政府公正参与社会资本信托感谢德黑兰大学尊敬的穆斯塔法·阿兹基亚教授为我编写并发表这篇文章提供了机会,我觉得我有责任向他表示衷心的感谢。同时,我非常感谢德黑兰大学社会学系的Alireza Mohseni Tabrizi博士和Kush Gorji Sefat博士。他们读了手稿的早期版本,他们的建设性意见对改进它有很大的帮助。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1 Mostefa Azkia & Ahmad Firousabadi (Citation2006)《社会资本在农村生产协会创建中的作用:以Karkheh大坝流域为例》,《批判:关键中东研究》,15(3),第296.2页。w·d·霍尔斯著;编辑和介绍。2 . S. Lukes著,第178页(伦敦:Palgrave Macmillan出版社)托克维尔(1840 /2000)《论美国的民主》,英译。,编辑和介绍。Harvey C. Mansfield和Delba Winthrop著,第486页(芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社)Robert D. Putnam (Citation2007) E Pluribus Unum: 21世纪的多样性和社区。2006年约翰·斯基特奖演讲,斯堪的纳维亚政治研究,30(2),第137.5页。Hilde coff<s:1> & Benny Geys (Citation2006)社区异质性:社会资本创造的负担?《社会科学季刊》,2005 (5),p. 10556。(波斯)7同上8罗伯特·d·普特南和克里斯汀·a·戈斯(引文2002)引言,载于:罗伯特·d·普特南编的《不断变化的民主:当代社会社会资本的演变》,第18页(纽约:牛津大学出版社)Hadi Zonooz,“伊朗的贫困和收入不平等”,第187.10页,管理和规划组织(Citation2003)第三计划经济绩效报告,第16页(德黑兰:管理和规划组织出版社)[波斯语].11Abdolmohammad Kazemipour & Mohsen Goodarzi (Citation2022):伊朗社区的衰落:一个时间顺序的故事,社会福利季刊,22(48),p. 289[波斯文].1213 .伊朗统计中心(2020)统计年鉴(德黑兰:出版和信息办公室)[波斯文].1314 . Shahid Beheshti治理学院(Citation2019)《该国非政府组织的主要问题》,第8页(德黑兰:Shahid Beheshti治理学院出版社)Alireza Rahimikia和Asghar Eftekhari (Citation2020)伊斯兰共和国第八届和第九届政府对文化和社会非政府组织的方法的比较研究,伊斯兰世界政治研究季刊,10(1),第45页[波斯文].15Davood Behbodhi, Hossain Asgharpoor, Franak Bastan和Yazdan Saif (Citation2013):伊朗石油收入对社会资本的影响,经济研究季刊(可持续增长与发展),13(3),第121页。(波斯)1617 . Abolghasem Mahdavi和Hamid Azizmohamadlo (Citation2016)伊朗的社会资本和工业发展,第51页(德黑兰:Ney Press)[波斯文]罗伯特·伍斯诺(引文2002):美国:架起特权阶层和边缘阶层的桥梁?18 .见:罗伯特·普特南编:《变动中的民主:当代社会社会资本的演变》,第101页(纽约:牛津大学出版社)参见Richard Nephew (citation),《制裁的艺术:实地视角》(纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社),第19版平衡测量范围从100(如果所有受访者回答“非常大”)到-100(如果所有受访者回答“非常少”)(博·罗斯坦(Citation2005)社会陷阱和信任问题(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社))帕梅拉·帕克斯顿和罗伯特·w·雷斯勒(引文2018)信任和参与协会:埃里克·m·乌斯兰纳(主编)社会和政治信任,p。
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引用次数: 0
Poverty and Deprivation Problems in Post-Revolutionary Iran 革命后伊朗的贫困和剥夺问题
3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-09 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2263827
Moosa Anbari, Sedigheh Piri
Abstract:This article examines both the positive and negative aspects of the performance of various governmental poverty elimination institutions and organizations during forty years of the Islamic Republic (1980–2020). Statistics and data show that after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, primarily due to the subsidy for essential goods and the support system based on cash subsidies, extreme poverty decreased dramatically. However, the persistence of relative poverty in society continues to be noticeable, primarily due, after 2010, to international sanctions–and their economic impact–imposed on Iran over its nuclear program. In general, the negative economic factors have reduced the effect of poverty alleviation plans. In addition, weakness in policy coordination among different institutions and programs of poverty eradication and no political will to eliminate the causes of poverty by turning to a sustainable pattern of development also have contributed increasing poverty.Key Words: Iranpovertypoverty eradicationsustainable development AcknowledgmentsWe would like to express our appreciation to Professor Mahmoud Ghazi Tabatabai and Professor Mostafa Azkia for their thoughtful criticisms and helpful suggestions.