Pub Date : 2023-11-14DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2266867
Reza Safari Shali
Abstract:The article aims to analyze the discursive transformations of social justice to realize social welfare during five successive administrations in the Islamic Republic of Iran from 1981 to 2021. It analyzes institutional texts and official speeches by the presidents of each administration based on the discourse analysis method of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. The findings demonstrate that each government differently articulated the signifier of justice in its social policies. However, the central signification was tied to ‘poverty eradication’ in all five administrations. However, social justice was not considered a comprehensive discourse nor an inclusive strategic process, but rather was defined discursively by each government as a government-oriented project in a short-term perspective, mainly by reducing social justice to economic growth and redistribution of resources. Finally, according to the comprehensive discourse of the Islamic Revolution, I suggest the need to redefine social justice as the aim of realizing social welfare in Iranian society with regard to the comprehensive, multi-dimensional definition of justice which include: (1) equal access to resources and opportunities by providing backgrounds, range and scope for such opportunities; (2) considering the principle of entitlement and necessities; and (3) attention to redistributive justice and expansion of the government’s sup portive umbrella by focusing on the vulnerable and disadvantaged groups (social, physical and mental).Key Words: Discourse analysisIranSocial JusticeSocial SecurityWelfare AcknowledgmentsThe author would like to thank all colleagues who helped me in various way while I was writing this article, especially Prof. Mostafa Azkia and Pezhman Barkhordari, a PhD student of sociology at Kharazmi University in Tehran.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Gholam Abbas Tavasoli (Citation2003) In Search of Social Politics in Islam, Social Welfare Magazine, 10 (3), p. 81.2 Charities.3 It is a form of almsgiving often collected by the Muslims. It is considered a religious obligation for those who meet the necessary criteria of wealth to help the needy.4 Literally ‘one fifth’. In Islam it refers to the required religious obligation of any Muslim to pay 20 percent of their acquired wealth from certain sources toward specified causes.5 It is the financial compensation paid to the victim or heirs of a victim in the cases of murder, bodily harm or property damage by mistake.6 Jafar HezarJarribi & Reza Safari Shali (Citation2013) Discourse on Justice in the Bills of the Post-Islamic Development Program, Emphasizing Poverty Reduction and Deprivation, Journal of Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Allameh Tabatabaei University. 20(61), p.1.7 Friedrich A. Hayek (1978) The Constitution of Liberty (The University of Chicago Press).8 Reza Safari Shali (Citation2013) Review of the Discourse of Social Justice in P
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Pub Date : 2023-11-09DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2268860
Abouali Vedadhir, Seyedhadi Marjaei
Abstract:Population has been and continues to be a significant matter of concern and contention in Iran. A range of different claims-makers, with varying dramas, ideologies, resources, rhetorical strategies and schemas have made claims that name and frame the population problem in particular ways to influence policy processes, and the experiences, meanings, and practices of people in everyday life. As a result, since 1967, mainly in post-revolutionary Iran, there has been the rise and fall of contesting narratives of the population as a social problem. Drawing on theoretical insights from social constructionism, we track these debates. In particular, we are interested in how claims-makers use rhetorical strategies and mobilize resources to convince others and to influence policy processes through social problem games and works. In other words, we examine the claims-making activities around the population as a social problem over the last half-century in Iran, showing how an understanding of these activities can enrich our understanding of definitional processes. We also discuss how certain discourses, policies and social constructions of population and family planning have become dominant and have influenced cultural meanings, popular images and the daily life experiences of people, particularly women and their prospects of reproduction and motherhood, for the most part, in the shadow of interpretations of Islamic Sharia law enforced since the 1979 Revolution. Building on the constructionist analysis and interoperation of contesting anti-natalist and pronatalist claims and policies over the last half-century in Iran, this article highlights how images of population problems are constructed socio-culturally with actual impact on individuals’ everyday lives in society, and how people find ways to respond, resist and counter the dominant discourses and policies about family planning, population and reproduction and family. Hence, the contesting claims, definitions and discourses around population have not been merely abstract points of debate, but they have penetrated the emotions, memories, relationships, prospects and practices of people in Iran. The results reveal that there are several existing and emerging dialectics, paradoxes, and uncertainties on population policies and problems at multiple levels, with each of these definitions having key insights and implications for policy-related scientific research (science), the policy process and its outcomes, reproductive prospects and the practices of people (public).Key Words: Claims-making activitiesIranpopulation policiesreproductionsocial constructionism AcknowledgmentsWe are warmly grateful to Professor Dorothy Pawluch (McMaster University) for her enduring contributions to social constructionism and for her valuable ideas on the very first draft of this manuscript. We also would like to thank Professor Mahmoud Ghazi Tabatabaei (University of Tehran) and Dr. S. M. Hani Sadati (The Centre for Co
