The dissolution of the Ottoman Empire set the stage for Türkiye’s evolving foreign policy in the Middle East, a region deeply intertwined with its historical legacy. From the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923 to the rise of the AK Party in the early 2000s, Türkiye’s approach has been marked by pragmatism, adaptability, and a keen understanding of regional dynamics. The nation's foreign policy has oscillated between neutrality, revisionism, proactivity, reactivity, assertiveness, autonomy, and diplomacy, reflecting both its historical ties and strategic imperatives. As Türkiye continues to navigate the complexities of the Middle East, its foreign policy remains a testament to its enduring resilience and strategic acumen. By tracing its roots and evolution, the article sheds light on the myriad factors that have shaped its course, offering insights into the evolving nature of Türkiye’s multifaceted and adaptive foreign policy and role in the Middle East over the last 100 years (1923-2023).
奥斯曼帝国的解体为土耳其在中东不断演变的外交政策奠定了基础，该地区与其历史遗产深深交织在一起。从1923年的《洛桑条约》(Treaty of Lausanne)到21世纪初正义与发展党(AK Party)的崛起， rkiye的做法以实用主义、适应性和对地区动态的敏锐理解为特征。中国的外交政策在中立、修正主义、主动、被动、自信、自主和外交之间摇摆不定，既反映了历史联系，也反映了战略需要。随着土耳其继续应对中东的复杂局势，其外交政策仍然证明了其持久的弹性和战略敏锐性。通过追溯其根源和演变，本文揭示了塑造其进程的无数因素，并提供了对过去100年(1923-2023)中俄罗斯多方面和适应性外交政策的演变性质和在中东的作用的见解。
{"title":"Post-Ottoman Legacy in the Middle East: A Compendium of 100 Years of Turkish Diplomacy","authors":"Ali Bakir","doi":"10.25253/99.2023253.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023253.3","url":null,"abstract":"The dissolution of the Ottoman Empire set the stage for Türkiye’s evolving foreign policy in the Middle East, a region deeply intertwined with its historical legacy. From the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923 to the rise of the AK Party in the early 2000s, Türkiye’s approach has been marked by pragmatism, adaptability, and a keen understanding of regional dynamics. The nation's foreign policy has oscillated between neutrality, revisionism, proactivity, reactivity, assertiveness, autonomy, and diplomacy, reflecting both its historical ties and strategic imperatives. As Türkiye continues to navigate the complexities of the Middle East, its foreign policy remains a testament to its enduring resilience and strategic acumen. By tracing its roots and evolution, the article sheds light on the myriad factors that have shaped its course, offering insights into the evolving nature of Türkiye’s multifaceted and adaptive foreign policy and role in the Middle East over the last 100 years (1923-2023).","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":"129 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136277321","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Right-wing populism is on the rise all over the world and has led to profound effects and changes in the international system. The European continent, which is identified with democracy and human rights, also sees its share of this trend. Today, right-wing populist parties and actors are gaining strength in many EU countries and come to the fore as a serious political focus. The European Parliament (EP), as an example of direct democracy, has become one of the most visible institutions facing this shift. In this article, the discourses of right-wing populist parliamentarians in the EP toward Türkiye are focused on through a social constructivist perspective. The 2009-2014 and 2014-2019 parliamentary periods are analyzed comparatively to present which discursive strategies MEPs used in their statements about Türkiye and what kind of Türkiye representation they constructed in the EP. The article benefits from critical discourse analysis studies and aims to contribute to the literature on the attitudes of right-wing populist groups on Türkiye.