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) (1992) Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 3–14 June.2 2 United Nations General Assembly Conference (2015) Transforming our World: The 2030, Agenda for Sustainable Development, 25 September.3 See further Imam Ruhollah Khomeini (Citation1999) Collection of Works of Imam Khomeini (Tehran: Center for Organizing and Publishing the Works of Imam Khomeini).4 Ahmad Ashraf & Ali Banuazizi (Citation2014) Social Classes, Government and Revolution in Iran translated into Persian by Sohaila T. Farsani, 3rd ed. (Tehran: Niloufar), p. 108; and Hossain Azimi Arani (Citation1992) Underdeveloped Circuits in the Iranian Economy (Tehran: Ney Publishing).5 Mohadeseh Safshekan (Citation2021) National Report on Poverty and Inequality in Iran: Between 2001 and 2017 (Tehran: Social Security Organization Research Institute), p. 79.6 Azimi Arani, Iranian Economy, p. 92.7 Farshad Momeni (Citation2007) Iran's Economy in the Period of Structural Adjustment (Tehran: Naghsh and Negar), pp. 113–146.8 Safshekan, National Report on Poverty and Inequality in Iran, p. 188.9 Zahra Shahidi & Zahra Kaviani (Citation2021) ‘poverty in 2020’ (Tehran: Ministry of Cooperatives, Labor and Social Welfare), p. 9.10 Ibid.11 Ibid, p. 11.12 People deprived of at least one aspect of housing (access to water, access to sanitation, adequate living space, sustainable housing and security).13 Azadeh Shahab (Citation2021) ‘Housing poverty’ (Tehran: Ministry of Cooperatives, Labor and Social Welfare) p. 10.14 Infant mortality rate, under-5 mortality rate, maternal mortality rate from pregnancy and childbirth complications, and life expectancy at birth.15 Zahr
摘要:本文考察了伊斯兰共和国四十年(1980-2020)期间各种政府消除贫困机构和组织绩效的积极和消极方面。统计和数据显示,1979年伊斯兰革命后,主要由于对生活必需品的补贴和以现金补贴为基础的支持制度,极端贫困急剧减少。然而,社会上持续存在的相对贫困仍然是显而易见的,这主要是由于2010年后,国际制裁及其对伊朗核计划的经济影响。总的来说,消极的经济因素降低了扶贫计划的效果。此外,不同机构和消除贫困方案之间的政策协调不力,以及没有通过转向可持续发展模式来消除贫困根源的政治意愿,也加剧了贫困。关键词:伊朗贫困消除贫困可持续发展感谢穆罕默德·加齐·塔巴塔巴伊教授和穆斯塔法·阿兹基亚教授提出的深思熟虑的批评和有益的建议。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1联合国环境与发展会议(UNCED)(1992),巴西里约热内卢,6月3日至14日。2联合国大会会议(2015),改造我们的世界:2030年,可持续发展议程,9月25日。3进一步参见伊玛目鲁霍拉·霍梅尼作品集(Citation1999)伊玛目霍梅尼作品集(德黑兰:伊玛目霍梅尼作品集组织出版中心)Ahmad Ashraf & Ali Banuazizi (Citation2014)《伊朗的社会阶级、政府和革命》,Sohaila T. Farsani译为波斯语,第3版(德黑兰:Niloufar),第108页;4、胡赛因·阿兹米·阿拉尼(Citation1992):《伊朗经济中的不发达线路》(德黑兰:内伊出版社)《伊朗贫困与不平等国家报告:2001年至2017年》(德黑兰:社会保障组织研究所),第79.6页。Azimi Arani,《伊朗经济》,第92.7页。Farshad Momeni (Citation2007)《结构调整时期的伊朗经济》(德黑兰:Naghsh and Negar),第112 - 146.8页。合作社、劳动和社会福利部),第9.10页,同上。11同上,第11.12页,被剥夺住房至少一个方面的人(获得水、获得卫生设施、适当的生活空间、可持续的住房和安全)Azadeh Shahab(引文2021)"住房贫困"(德黑兰:合作社、劳动和社会福利部)第10.14页婴儿死亡率、5岁以下儿童死亡率、怀孕和分娩并发症导致的产妇死亡率以及出生时预期寿命Zahra Gharibnavaz (Citation2021)“伊朗的健康贫困”(德黑兰:合作社、劳动和社会福利部),第11.16页,同上。17 Ali Shakoori (Citation2001)革命前的国家和农村发展(伦敦:Palgrave).18Mohammad Rezvani (Citation2019)伊朗城乡不平等及其病理后果分析(德黑兰:Agah出版社).19Vahab Mirbagheri & Mehran Nasiri & Jahanbakhsh Emami & Seyd Masud Hosseini& Hoda Asadi (Citation2016)伊朗农村地区的情况(德黑兰:伊斯兰议会研究中心),第21.20页。Mohammad Tabibian (Citation2000)伊朗伊斯兰共和国第三个经济、社会和文化发展计划的发展准备研究(德黑兰:规划与发展研究所)第5卷;和Hossain Raghfar & Zahra Ebrahimi (Citation2007), 1989-2004年伊朗的贫困测量,《社会福利》6(24),第55-82页;Safshekan,《伊朗贫穷和不平等国家报告》,第82页;伊朗统计中心(2013)和(2016).21Mahdi Talib, Sedigheh Piri和Sommayeh Mohammadi (Citation2011),“关于伊朗农村社会贫困研究的元分析”,《社区发展》第2期,第23-40.22页。Garmsar和Dasht-e Azadegan村的案例研究,社会科学快报14 (1),109-125.23 Safshekan,《伊朗贫困与不平等国家报告》,第204.24页。Jaleh Shadi Taleb和Alireza Garainejad (Citation2004),“女性户主家庭的贫困”,《妇女参与发展与政治》(妇女研究)2(1),第49-70.25页。Ashraf和Banuazizi,《伊朗经济》,第107.26页。Moosa Anbari (Citation2017)《伊朗社会幸福的解释》(德黑兰:德黑兰大学出版社),第87页;伊朗统计中心(2016)。 29 Taghi Azadarmaki (Citation2000)德黑兰人民的前瞻:关注与未来(德黑兰:德黑兰大学社会研究与研究所).3031 .内政部社会监测中心(Citation2015)全国社会问题与伤害现状调查(德黑兰:文化、艺术与传播研究中心)Abhijit V. Banerjee & Esther Duflo(引文2019)艰难时期的好经济学(纽约:公共事务出版社)。
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引用次数: 0