摘要:在伊朗,人口一直是并将继续是一个令人关注和争论的重大问题。一系列不同的主张制造者,凭借不同的戏剧、意识形态、资源、修辞策略和模式,以特定的方式命名和框架人口问题,以影响政策过程,以及人们在日常生活中的经验、意义和实践。因此,自1967年以来,主要是在革命后的伊朗,关于人口作为一个社会问题的不同叙述起起落落。借鉴社会建构主义的理论见解,我们追踪这些争论。特别是,我们感兴趣的主张制造者如何使用修辞策略和调动资源来说服他人,并通过社会问题游戏和作品影响政策过程。换句话说,我们研究了过去半个世纪在伊朗作为一个社会问题的围绕人口的索赔活动,展示了对这些活动的理解如何丰富我们对定义过程的理解。我们还讨论了某些关于人口和计划生育的话语、政策和社会结构如何占据主导地位,并影响了文化意义、大众形象和人们的日常生活经历,特别是妇女及其生育和母性前景,这在很大程度上是在对1979年革命以来实施的伊斯兰教法的解释的阴影下进行的。本文以建构主义分析,以及过去半个世纪以来伊朗反生育主义与生育主义主张与政策的相互作用为基础,强调人口问题的影像如何在社会文化上建构,并对个人的日常生活产生实际影响,以及人们如何找到回应、抵抗与对抗计划生育、人口、生育与家庭等主流话语与政策的方法。因此,关于人口的不同主张、定义和论述,不仅是抽象的争论点,而且已经渗透到伊朗人民的情感、记忆、关系、前景和实践中。研究结果表明,人口政策和人口问题在多个层面上存在着一些现有的和新出现的辩证法、悖论和不确定性,这些定义对政策相关的科学研究(科学)、政策过程及其结果、生育前景和人们(公众)的实践都有重要的见解和影响。关键词:主张活动伊朗人口政策再生产社会建构主义感谢麦克马斯特大学的Dorothy Pawluch教授对社会建构主义的长期贡献以及在本文初稿中提出的宝贵意见。我们还要感谢Mahmoud Ghazi Tabatabaei教授(德黑兰大学)和S. M. Hani Sadati博士(社区研究中心和麦吉尔大学)对手稿早期版本的贡献。我们也要感谢Fahimeh Ahmadian-Yazdi博士对这份手稿的格式化工作。披露声明作者在本文的研究或写作中没有利益冲突。注1:Akbar Aghajanian(1991),伊朗人口变化,1966-86:一个停滞的人口转型?人口与发展评论,17(4),703-715.2 Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi, Amir Mehryar, Gavin Jones和Peter McDonald (Citation2002)。革命、战争和现代化:伊朗的人口政策和生育率变化,《人口研究杂志》,19(1),第25-46.3页,同上。5同上6 Marie lader - fouladi (Citation2021)伊朗伊斯兰共和国的新人口政策和生育率的近期变化,伊朗研究54 (5-6),pp. 907-930.7 Farshad Farzadfar, Mohsen Naghavi和Sadaf G. Sepanlou(2022)伊朗卫生系统绩效:Nader Mehri, Mahmood Messkoub和Suzanne Kunkel (Citation2020)伊朗人口老龄化的趋势,决定因素和影响,老龄化国际,45(4),327-343.9 Goodarz Danaei等(Citation2019)转型中的伊朗,the Lancet, 393(10184), pp. 1984-2005;和Farzadfar等。Mohammad Saleh Ali- taleshi, Sadat Feiznia, Mauro Masiol (Citation2022)伊朗超大城市大气沉积约束元素的季节和空间变化:污染水平,基于pmf的来源分配和风险评估,城市气候,42,101113.12 Danaei等。13 Homayoun Sadeghi-Bazargani等人(Citation2022)。 为实现伊朗长期国家道路安全目标确定研究重点,《全球卫生杂志》(12),第14页Djavad Salehi-Isfahani (Citation2002)伊朗人口、人力资本和经济增长。见Sirageldin主编,《中东地区的人力资本与人口》。(伦敦:i.b. Tauris和开罗,开罗美国大学出版社)Hassan Joulaei, Kamran Bagheri Lankarani, Saeed Shahabi等(Citation2022),伊朗卫生保健系统腐败及其控制策略的关键分析,设拉子电子医学杂志,23(3).16《伊朗历史与政治:国家与社会的辩证法》,(伦敦:劳特利奇出版社),第17页Mir-Taher Mousavi和M. Sheiyani (Citation2015)社会资本和社会健康,(德黑兰:Aghah)(波斯语);18乔尔·贝斯特(Citation2017)《社会问题》(第三版)。(纽约:诺顿公司)《社会问题的思考:建构主义视角导论》,(佛罗里达博卡拉顿:劳特利奇出版社),第20页最佳:“社会问题。”21 Stephen Hilgartner和Charles L. Bosk (Citation1988)。Mahmood Ghazi Tabatabaei和Abouali Vedadhir (Citation2013):“好、坏和丑陋:伊朗人口问题的兴衰:社会问题研究学会(SSSP)”论文发表,纽约,纽约(8月10-12日)Homa Hoodfar和Samad Assadpour (Citation2000)伊朗伊斯兰共和国的人口政策政治,《计划生育研究》,31(1),pp. 19-34.25 Abbasi-Shavazi, et al. Revolution。26 Hoodfar and Assadpour,《政治》27 Aghajanian,《人口》,Abbasi-Shavazi,《近期》。28 Hoodfar and Assadpour,《政治》29 Abbasi-Shavazi, Mehryar Jones和McDonald, <革命>。《人口转型、机会之窗与人口红利:伊朗新人口政策的走向》(2012)。提交给瑞典斯德哥尔摩欧洲人口会议的文件(6月13日至16日)Abbasi-Shavazi等,《革命》;Amir H. Mehryar, Farzaneh Roudi, Akbar Agajanian和Farzaneh Tajdini32 Ladier-Fouladi,《伊斯兰教》。“33 Karim Mahmoodi, Ahmad Mohammadpur和Mehdi Rezaei (Citation2015)伊朗政治背景下的人口政策话语分析,质量与数量,49,pp. 1883-1895.34”Abbasi-Shavazi等。35 Meimanat Hosseini-Chavoshi, Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi和Peter McDonald (Citation2016)伊朗的生育、婚姻和计划生育:对未来政策的影响,人口视野,13(1),pp. 31-40.36[37
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Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2266869
Masoud Kowsari
AbstractThis article examines the genesis of and competition among rival music genres in post-revolutionary Iran. Rival genres (pop music, rap music, rock music, traditional music, etc.) are genres that gradually emerged and developed since the 1920s. Relying on Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of cultural field I point out the important music genres in post-revolutionary Iran that act as a means of expressing conflict over the borders of the field, and why in this field, contrary to Bourdieu’s theory, instead of a bipolar situation, a multi-genre situation prevails. Then, with the data obtained from my previous research and that of others who mostly live in Iran, I try to depict a picture of music consumption based on the rival music genres in the field and show how, contrary to the ideals and slogans of the Islamic Revolution, under the influence of global youth culture, the consumption of popular music has become the dominant consumption.Key Words: Culturefield of music productionglobal youth cultureIranian culturemusic consumptionmusic genresmusic tastepopular musicpost-revolutionary Iranian culture Disclosure StatementThe author reported no conflict of interests in the research for or writing of this article.Notes1 P. Bourdieu (Citation1993) The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art and Literature (New York: Columbia University Press), p. 42.2 M. Mohammadi (Citation2017) Modal Modernities: Formations of Persian Classical Music and the Recording of a National Tradition (Create Space: An Amazon.com Company), p. 88.3 J. During (2004[1984]) Sonnat va Tahavol dar Mosigi-ye Irani [La musique iranienne: Tradition et évolution, Paris: Editions Recherche sur les civilisations] (Tehran: Toos Publication), p. 31.4 L. C. Miller (Citation1999) Music and Song in Persia: The Art of Avaz (London: Curzon Press); L. Nooshin (Citation1996) The Processes of Creation and Recreation in Persian Classical Music, Unpublished Doctoral thesis, Goldsmiths’ College.5 Miller, Music and Song in Persia: The Art of Avaz, p. 34.6 Ibid, p. 52.7 Ibid, p. 29.8 H. Salehyar (Citation2015) The Revival of Iranian Classical Music during the Second Pahlavi Period: The Influence of the Politics of “Iranian-ness”, Unpublished Doctoral thesis, Department of Music, University of Alberta.9 M. Gelbart (Citation2021) Romanticism, the Folk, and Musical Nationalisms, in: Benedict Tylor (ed) The Cambridge Companion to Music and Romanticism, pp. 74–91 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).10 M. Shahabi (Citation2003) Jahani-shodan-e Javani: Khorde Farhangha-ye Javani dar Asr-e Jahani-shodan [Globalization of Youth: Youth Subcultures in the Age of Globalization], Quarterly Journal of Youth Studies, 1(5), p. 9.11 G. Rekabtalaei (Citation2019) Iranian Cosmopolitanism: A Cinematic History, pp. 184–231 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).12 N. Siamdoust (Citation2017) Soundtrack of the Revolution: The Politics of Music in Iran (Stanford University Press), p. 46.13 A. Youssefzadeh (Citation2000)
摘要本文探讨了革命后伊朗音乐流派的起源和竞争。竞争类型(流行音乐,说唱音乐,摇滚音乐,传统音乐等)是自20世纪20年代以来逐渐出现和发展的类型。依靠皮埃尔·布迪厄的文化场域理论,我指出了革命后伊朗重要的音乐流派,它们作为一种表达领域边界冲突的手段,以及为什么在这个领域,与布迪厄的理论相反,不是两极的情况,而是多流派的情况盛行。然后,根据我之前的研究和其他主要生活在伊朗的人的研究数据,我试图描绘一幅基于该领域竞争音乐类型的音乐消费图景,并展示如何与伊斯兰革命的理想和口号相反,在全球青年文化的影响下,流行音乐的消费已成为主导消费。关键词:文化,音乐生产领域,全球青年文化,伊朗文化,音乐消费,音乐类型,音乐品味,流行音乐,革命后的伊朗文化披露声明,作者在研究或撰写本文时没有利益冲突。注1 p. Bourdieu (Citation1993)文化生产领域:艺术与文学论文(纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社),第42.2 M. Mohammadi (Citation2017)模态现代性:波斯古典音乐的形成和民族传统的记录(创造空间:亚马逊公司),第88.3 J. During (2004[1984]) Sonnat va Tahavol dar Mosigi-ye Irani [La musique iranienne: Tradition et samvolution,巴黎:Editions Recherche sur les civilisations](德黑兰:工具出版),页31.4 l.c.米勒(引文1999)音乐和歌曲在波斯:阿瓦兹的艺术(伦敦:Curzon出版社);L. Nooshin (Citation1996) The Processes of Creation and Recreation in Persian Classical Music,未发表的博士论文,Goldsmiths ' college。5 Miller, Music and Song in Persia: The Art of Avaz, p. 34.6 Ibid, p. 52.7 Ibid, p. 29.8 H. Salehyar (Citation2015) Second pah列维时期伊朗古典音乐的复兴:“伊朗性”政治的影响,未发表的博士论文,音乐系,阿尔伯塔大学。9 M. Gelbart (Citation2021)浪漫主义,民间和音乐民族主义,在:本尼迪克特·泰勒(编)的剑桥伴侣音乐和浪漫主义,第74-91页(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社)M. Shahabi (Citation2003) Jahani-shodan-e Javani: Khorde Farhangha-ye Javani dar Asr-e Jahani-shodan[青年的全球化:全球化时代的青年亚文化],青年研究季刊,1(5),p. 9.11 .伊朗世界主义:电影史,pp. 184-231(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社). 2019N. Siamdoust (Citation2017)《革命的原声:伊朗的音乐政治》(斯坦福大学出版社),第46.13页。Youssefzadeh (Citation2000)革命以来伊朗音乐的状况:官方组织的作用来源,英国民族音乐学杂志,9(2),p. 36.14 Siamdoust,革命的配乐:伊朗音乐的政治,p. 250.15期间,Sonnat va Tahavol dar Mosigi-ye Irani, p. 31.16 F。赫玛西(2013)《亲密的异议:革命前伊朗的流行歌曲、诗歌和政治》,民族音乐学,57(1),第57.17页。Baghernia Abkenar (Citation2021)我们知道的播放列表:革命前歌曲对在伊朗运动中建立集体代表性的贡献,论文,社会研究学院,马萨里克大学,布尔诺,第37.18 H. Bastan (Citation2019)伊朗最近的实验电子音乐实践:一项人种学和基于声音的调查,论文,声音艺术研究中心,贝尔法斯特:女王大学。Youssefzadeh (Citation2000)革命以来伊朗音乐的状况:官方组织的作用来源,英国民族音乐学杂志,9(2),p. 36.20 H. Khojasteh (Citation2010) Konesh-e Jamei-ye Karbord-e Mosigi dar Radio[在广播中应用音乐的集体行动],Quarterly Journal of Communication Research, 17(63), p. 54.21 L. Nooshin (Citation2009)“明天是我们的”:重新想象国家,在新伊朗流行音乐中表演青年,in:L. Nooshin主编,《音乐与中东、北非和中亚的权力游戏》,第246页(Aldershot: Ashgate)p. Javadzadeh, M. Kowsari, M. Ameri Shahrabi, A. Abtahi (Citation2021) Maghooleha-ye Tozi-e Mosigi,[音乐分布的文化类别],《伊朗文化研究杂志》,14(2),第71-93页;P. Javadzadeh, M. Kowsari, M。