{"title":"Right Wing Populist Discourse in the European Parliament on Turkish Foreign Policy","authors":"Hasan Ulusoy, Oğuz Güngörmez","doi":"10.25253/99.2023253.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023253.10","url":null,"abstract":"Right-wing populism is on the rise all over the world and has led to profound effects and changes in the international system. The European continent, which is identified with democracy and human rights, also sees its share of this trend. Today, right-wing populist parties and actors are gaining strength in many EU countries and come to the fore as a serious political focus. The European Parliament (EP), as an example of direct democracy, has become one of the most visible institutions facing this shift. In this article, the discourses of right-wing populist parliamentarians in the EP toward Türkiye are focused on through a social constructivist perspective. The 2009-2014 and 2014-2019 parliamentary periods are analyzed comparatively to present which discursive strategies MEPs used in their statements about Türkiye and what kind of Türkiye representation they constructed in the EP. The article benefits from critical discourse analysis studies and aims to contribute to the literature on the attitudes of right-wing populist groups on Türkiye.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136277322","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores Türkiye’s relations with Africa, focusing on Somalia, Nigeria and Libya from both humanitarian and security perspectives. To do so, the study employs the concept of soft power in relation to the security and humanitarian policies that Türkiye has adopted on the African continent. Though Türkiye has no significant colonial history on the continent like other European countries, its relations with Africa in recent decades are no secret and continue to strengthen against all odds. From a relationship that stems from historical links with the Ottoman Empire to more promising and positive impacts on the continent in recent years, it is important to understand these ties amidst the increasing distaste expressed by some African nations towards the West. Using examples of Türkiye’s security and humanitarian deployment in Somalia, Nigeria and Libya, it is perhaps no surprise to perceive the relationship between Türkiye and African nations as a dichotomy between humanitarian and security.
{"title":"Türkiye-Africa Relations: A Rigid Dichotomy between Humanitarian and Security?","authors":"Dolapo Fakuade","doi":"10.25253/99.2023253.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023253.4","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores Türkiye’s relations with Africa, focusing on Somalia, Nigeria and Libya from both humanitarian and security perspectives. To do so, the study employs the concept of soft power in relation to the security and humanitarian policies that Türkiye has adopted on the African continent. Though Türkiye has no significant colonial history on the continent like other European countries, its relations with Africa in recent decades are no secret and continue to strengthen against all odds. From a relationship that stems from historical links with the Ottoman Empire to more promising and positive impacts on the continent in recent years, it is important to understand these ties amidst the increasing distaste expressed by some African nations towards the West. Using examples of Türkiye’s security and humanitarian deployment in Somalia, Nigeria and Libya, it is perhaps no surprise to perceive the relationship between Türkiye and African nations as a dichotomy between humanitarian and security.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136277326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyzes the major developments and general trends in Türkiye-Europe relations over the last century to make the main argument that Europe, which had been the main determinant of Turkish foreign policy in recent centuries, has gradually lost that position. Whereas European states, with which Türkiye had the closest economic and political relations at the time of the Republic’s foundation, remain significant in terms of foreign direct investments and external trade today, their share in those fields has notably decreased compared to a century (and even 30 years) ago. During the last two decades, when the global power struggle intensified, European governments opted to adopt an incomprehensible policy of pressure and sanctions against Türkiye’s democratically elected Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government instead of trying to keep the country, a long-time ally, in their corner. This article also discusses why the relevant countries behaved that way and how the Turkish government responded to such behavior.