One Thousand and One Cities: Socio-Spatial Patterns and Challenges over a Half-Century of Urbanization in Iran 《一千零一座城市:半个世纪以来伊朗城市化的社会空间格局与挑战》
3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2256144
Hamidreza Rabiei-Dastjerdi
Since 1970, Iran has experienced dramatic environmental, political, and socioeconomic changes and events. All these events have impacted and shaped the urbanized landscape in Iran during the past 50 years. This article provides an overview of those factors influencing the socio-spatial patterns during this half-century of urbanization and highlights the current challenges that confront Iran’s cities.
自1970年以来,伊朗经历了巨大的环境、政治和社会经济变化和事件。在过去的50年里,所有这些事件都影响并塑造了伊朗的城市化景观。本文概述了在半个世纪的城市化进程中影响社会空间格局的因素,并强调了当前伊朗城市面临的挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Locating Iranian Diasporas in Fifty Years of Academic Discourse: Critical Review of Acculturation Theory 在学术话语的五十年中定位伊朗侨民:文化适应理论的批判性回顾
3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2256143
Zeinab Karimi, Mahmoud Ghazi Tabatabaei
Over the past five decades, Iran has experienced a massive international emigration of its citizens. Consequently, Iranian diasporas formed in several Western countries as their main destinations. Diverse academic research in gender studies, sociology of the family, and migration has taken an acculturation approach to explaining the struggles of Iranians living abroad. This article aims to discuss the analytical issues that are involved in taking the acculturation framework and the binary view of either traditional/modern or religious/secular when studying Iranian diasporas. The study argues that many publications in the field have contributed to the hegemonic discourse of Iranian migrants as being problematic and whose ‘culture’ does not fit ‘Western modernity’. Such an analytical departure bypasses the intersecting structural inequalities that Iranian diasporas have encountered in Western societies. The article suggests that focusing on the politics of belonging and exclusion is a way out of viewing culture as a given and fixed entity with clear-cut boundaries.
在过去的五十年里,伊朗经历了大规模的国际移民。因此,伊朗侨民在几个西方国家形成,成为他们的主要目的地。性别研究、家庭社会学和移民等不同领域的学术研究都以文化适应的方式来解释生活在国外的伊朗人的挣扎。本文旨在讨论在研究伊朗侨民时,采用文化适应框架和传统/现代或宗教/世俗二元观点所涉及的分析问题。该研究认为,该领域的许多出版物助长了伊朗移民的霸权话语,认为他们是有问题的,他们的“文化”不适合“西方现代性”。这种分析的出发点绕过了伊朗侨民在西方社会遇到的交叉的结构性不平等。本文认为,关注属于和排斥的政治是一种摆脱将文化视为具有明确边界的给定和固定实体的方法。
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引用次数: 0
The Hegemony of Resistance: Hezbollah and the Forging of a National-Popular Will in Lebanon 抵抗的霸权:真主党与黎巴嫩民族意志的锻造
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-05 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2249344
Abed Kanaaneh
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引用次数: 0
Kemalism vs Erdoğanism: Continuities and Discontinuities in Turkey’s Hegemonic State Ideology 凯末尔主义与埃尔多安主义:土耳其霸权国家意识形态的连续性与间断性
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2251329
Nikos Christofis
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引用次数: 0
The Slippery Pearl: A World-Systems Assessment of China’s Economic Hegemony in the United Arab Emirates 滑珠:中国在阿联酋经济霸权的世界体系评估
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2245296
Toufic Sarieddine
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引用次数: 0
The Violence of Extractive Urbanization: Dying to Live in Lebanon 掠夺性城市化的暴力:死在黎巴嫩
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-10 DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2245295
Monica Basbous
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Middle East Critique
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