{"title":"Sociology of Rival Music Genres and Music Consumption in Post-1979 Revolution Iranian Society","authors":"Masoud Kowsari","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2023.2266869","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2023.2266869","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis article examines the genesis of and competition among rival music genres in post-revolutionary Iran. Rival genres (pop music, rap music, rock music, traditional music, etc.) are genres that gradually emerged and developed since the 1920s. Relying on Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of cultural field I point out the important music genres in post-revolutionary Iran that act as a means of expressing conflict over the borders of the field, and why in this field, contrary to Bourdieu’s theory, instead of a bipolar situation, a multi-genre situation prevails. Then, with the data obtained from my previous research and that of others who mostly live in Iran, I try to depict a picture of music consumption based on the rival music genres in the field and show how, contrary to the ideals and slogans of the Islamic Revolution, under the influence of global youth culture, the consumption of popular music has become the dominant consumption.Key Words: Culturefield of music productionglobal youth cultureIranian culturemusic consumptionmusic genresmusic tastepopular musicpost-revolutionary Iranian culture Disclosure StatementThe author reported no conflict of interests in the research for or writing of this article.Notes1 P. Bourdieu (Citation1993) The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art and Literature (New York: Columbia University Press), p. 42.2 M. Mohammadi (Citation2017) Modal Modernities: Formations of Persian Classical Music and the Recording of a National Tradition (Create Space: An Amazon.com Company), p. 88.3 J. During (2004[1984]) Sonnat va Tahavol dar Mosigi-ye Irani [La musique iranienne: Tradition et évolution, Paris: Editions Recherche sur les civilisations] (Tehran: Toos Publication), p. 31.4 L. C. Miller (Citation1999) Music and Song in Persia: The Art of Avaz (London: Curzon Press); L. Nooshin (Citation1996) The Processes of Creation and Recreation in Persian Classical Music, Unpublished Doctoral thesis, Goldsmiths’ College.5 Miller, Music and Song in Persia: The Art of Avaz, p. 34.6 Ibid, p. 52.7 Ibid, p. 29.8 H. Salehyar (Citation2015) The Revival of Iranian Classical Music during the Second Pahlavi Period: The Influence of the Politics of “Iranian-ness”, Unpublished Doctoral thesis, Department of Music, University of Alberta.9 M. Gelbart (Citation2021) Romanticism, the Folk, and Musical Nationalisms, in: Benedict Tylor (ed) The Cambridge Companion to Music and Romanticism, pp. 74–91 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).10 M. Shahabi (Citation2003) Jahani-shodan-e Javani: Khorde Farhangha-ye Javani dar Asr-e Jahani-shodan [Globalization of Youth: Youth Subcultures in the Age of Globalization], Quarterly Journal of Youth Studies, 1(5), p. 9.11 G. Rekabtalaei (Citation2019) Iranian Cosmopolitanism: A Cinematic History, pp. 184–231 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).12 N. Siamdoust (Citation2017) Soundtrack of the Revolution: The Politics of Music in Iran (Stanford University Press), p. 46.13 A. Youssefzadeh (Citation2000) ","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":"159 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135616227","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2266868
Adel Abdollahi
AbstractIn recent decades, Iranian society has experienced rapid socio-economic changes that seriously affect feelings of hope in the future (HF) among social groups, especially in metropolitan areas such as Tehran. This study on HF, which I conducted in 2019, provides a gender analysis of HF for Tehran residents based on selected demographic variables and indicators of socio-economic and psychological insecurities. It also analyzes organizational and public trust by applying the Classification and Regression Trees (CART). I selected the participants from different areas of Tehran: 590 men and 610 women out of a population of 4,839,249 (3,054,715 men and 1,784,534 women) using two-stage stratified sampling with Probability Proportional to Size (PPS), and I completed with them structured questionnaires. The results showed that HF of Tehran residents is correlated with their gender (P-value = 0.033). Thus, two distinct trees with over 60% accuracies were fitted. Three influential variables on men’s HF were age, socio-economic insecurity, and public trust. Young men had higher HF than older ones.Key Words: Classification and regression trees (CART)Hope in the future (HF)Psychological insecuritysocio-economic insecurityTehran AcknowledgmentsI am immensely grateful to Professor Mostafa Azkia (Tehran University), who invited me to participate in this special issue, which is in honour of his 40+ plus years of promoting sociological research in Iran. I also would like to express my gratitude to Professor Eric Hooglund (Editor of Middle East Critique) for sharing his pearls of wisdom with me during the editing of this article. I thank my colleagues, Dr. Arezoo Bagheri and Dr. Mahsa Saadati at the National Institute for Population Research in Tehran, each of whom provided insight and expertise that were of great assistance in the research, and especially for their statistical assistance, although they may not agree with all the interpretations/conclusions in this article. In addition, I thank all the anonymous reviewers for their insights.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Ann K.S. Lambton (Citation2000) Theory of government in Iran, trans. into Perian by Ch. Pahlavan (Tehran: Giv).2 Homa Katouzian (Citation2004) The short-term society: A study in the problems of long-term political and economic development in Iran. In: Middle Eastern Studies, 40, 1, p. 1.3 For instance, the average Iranian life expectancy increased for the whole country in both rural and urban areas from 58.9, 62.6, and 55.4 years in 1976 to 75.06, 74.2, 73.2 years in 2016, respectively (Statistical Centre of Iran, Citation1976; Citation2016).4 Ali Asadi. (Citation1977) Cultural Trends and Social Attitudes in Iran, Tehran: Research Institute of Communication Sciences and Development of Iran; and Mohsen Goodarzi (2004) Values and attitudes of Iranians (Tehran:5 Gholam Reza Ghaffari, “Measuring the social capital (second wave),” p. 153
7205;萨法里沙利和塔瓦菲(Citation2018)《评估未来的希望》。[16]安东尼·吉登斯(2014):结构理论:过去、现在和未来。17 .见:安东尼·吉登斯:《结构理论》,第201-221页(伦敦:劳特利奇出版社)(1)社会经济和人口因素对城市未来发展的影响[j] .北京:中国人口研究所[NIPR] . 2016[Rafieian and Shali] (Citation2013)基于都市圈的德黑兰发展水平空间分析。见:Journal of Spatial Planning, pp. 16(4), pp. 25-48.21 Cronbach 's Alpha系数衡量一组调查项目的内部一致性或可靠性G.S. Linoff和M.J.A. Berry (citation),挖掘网络:将客户数据转化为客户价值(纽约:John Wiley & Sons).23L. Nanni, A. Lumini和C. Manna。人工辅助生殖妊娠率预测的数据挖掘方法[j]。见:《医疗保健中的高级计算智能范式》,326,5,页97-111。(柏林,海德堡:施普林格出版社).24D.L. Olson和d.d elen (Citation2008)高级数据挖掘技术(柏林和海德堡:施普林格出版社).25政治中的希望与失望。见:《当代政治》,19(2),页131-145。可在网上查阅:https://www.tandfonline.com。访问日期:2023年1月24日。doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2013.785826.26 P. Piran (Citation2004)灾害社会学在危机管理中的作用。见:《社会福利杂志》,第3期,第13-48页。可在网上查阅:http://refahj.uswr.ac.ir/article-1-2196-fa.html。N. Fazeli (Citation2018):恐惧与现代性;当代伊朗的恐惧和不安全问题。见:《社会文化策略杂志》,7(3),第7-44页。D. Divjak (Citation2019)预测:用过去的经验指导未来的行动。在频率语言:记忆,注意和学习,第205-232(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社);G.29皮尤研究中心(2019)2050年的美国。可在网上查阅:https://www.pewresearch.org/social-trends/2019/03/21/america-in-2050/。M. Hill, J. Vail & J. Wheelock (citation),《不安全的时代:生活在现代社会中的不安全》(伦敦:Routledge出版社);杨建军(2013)职业不安全感与社会情境的关系研究:Einarsdóttir,《社会心理学》,第1期,第1 - 6页。Robert D. Putnam (Citation2015)单独打保龄球:美国不断下降的社会资本。见:《城市读者》,第188-196页(伦敦:劳特利奇出版社);J.S. Coleman (Citation1988),《人力资本创造中的社会资本》,《美国社会学杂志》,1994年,第95-120页;可在网上查阅:33 http://www.jstor.org/stable/2780243。访问日期:2023年1月24日。本研究基于一项名为“影响德黑兰未来希望的社会经济和人口因素”的调查,该调查由国家人口研究所于2019年支持,登记人数为20/15283。
{"title":"Feeling of Insecurity and Hope in the Future: Case Study of Tehran","authors":"Adel Abdollahi","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2023.2266868","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2023.2266868","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractIn recent decades, Iranian society has experienced rapid socio-economic changes that seriously affect feelings of hope in the future (HF) among social groups, especially in metropolitan areas such as Tehran. This study on HF, which I conducted in 2019, provides a gender analysis of HF for Tehran residents based on selected demographic variables and indicators of socio-economic and psychological insecurities. It also analyzes organizational and public trust by applying the Classification and Regression Trees (CART). I selected the participants from different areas of Tehran: 590 men and 610 women out of a population of 4,839,249 (3,054,715 men and 1,784,534 women) using two-stage stratified sampling with Probability Proportional to Size (PPS), and I completed with them structured questionnaires. The results showed that HF of Tehran residents is correlated with their gender (P-value = 0.033). Thus, two distinct trees with over 60% accuracies were fitted. Three influential variables on men’s HF were age, socio-economic insecurity, and public trust. Young men had higher HF than older ones.Key Words: Classification and regression trees (CART)Hope in the future (HF)Psychological insecuritysocio-economic insecurityTehran AcknowledgmentsI am immensely grateful to Professor Mostafa Azkia (Tehran University), who invited me to participate in this special issue, which is in honour of his 40+ plus years of promoting sociological research in Iran. I also would like to express my gratitude to Professor Eric Hooglund (Editor of Middle East Critique) for sharing his pearls of wisdom with me during the editing of this article. I thank my colleagues, Dr. Arezoo Bagheri and Dr. Mahsa Saadati at the National Institute for Population Research in Tehran, each of whom provided insight and expertise that were of great assistance in the research, and especially for their statistical assistance, although they may not agree with all the interpretations/conclusions in this article. In addition, I thank all the anonymous reviewers for their insights.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Ann K.S. Lambton (Citation2000) Theory of government in Iran, trans. into Perian by Ch. Pahlavan (Tehran: Giv).2 Homa Katouzian (Citation2004) The short-term society: A study in the problems of long-term political and economic development in Iran. In: Middle Eastern Studies, 40, 1, p. 1.3 For instance, the average Iranian life expectancy increased for the whole country in both rural and urban areas from 58.9, 62.6, and 55.4 years in 1976 to 75.06, 74.2, 73.2 years in 2016, respectively (Statistical Centre of Iran, Citation1976; Citation2016).4 Ali Asadi. (Citation1977) Cultural Trends and Social Attitudes in Iran, Tehran: Research Institute of Communication Sciences and Development of Iran; and Mohsen Goodarzi (2004) Values and attitudes of Iranians (Tehran:5 Gholam Reza Ghaffari, “Measuring the social capital (second wave),” p. 153","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135616149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2270347
Mohammad Mirzaei, Rasoul Sadeghi
Abstract:Over the past half-century, Iran has experienced unprecedented demographic transition. With a population over 85 million, Iran’s population growth recently has declined below one per cent per year, compared with nearly four per cent in the 1980s. This phenomenal decline is the result of social developments along with the re-introduction of a family planning program, which progressively brought the total fertility rate (TFR) down to below-replacement level since 2000. That is, from around seven children per woman in the mid-1980s–and despite the reversal of population policies toward pronatalist since 2010–the total fertility rate had decreased to 1.7 children per woman in 2021, partly due to the COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent economic shocks. Life expectancy at birth has tripled in the last century (1920-2020) from 25 to 75 years. There have been important changes in the age structure of Iran’s population, with the under-15 population decreasing from 40 per cent in 1996 to 20 per cent in 2021. In contrast, the working-age population (ages 15 to 64) has increased substantially to over 70%, indicating that Iran has entered a ‘demographic window of opportunity’. Accompanied by rising levels of educational attainment among both men and women, this demographic window has the potential to create socio-economic opportunities for Iran over the next three decades, provided that adequate economic conditions, public policies and youth employment are prepared.Key Words: age structure transitiondemographic windoweconomic developmenteconomic policiesIran AcknowledgmentThe authors gratefully acknowledge valuable comments and editing by Prof. Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 Julian Bharier (Citation1968) A Note on the Population of Iran: 1900–1966, Journal of Population Studies, 22 (2), pp. 273–279.2 Mahdi Amani (Citation1996) A Historical Outlook at the Trends in Birth and Death Rates and the Identification of the Stages of Demographic Transition in Iran, Journal of Population, 13–14, p. 73.3 Statistical Center of Iran (1986–2016) Results of the National Census of Population and Housing 1986, 1996, 2006, 2011, and 2016 (Tehran: Statistical Center of Iran).4 Rasoul Sadeghi, Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi, and Saeedeh Shahbazin (Citation2020) Internal Migration in Iran, in: M. Bell, A. Bernard, E. Charles-Edwards & Y. Zhu (eds), Internal Migration in the Countries of Asia (New York: Springer International Publishing), pp. 295–317.5 Hassan Saraie (Citation1997) The First Phase of Demographic Transition in Iran, Journal of Social Sciences, 9–10, p. 61.6 Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi, Meimanat Hosseini-Chavoshi, Majid Koosheshi and Mohsen Naghavi (Citation2005) Trends and Emerging Issues of Health and Mortality in the Islamic Republic of Iran, In: United Nation (eds). Emerging Issues of Health in Mortality in the Asia and Pacific Region, p. 154.7 Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-S
摘要:在过去的半个世纪里,伊朗经历了前所未有的人口转型。伊朗人口超过8 500万,其人口增长率最近降至每年1%以下,而1980年代则接近4%。这种显著的下降是社会发展的结果,同时重新引入了计划生育计划,自2000年以来,计划生育计划逐步将总生育率(TFR)降至更替水平以下。也就是说,从20世纪80年代中期的每名妇女约7个孩子开始——尽管自2010年以来人口政策向生育政策转变——到2021年,总生育率已降至每名妇女1.7个孩子,部分原因是COVID-19大流行和随后的经济冲击。在上个世纪(1920-2020年),出生时的预期寿命从25岁增加到75岁,增长了两倍。伊朗人口的年龄结构发生了重大变化,15岁以下人口从1996年的40%下降到2021年的20%。相比之下,劳动年龄人口(15岁至64岁)大幅增加,超过70%,表明伊朗已进入“人口机会之窗”。随着男性和女性受教育程度的提高,只要有足够的经济条件、公共政策和青年就业,这一人口窗口有可能在未来三十年为伊朗创造社会经济机会。关键词:年龄结构转变;人口窗口;经济发展;经济政策;披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。3.马赫迪·阿曼尼(Mahdi Amani):《伊朗出生与死亡率趋势的历史展望与人口转型阶段的确定》,《人口杂志》,13-14页,73.3伊朗统计中心(1986 - 2016)1986年、1996年、2006年、2011年和2016年全国人口与住房普查结果(德黑兰:伊朗统计中心)Rasoul Sadeghi, Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi和Saeedeh Shahbazin (Citation2020)伊朗的内部移民,见:M. Bell, A. Bernard, E. Charles-Edwards和Y. Zhu(编),亚洲国家的内部移民(纽约:Hassan Saraie (Citation1997)伊朗人口转型的第一阶段,社会科学杂志,9-10,61.6 Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi, Meimanat Hosseini-Chavoshi, Majid Koosheshi和Mohsen Naghavi (Citation2005)伊朗伊斯兰共和国健康和死亡率的趋势和新出现的问题,in:联合国(编辑)。Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi和Meimanat Hosseini-Chavoshi (Citation2017)伊朗最近的生育趋势:在2016年人口普查中应用自生子女生育率估计方法(德黑兰:伊朗统计中心),第26.8页。Farzaneh Roudi, Pooya Azadi和Mohsen Mesgaran (Citation2017)伊朗的人口动态和人口机会之窗,工作文件4(斯坦福,CA):《斯坦福伊朗2040项目》,斯坦福大学),第3.9页。Bo Malmberg和Lena Sommestad (Citation2000)人口转型的四个阶段,在SSHA会议上发表的论文,匹兹堡,宾夕法尼亚州,第5.10页。David Bloom, David Canning和Jaypee Sevilla(2003) .人口红利:人口变化的经济后果的新视角(加州圣莫莫妮卡:兰德),第1-103.11 Natalie Jackson和Bruce Felmingham(2004) .澳大利亚的人口礼物,议程:小川直宏、近藤诚、松仓理也(Citation2005):《日本从人口红利到人口责任的转变》,《亚洲人口研究》第1期,pp. 207-226.13米特拉·席达多、R. Nagarajan (Citation2005):“利用人口机会之窗”:沃尔夫冈•鲁茨(2014):21世纪的人口政策理性,《人口与发展评论》,40(3),527-544.15加里•贝克尔(1962):人力资本投资:理论分析,政治经济学杂志,70(2),9-49.16罗纳德•李和安德鲁•梅森(Citation2011):人口老龄化与代际经济:全球视角,(北安普顿,MA)伊恩·普尔(引文2005)《年龄结构转变与政策:框架》。见:S. Tuljapurkar, I. Pool & V. Prachuabmoh(编)《人口、资源与发展》(多德雷特:斯普林格出版社),第13-39.18页。Roudi, Azadi, and Mesgaran,《伊朗的人口动态和人口机会之窗》,第6页。 13.19联合国(Citation2004) 2003年亚洲及太平洋经济社会概览(纽约:联合国亚洲及太平洋经济社会委员会).20Bloom, Canning和Sevilla,“人口红利”,第40.22页。David E. Bloom和Jeffrey G. Williamson (Citation1998)新兴亚洲的人口转型和经济奇迹,世界银行经济评论,12(3),第419-455.23页。Norman Owen主编(Citation2005)现代东南亚的出现:一个新的历史(檀香山:《制度框架与经济发展》,载于《政治经济学杂志》1996年第3期,第652-662.25页。Gemma Abio, Concepcio Patxot, Miguel Sánchez-Romero和Guadalupe Souto(2015)福利国家和人口红利:一个跨国比较,工作文件No. 3/2015, Agenta项目,p. 3.27 Mayra Buvinic, Monica Das Gupta和Ursula Casarbonne (Citation2009)性别,贫困和人口统计学:南希·伯德索尔和史蒂文·w·辛丁(Citation2001):《人口问题如何及为何重要:新发现、新问题》,见:n.c.伯德索尔、a.c. Kelley和s.w.辛丁(编),《人口问题:发展中国家的人口变化、经济增长和贫困》(牛津:牛津大学出版社),第3 - 23.29页。布鲁姆和威廉森,《新兴亚洲的人口转型和经济奇迹》,第419-455.31页。梅森,《人口变化和经济发展》,第3-14.32页。布鲁姆、坎宁和塞维利亚,《人口红利》,第56-57.33页。“310.34 Elisenda Rentería, Guadalupe Souto, Iván Mejía-Guevara, and Concepció Patxot (Citation2016):教育对人口红利的影响,人口与发展评论,42(4),第651-671.35 Kua Wongboonsin, Philip Guest, and Vipan Prachuabmoh (Citation2005):泰国的人口变化和人口红利,亚洲人口研究,1(2),第245-256.36 Roudi, Azadi and Mesgaran,”伊朗的人口动态和人口机会之窗,第4页。
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Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2267768
Sohelia Alirezanejad, Nafiseh Azad
Abstract:Considering the changing circumstances of Iranian rural women’s lives, do they still fulfill traditional roles? Have their lifestyles and expectations of themselves changed? To answer these questions, this long-term anthropological research was conducted in seven villages in three different and diverse provinces: Gilan, Isfahan, and Semnan. Our findings showed that some female roles in the villages have been eliminated or shifted to men due to developmental interventions. Women do not consider themselves in charge of the family’s economic activities. Instead, they tend to share the values of middle-class urban homemakers. They have pushed to abandon some of their traditional economic production roles, and consequently, they have lost access to financial resources and the public arena of the village. In a sense, they might have lost their bargaining power after some developmental interventions.Key Words: Iranrural developmentwomen AcknowledgmentsWe would like to express our sincere gratitude to the men and women in these seven villages who always welcomed us to their communities over the years. They kindly answered our questions and familiarized us with their situation.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Iranian Population Indexes between Demographic indicators of Iran over time (1956–2016), Statistical Centre of Iran, Available online at: https://bit.ly/3HlPE98, Accessed May 14, 2022.2 H. Soroushmehr, M. Azami, N. Mehregan, & A. Yaghobi Farani (Citation2011) Investigation of Socioeconomic Status of Rural Women and Effective Factors on its Improvement (Case Study: Hamedan County), Rural Research, 1(1), pp. 141–163.3 H. Soroushmehr, M. Azami, N. Mehregan & A. Yaghobi Farani (Citation2018) The Role of Government Investments in the Sustainable Quality of Rural Life, Research & Rural Planning, 7(2), pp. 63–77.4 S. Moshiri, M. Mahdavei, & M. Sadegh Olyaye (Citation2009) The Impact of Literacy and Labour of Women in the Rural Households’ Income (A Case Study: The Divandareh Town, Kordestan Province), Geography and Development, 7(14), p. 71.5 F. Pasban (2006) Economic and Social Factors of Rural Women in Iran (1967 to 2004), Agricultural Economics and Development, 53 (14), pp. 153–176.6 F. Dadvarkhani. (Citation2006) Rural Development and Women’s Work Challenges in Iran, Geographical Researches, 53(38), p. 182.7 S. Alirezanejad & F. Banihashem (Citation2012) Gender and Development: A Glimpse on Demographic Changes in Iranian Rural Areas, Iranian Social Development Studies, 4(2), 81–93.8 E. SamAram (Citation2002) Re-socialization of Rural Women in the Process of Economic Development (Tehran: Office of Rural Women, Ministry of Jihad Agriculture), pp. 384–385.9 S. Sheibani (Citation2020) The Prominent Role of Women’s Employment in Reverse Migration to Villages Available online at: https://bit.ly/3Ho770V, accessed January14, 2023.10 S. Moshiri, M. Mahdavei, & M. Olyaye (Citation2009) The Impact
摘要:考虑到伊朗农村妇女生活环境的变化,她们是否还在履行传统的角色?他们的生活方式和对自己的期望改变了吗?为了回答这些问题,这项长期的人类学研究在吉兰、伊斯法罕和塞姆南三个不同省份的七个村庄进行。我们的研究结果表明,由于发展干预,村庄中的一些女性角色已经被消除或转移到男性身上。妇女不认为自己负责家庭的经济活动。相反,他们倾向于分享城市中产阶级家庭主妇的价值观。他们被迫放弃了一些传统的经济生产角色,因此,他们失去了获得财政资源和村庄公共舞台的机会。从某种意义上说,在一些发展干预之后,他们可能失去了议价能力。关键词:伊朗农村发展妇女致谢我们向这七个村庄的男男女女表示衷心的感谢,多年来他们一直欢迎我们到他们的社区做客。他们友好地回答了我们的问题,并使我们熟悉了他们的情况。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1伊朗各时期人口指标间的人口指数(1956-2016),伊朗统计中心,网址:https://bit.ly/3HlPE98, 2015年5月14日获取。2.2 H. Soroushmehr, M. Azami, N. Mehregan, A. Yaghobi Farani (Citation2011)农村妇女社会经济地位及其改善的有效因素调查(案例研究:H. Soroushmehr, M. Azami, N. Mehregan和A. Yaghobi Farani (Citation2018)政府投资在农村生活可持续质量中的作用,研究与农村规划,7(2),pp. 63-77.4 S. Moshiri, M. Mahdavei, M. Sadegh Olyaye (Citation2009)妇女识字和劳动对农村家庭收入的影响(以Kordestan省Divandareh镇为例),地理与发展,7(14),p. 71.5 F。Pasban(2006),伊朗农村妇女的经济和社会因素(1967 - 2004),农业经济与发展,53(14),页153-176.6 F。Dadvarkhani。S. Alirezanejad & F. Banihashem (Citation2012)性别与发展:一瞥伊朗农村地区的人口变化,伊朗社会发展研究,4(2),81-93.8 . E. SamAram (Citation2002)经济发展过程中农村妇女的再社会化(德黑兰:S. Sheibani (Citation2020)《妇女就业在农村逆向移民中的突出作用》,可在线查阅:https://bit.ly/3Ho770V, 2023.1月14日。S. Moshiri, M. Mahdavei, M. Olyaye (Citation2009)《识字和妇女劳动对农村家庭收入的影响:以Kordestan省Divandareh镇为例》。地理与发展,7(14)。p. 78.11 N. Azad (Citation2009)城乡贫困的异同;E. Hooglund (Citation1997)《来自一个伊朗村庄的信》,Journal of Palestine Studies, 27(1), p. 78.13 M. Azkia & H. Imanijajarmi (Citation2011)应用方法;李志强(Citation2019):《南亚农村地区男性外迁对女性的影响》,载于:https://www.siani.se/news-story/what-does-male-out-migration-mean-for-women-in-rural-south-asia/, 2012.06月3日。Agadjanian, C. Menjivar和A. Sevoyan (Citation2007),重塑后苏联外围:男性劳动力迁移对亚美尼亚农村妇女生活和愿望的影响,美国人口协会年会上,可在线查阅:https://paa2007.populationassociation.org/papers/71032, 2022.4月27日。M. Grace & J. Lennie (Citation1998)澳大利亚农村妇女的建构与重构:变革、多样性与认同的政治,《农村社会学》,38(3),pp. 353-354.18I. A. Morel, & B. Bock (Citation2008)性别制度、公民参与和农村重组(阿姆斯特丹:Elsevier), pp. 34-45.20 D. Kandiyoti (Citation1990)妇女和农村发展政策:不断变化的议程,发展和变化,21(1),p. 19.21 Dadvarkhani,“农村发展和妇女的工作挑战,”p. 186.22 S。
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Pub Date : 2023-10-19DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2261082
Ibrahim Fraihat, Basem Ezbidi
Abstract:In 2017 US President Donald Trump launched the ‘Deal of the Century’ (DoC) to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Although Trump is no longer in office, the impact of the DoC lingers and will continue affecting future approaches to the conflict and its resolution. This article argues that the Trump DoC profoundly impacted the colonial order in Palestine, destroying further the illusion that a just settlement addressing the plight of the Palestinians could be reached. The DoC’s impact has affected three significant areas: the vision of a resolution, the approach to conflict resolution, and the venue where the conflict occurs. It helped shift the vision from two-state solution to none, significantly undermining the approach that was based on negotiation and third-party mediation, and assisted in creating a new regional versus international venue for the conflict.Key Words: Deal of the centuryIsraelIsraeli-Palestinian conflictPalestineTrump Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See Mounir Akash (Citation2013) The right to sacrifice the other, America and genocide. (Beirut: Dar Riad Al-Rayes) [in Arabic].2 See Robert Freedman, ed., Israel and the United States: Six Decades of US-Israeli Relations, (Westview Press, 2012). See also Khaled Elgindy. Blind Spot: America and the Palestinians, from Balfour to Trump. Brookings Institution Press, 2019.3 Yasser Arafat ‘may have been poisoned with polonium,’ BBC News, November 6, 2013, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-24838061. Accessed on August 21, 2023.4 Noam Chomsky (1999) Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinians (London: Pluto Press).5 Edward W. Said (2001) The End of the Peace Process: Oslo and After (Vintage Books).6 Naseer Aruri (Citation2003) Dishonest Broker: The Role of the United States in Palestine and Israel Publisher (South End Press).7 Rashid Khalidi (Citation2014) Brokers of Deceit: How the U.S. Has Undermined Peace in the Middle (Beacon Press).8 United States Department of State (n.d.) The Abraham Accords Declaration. United States Department of State. Available online at: https://www.state.gov/the-abraham-accords, accessed on January 23, 2023.9 See the full plan online at: Peace to Prosperity: A Vision to Improve the Lives of the Palestinian and Israeli People. Trump White House Archives (January 2020). Available online at: https://trumpwhitehouse.archives.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/Peace-to-Prosperity-0120.pdf, accessed on Aug. 23, 2023.10 Tariq Dana and Ali Jarbawi (2022) Whose Autonomy? Conceptualising ‘Colonial Extraterritorial Autonomy’ in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Politics, 43 (1), p. 107.11 Ilan Pappe (2020) The Steal of the Century: Robbing Palestinians of Their Past and Future, The Arab World Geographer, 23 (1), p.9.12 Ibid.13 Patrick Wolfe (Citation2006) Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native, Journal of Genocide Research, 8 (4), p. 387–409. See also on s
{"title":"The Lasting Impact of Trump’s ‘Deal of the Century’ on the Question of Palestine","authors":"Ibrahim Fraihat, Basem Ezbidi","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2023.2261082","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2023.2261082","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In 2017 US President Donald Trump launched the ‘Deal of the Century’ (DoC) to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Although Trump is no longer in office, the impact of the DoC lingers and will continue affecting future approaches to the conflict and its resolution. This article argues that the Trump DoC profoundly impacted the colonial order in Palestine, destroying further the illusion that a just settlement addressing the plight of the Palestinians could be reached. The DoC’s impact has affected three significant areas: the vision of a resolution, the approach to conflict resolution, and the venue where the conflict occurs. It helped shift the vision from two-state solution to none, significantly undermining the approach that was based on negotiation and third-party mediation, and assisted in creating a new regional versus international venue for the conflict.Key Words: Deal of the centuryIsraelIsraeli-Palestinian conflictPalestineTrump Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See Mounir Akash (Citation2013) The right to sacrifice the other, America and genocide. (Beirut: Dar Riad Al-Rayes) [in Arabic].2 See Robert Freedman, ed., Israel and the United States: Six Decades of US-Israeli Relations, (Westview Press, 2012). See also Khaled Elgindy. Blind Spot: America and the Palestinians, from Balfour to Trump. Brookings Institution Press, 2019.3 Yasser Arafat ‘may have been poisoned with polonium,’ BBC News, November 6, 2013, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-24838061. Accessed on August 21, 2023.4 Noam Chomsky (1999) Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinians (London: Pluto Press).5 Edward W. Said (2001) The End of the Peace Process: Oslo and After (Vintage Books).6 Naseer Aruri (Citation2003) Dishonest Broker: The Role of the United States in Palestine and Israel Publisher (South End Press).7 Rashid Khalidi (Citation2014) Brokers of Deceit: How the U.S. Has Undermined Peace in the Middle (Beacon Press).8 United States Department of State (n.d.) The Abraham Accords Declaration. United States Department of State. Available online at: https://www.state.gov/the-abraham-accords, accessed on January 23, 2023.9 See the full plan online at: Peace to Prosperity: A Vision to Improve the Lives of the Palestinian and Israeli People. Trump White House Archives (January 2020). Available online at: https://trumpwhitehouse.archives.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/Peace-to-Prosperity-0120.pdf, accessed on Aug. 23, 2023.10 Tariq Dana and Ali Jarbawi (2022) Whose Autonomy? Conceptualising ‘Colonial Extraterritorial Autonomy’ in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Politics, 43 (1), p. 107.11 Ilan Pappe (2020) The Steal of the Century: Robbing Palestinians of Their Past and Future, The Arab World Geographer, 23 (1), p.9.12 Ibid.13 Patrick Wolfe (Citation2006) Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native, Journal of Genocide Research, 8 (4), p. 387–409. See also on s","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135728601","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-19DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2271761
Faruk Yalvaç, Hikmet Mengütürk
Abstract:This article explores the constitutive impact of the ‘international’ on the sociopolitical transformations in Syria and Libya through the lens of the theory of Uneven and Combined Development (UCD). The conventional and numerous critical analyses of Syrian and Libyan sociopolitical change suffer from a Eurocentric and stagist understanding of development. This paper argues that development problems can be better conceptualized with an interactive framework made possible by the UCD theory. In this context, we focus on how the expansion and consolidation of capitalism through the dynamics of UCD have concretely shaped the process of sociopolitical transformation in Syria and Libya to shed light on how the international and the local have articulated to produce the socioeconomic and political outcomes in these two states. We conclude by arguing that the theory of UCD provides an alternative conceptualization in explaining the specific development trajectories in both countries.Key Words: DevelopmentLibyaSyriaTrotskyUneven and Combined Development AcknowledgementThe authors would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and editors of the journal for their valuable feedback and constructive comments on an earlier version of this article.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 See Justin Rosenberg (Citation2006) Why Is There No International Historical Sociology?,European Journal of International Relations, 12(3), pp. 307–40; (2010) Basic Problems in the Theory of Uneven and Combined Development. Part II: Unevenness and Political Multiplicity, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 23(1), pp. 165–189; (2013) The “Philosophical Premises” of Uneven and Combined Development, Review of International Studies, 39(3), pp. 1–29; (2020); Results and Prospects: An Introduction to the CRIA Special Issue on UCD, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 34(2), pp. 146–63; (2022) Debating Uneven and Combined Development/Debating International Relations: A Forum, Millennium, 50(2), pp. 1–37.See also, Alex Callinicos & Justin Rosenberg (2008) Uneven and Combined Development: The Social-Relational Substratum of 'the International'?:An Exchange of Letters, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 21(1), pp. 77–112; Jamie Allinson & Alexander Anievas (2009) The Uses and Misuses of Uneven and Combined Development: An Anatomy of a Concept, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 22(1), pp. 47–67; Alexander Anievas & Kerem Nişancıoğlu (2015) How the West Came to Rule: The Geopolitical Origins of Capitalism (London: Pluto Press); Sam Ashman (Citation2010) Capitalism, Uneven and Combined Development, and the Transhistoric, in Mark Rupert & Hazel Smith (eds) Historical Materialism and Globalization, pp. 183–96 (London: Routledge); Neil Davidson (Citation2009) Putting the Nation Back into ‘the International', Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 22(1), pp. 9–28; Davidson (Citation2018) The Frontiers of Une
8见Matteo Capasso (Citation2020):《战争与经济:利比亚的逐渐毁灭》,《非洲政治经济评论》,47(166),第545-67页;国际关系、帝国主义和全球南方:从利比亚到委内瑞拉,《政治》第0期,第1-16页。乌萨马·马克迪西(2017):《宗派中东的神话》。赖斯大学贝克公共政策研究所,2月13日。可访问网址:https://www.bakerinstitute.org/research/mythology-sectarian-middle-east,于2023.8月15日访问。费利佩·安图内斯·德·奥利维拉(Citation2020):为谁发展?《超越发达/不发达的两分法》,《国际关系与发展杂志》,第23期,第925.11页。17 .马丁:《重新塑造伊朗的现代性》,第16.16页。列昂·托洛茨基(Citation2008)《俄国革命史》(芝加哥,伊利诺斯州:Haymarket Books)典型的例子是沃尔特·惠特曼·罗斯托(1960)的《经济增长的阶段:非共产主义宣言》(伦敦:剑桥大学出版社)。另见塞缪尔·菲利普斯·亨廷顿(Citation1971)《变革的变革:现代化、发展和政治》,《比较政治》第3期,第282 - 322.18 .阿尼瓦斯和Nişancıoğlu,《西方是如何统治的》,第44.19页。罗森伯格,《为什么没有国际》,第310.20页。艾林森,《中东和北非》,第211.21页。Nazih N. Ayubi (Citation2009)《夸大阿拉伯国家:中东的政治和社会》(伦敦:I.B. Tauris);西蒙·布罗姆利(引文1994)《重新思考中东政治》(奥斯汀:德克萨斯大学).22伊曼纽尔·沃勒斯坦(引文1974)现代世界体系,V.1:资本主义农业和16世纪欧洲世界经济的起源(纽约:学术出版社);费尔南多·恩里克和恩佐·法莱托(1979)拉丁美洲的依赖与发展(奥克兰:加州大学出版社).23Isam al-Khafaji (Citation2004):《痛苦的出生:通往欧洲和中东现代性的通道》(伦敦:I.B. Tauris),第9.24页。Allinson,《中东和北非》,第211.25同上,第218.26页。Michael Burawoy (Citation1989):《寻找科学的两种方法:斯科波尔与托洛茨基》,《理论与社会》,18(6),第759-805.27页。托洛茨基,《俄国革命史》,第5.28同上,第429同上,第6 - 12.30页,见Rosenberg,《基本问题》;罗森博格:《哲学前提》;罗森伯格:《不均衡与综合发展》;31 Justin Rosenberg & Chris Boyle (2019) Understanding 2016:中国、英国脱欧和特朗普在不平衡与综合发展的历史,历史社会学杂志,32,pp. e52-e53.32。戴维森:《让国家回归》,《重塑伊朗的现代性》第33期;罗森伯格:《为什么没有国际》;罗森博格:《基本问题》;罗森博格,《哲学前提》34 Allinson & Anievas:《使用与误用》。35 Davidson:《让国家回归》。36Anievas & Nisancıoğlulu,西方是如何统治的,第55.37页,Oliveira,为谁发展?Ali A. Ahmida (Citation2008):从部落到阶级:非洲殖民地利比亚抵抗运动的起源和政治;Adham Saoli (Citation2020)中东的国家和国家建设,见Raymond Hinnebusch和Jasmin K. Gani(编)《中东和北非国家和国家体系劳特利奇手册》,第40-50页(伦敦:劳特利奇出版社);布罗姆利:《重新思考中东》,第61页;Raymond Hinnebusch (Citation2003)中东的国际政治(曼彻斯特:曼彻斯特大学出版社),第15.41页Ahmida,从部落到阶级,第299.42页Raymond Hinnebusch (Citation2020)中东国家形成的历史背景:结构和机构,在Raymond Hinnebusch和Jasmin K. Gani(编辑)劳特利奇手册中东和北非国家和国家系统,第21-39页(伦敦:Ali Kadri (Citation2016)阿拉伯社会主义的毁灭(伦敦:Anthem出版社),第55.45页托洛茨基,俄国革命的历史,第5.46页同上,第5.47页托洛茨基(Citation1962)不断革命及其结果和前景(伦敦:劳工),第31.48页托洛茨基(1973 [1908])1905 (Harmondsworth:欣尼布希,中东国家形成的历史背景,25.50 Ali a . Ahmida (Citation2012)利比亚,独裁的社会起源和对民主的挑战,中东和非洲杂志,3(1),73.51 Larbi Sadiki (Citation2011)利比亚:填补无国家国家的空白,半岛电视台,2011年4月27日。52 Anievas和Nişancıoğlulu,西方如何来统治,第62页。
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Pub Date : 2023-10-18DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2023.2268881
Mostafa Azkia, Hossein Imani Jajarmi
Abstract:The constitutional revolution in 1906 was the beginning of a new era for Iran. A national parliament was established for making laws that established modern institutions such as city and village councils and mayors over the decades. Urban governance was renewed and the land reforms in the 1960s transformed rural governance, changed landlord– peasant relations and reduced the traditional authority of village headman (kadkhodas) in village administration. The 1979 revolution introduced a new kind of local governance, Islamic councils for governing cities and villages. This article discusses the main changes and challenges of local governance in Iran by using theoretical concepts of dependent development. The changing pattern of authority and penetration of state bureaucracy through the creation of several rural and urban organizations before and after the Revolution of 1979 is discussed. The article also explains how the establishments of these rural and urban institutions have helped to increase the domination of the state officials within both cities and villages.Key Words: BureaucracycentralismdevelopmentgovernanceIran Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Fernando Henrique Cardoso & Enzo Faletto (Citation1979) Dependency and Development in Latin America (Berkeley: University of California Press).2 John Foran (Citation1999) Fragile Resistance: A History of Social Transformations in Iran, From the Safavid Era to the Years Following the Islamic Revolution [Persian translation by A. Tadayon] (Tehran: RASA Institute for Cultural Services), p. 288.3 Hossein Mahdavi (Citation1970) The Pattern and Problems of Economic Development in Rentier States: The Case of Iran, in: M.A. Cook (ed.), Studies in Economic History of the Middle East from the Rise of Islam to the Present Day, p. 258 (Oxford: Oxford University Press).4 Mohsen Modir Shanehchi (Citation2000) Centralism and Underdevelopment in Contemporary Iran, p. 361 (Tehran : RASA Institute for Cultural Services).5 Ibid, p. 31.6 Homa Katouzian (Citation1993 (Political Economy of Iran, vol. 2. [Persian translation by M. R. Nafisi and K. Azizi], pp. 4–53 (Tehran: Papirus Publications).7 Ali Asghar Shamim (Citation1992) Iran in Ghajarid Era: 13th Century to the First Half of the 14th Lunar Century, p. 223 (Tehran: Elmi Publications).8 A. S. Malikof (Citation1979) The Establishment of Reza Khan Dictatorship in Iran [Persian translation by S. Irani], p. 66 (Tehran: the Pocket books Company).9 Fred Halliday (Citation1979) Iran, Dictatorship and Development [Persian translation by M. Yalghani and A. Tolou], p. 24 (Tehran: Elm Publications).10 Foran, op. cit., p. 339.11 Ervand Abrahamian (Citation1998) Iran Between Two Revolutions [Persian translation by A. Golmohammadi and M. A. Fatahi], p. 541 (Tehran: Nashr-e Ney Publications).12 Katouzian, “Political Economy,” p. 225.13 Jahangir Amouzgar (Citation1996) The Rise and Fall of Pahlavi Dynasty [Persian
摘要:1906年的宪法革命开启了伊朗的新时代。几十年来,为了制定法律,建立了一个国家议会,建立了城市、村庄委员会和市长等现代机构。城市治理得到更新,20世纪60年代的土地改革改造了农村治理,改变了地主-农民关系,削弱了村长在村庄管理中的传统权威。1979年的革命引入了一种新的地方治理方式——伊斯兰委员会来管理城市和村庄。本文运用依存性发展的理论概念,讨论了伊朗地方治理的主要变化和挑战。在1979年革命前后,通过创建几个农村和城市组织,讨论了权力的变化模式和国家官僚机构的渗透。文章还解释了这些农村和城市机构的建立如何有助于增加国家官员在城市和农村的统治。关键词:官僚主义中央集权主义发展治理伊朗披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。注1 Fernando Henrique Cardoso & Enzo Faletto(引文1979)拉丁美洲的依赖与发展(伯克利:加州大学出版社)约翰份(Citation1999)脆弱的阻力:在伊朗社会转变的历史,从沙法维王朝时代到伊斯兰革命之后(由A . Tadayon波斯语翻译)(德黑兰:拉莎文化服务研究所),p。288.3 Hossein Mahdavi (Citation1970)食利者州的经济发展模式和问题:伊朗的情况下,:硕士库克(主编),研究经济史的中东伊斯兰教的崛起至今,p。258(牛津大学:牛津大学出版社)4 . Mohsen Modir Shanehchi (citation):当代伊朗的中央集权与欠发达,第361页(德黑兰:RASA文化服务研究所)同上,第31.6页。Homa Katouzian(引文1993)《伊朗政治经济学》第2卷。[M. R. Nafisi和K. Azizi的波斯语翻译],第4-53页(德黑兰:Papirus出版社)8 . Ali Asghar Shamim (Citation1992)《Ghajarid时代的伊朗:13世纪到14世纪上半叶》,第223页(德黑兰:Elmi出版社)一个。9 . S. Malikof (citation) 1979:伊朗礼萨汗独裁政权的建立[S. Irani波斯语翻译],第66页(德黑兰:口袋图书公司)弗雷德·哈利迪(引文1979),伊朗,独裁和发展[M. Yalghani和A. Tolou的波斯语翻译],第24页(德黑兰:Elm出版社)Ervand Abrahamian (Citation1998)两次革命之间的伊朗[A. Golmohammadi和M. A. Fatahi的波斯语翻译],第541页(德黑兰:Nashr-e Ney Publications)Jahangir Amouzgar (Citation1996)《巴列维王朝的兴衰》[A. Lotfian波斯语翻译],第321页(德黑兰:图书翻译和出版中心)fereydown Kamran(引文1995)农村发展和规划,第20页(德黑兰:Avay-e Nour出版社)Abdol Ali Lahsaeizadeh (Citation1998),《伊朗农村管理的社会学研究》,载于:第一届社会学与管理会议论文集,第403页(德黑兰:工业管理组织)19 . Fatemeh E. Moghadam (Citation1996)《从土地改革到革命,伊朗农业发展的政治,1962-1979》,第193页(伦敦:Tanris)宪法序言:宪法保证否定任何形式的知识和社会压迫以及经济垄断,并试图摆脱独裁制度,将人民的命运掌握在自己手中。——第44条将经济划分为政府、合作社、民间等3个部门:——第7条与理事会有关。100年的文章:为了迅速执行社会、经济、发展、卫生、文化和教育计划及其他福利事务,每一村、区、市、镇或省的事务应在称为村、区、市、镇或省议会的监督下,在人民的合作下进行管理,并适当考虑到当地的需要,该委员会的成员应由同一地方的人民选举产生。-第102条:允许省最高委员会在其职能范围内直接或通过政府起草法案并向国民议会提出。20德黑兰大学社会研究和研究所(Citation1974)伊朗六个地区农业公司社会经济研究(德黑兰:社会研究和研究出版物研究所)。 21 Mostafa Azkia (citation):伊朗农村发展与欠发展的社会学,p. 435(德黑兰:Etla 'at Publications).22Ali Shakoori (Citation2019)伊朗农村发展:政策和结果调查,发展中社会杂志,35 (3),p. 347.23 Abrahamian,“两次革命之间的伊朗”,p. 29.24 Hesbat有一个历史过去,是伊斯兰城市日常生活秩序的重要机构。13世纪的一篇文章《Ayeen-i Hesbat(市政条例)》列出了Mohtaseb的职责:负责城市商业监督和检查。他必须防止商业上的欺骗和欺诈,并指导商人按照伊斯兰教的命令行事(更多信息见Ibn-e- Ekhvah (Citation1988) 7世纪的市政条例(德黑兰:Elmi va Farhangi Publications)Saadodin Rooshdiye(引文1964)伊朗的城市发展和城市规划(德黑兰:伊朗市政协会出版社).26赛义德·莫森·哈比比:《从旧城到城市:对城市概念的历史分析》(德黑兰:德黑兰大学出版社,1997).27Mosstafa Keeyani (Citation2007)第一个巴列维的建筑(德黑兰:当代历史研究所).28Bernard Hourcade (citation) 2009) Alborz的德黑兰[S. Sahami的波斯语翻译](Mashhad: mohaghgh and Tarane Publications).2930 .德黑兰大学社会研究和研究所(引文1964)第一届德黑兰社会问题研讨会的讲稿和报告(德黑兰:社会研究和研究出版物研究所)Ahmad Ashraf & Ali Banuazizi (Citation2008)伊朗的社会阶级、国家和革命[S. Torabi Farsani波斯语翻译](德黑兰:Niloofar出版社).31赛义德·穆罕默德·侯赛因·米拉博尔加塞米(引文2003):《寂静中的咆哮:阿亚图拉·塔莱哈尼生平与思想简史》(德黑兰:Enteshar出版社),第32页伊朗地方民主的挑战:伊斯兰城市议会的研究,中东批判,18(2),页145-159.33 Azkia,“发展社会学”,页426.34 Ali Shakoori (Citation2006),“伊朗革命后农村改革中的人民参与”,页420-421.35 Shakoori,“人民参与”,页420.36 Simin Fadaeei (Citation2018)。Kaveh Ehsani (Citation2006)革命后伊朗的农村社会和农业发展:前二十年,批判:关键的中东研究15(1),78.38页。欲了解更多细节,请参见ahmad Ashraf (Citation1985)伊朗革命中的国家、阶级和动员模式,国家、文化和社会,1(3),277-311页;Ehsani,“乡村社会”,第79-96页;Ali Asghar Saeidi (Citation2004
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