{"title":"A Century of Türkiye-Europe Relations: Europe’s Diminishing Role","authors":"Kemal İnat, Filiz Cicioğlu","doi":"10.25253/99.2023253.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023253.9","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the major developments and general trends in Türkiye-Europe relations over the last century to make the main argument that Europe, which had been the main determinant of Turkish foreign policy in recent centuries, has gradually lost that position. Whereas European states, with which Türkiye had the closest economic and political relations at the time of the Republic’s foundation, remain significant in terms of foreign direct investments and external trade today, their share in those fields has notably decreased compared to a century (and even 30 years) ago. During the last two decades, when the global power struggle intensified, European governments opted to adopt an incomprehensible policy of pressure and sanctions against Türkiye’s democratically elected Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government instead of trying to keep the country, a long-time ally, in their corner. This article also discusses why the relevant countries behaved that way and how the Turkish government responded to such behavior.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136277329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper aims to divert from the conventional understanding of diplomacy and foreign policy, which is conditioned by postmodern realities. These emerging realities, which transcend national borders, strongly consider science, technology, climate, environment, and security. Thus, the postmodern age, characterized by fragmentation, uncertainty and risk, requires a shift from conventional multilateral and/or bilateral diplomacy to cosmopolitan diplomacy and foreign policy. This paper will apply Ulrich Beck’s theory of cosmopolitanism, reflexivity and risk on Türkiye’s diplomatic relations with the Western Balkans countries. A brief analysis of Turkish relations with the Western Balkans countries shall expand to the common questions of climate, environment, digitalization, and security. What could be the role of involuntary enlightenment, enforced communication across different borders, political catharsis, enforced cosmopolitanism, global system of governance, international legalism, and digitalization in framing Türkiye’s cosmopolitan diplomacy towards the Western Balkans? How the focus on environmental diplomacy, health diplomacy, migration diplomacy, reconciliation diplomacy, digital diplomacy, youth diplomacy and education diplomacy could encounter an exclusive Western Balkans focus on emancipatory politics, ethnonationalism, narratives and ideologies?
{"title":"Framing Türkiye’s Cosmopolitan Relations with the Western Balkans","authors":"Muhidin Mulalić, Mirsad Karic","doi":"10.25253/99.2023252.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023252.7","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to divert from the conventional understanding of diplomacy and foreign policy, which is conditioned by postmodern realities. These emerging realities, which transcend national borders, strongly consider science, technology, climate, environment, and security. Thus, the postmodern age, characterized by fragmentation, uncertainty and risk, requires a shift from conventional multilateral and/or bilateral diplomacy to cosmopolitan diplomacy and foreign policy. This paper will apply Ulrich Beck’s theory of cosmopolitanism, reflexivity and risk on Türkiye’s diplomatic relations with the Western Balkans countries. A brief analysis of Turkish relations with the Western Balkans countries shall expand to the common questions of climate, environment, digitalization, and security. What could be the role of involuntary enlightenment, enforced communication across different borders, political catharsis, enforced cosmopolitanism, global system of governance, international legalism, and digitalization in framing Türkiye’s cosmopolitan diplomacy towards the Western Balkans? How the focus on environmental diplomacy, health diplomacy, migration diplomacy, reconciliation diplomacy, digital diplomacy, youth diplomacy and education diplomacy could encounter an exclusive Western Balkans focus on emancipatory politics, ethnonationalism, narratives and ideologies?","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135904401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Discussions on monopolar and multipolar world order started after the Cold War. World order may generally categorize global norms that support international power balance and hierarchy.1 When the American order had frequent crises after the Cold War, alternative world order discussions were re-triggered. These three works can help us interpret the effects of China, Russia, and Iran on the international system and guide us in understanding the discussions about the alternative world order.
{"title":"Potential Alternatives in the Changing World Order","authors":"Yusuf Çınar","doi":"10.25253/99.2023252.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023252.13","url":null,"abstract":"Discussions on monopolar and multipolar world order started after the Cold War. World order may generally categorize global norms that support international power balance and hierarchy.1 When the American order had frequent crises after the Cold War, alternative world order discussions were re-triggered. These three works can help us interpret the effects of China, Russia, and Iran on the international system and guide us in understanding the discussions about the alternative world order.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46184517","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Abraham Accords have presented themselves as one of the most significant geopolitical developments in the Middle East in this decade. They represent a trend in which increasingly, Arab states are seeking their own geopolitical arrangements with the State of Israel. This commentary considers the Abraham Accords from the lenses of elite preferences and nationalism –arguing that the recent politicization of the Gulf-Arab elite constitutes the nexus of the Abraham Accords. We argue that the Abraham Accords were born from a desire of bolstering regime security, regional security and extend local transformations to the international domain. Our analysis opens the literature to a wider discussion on the political capital of Gulf elites, and how increasingly their decisions impact wider Middle Eastern geopolitics.
{"title":"Mapping the Genesis of the Abraham Accords Elite Preferences, Rising Nationalism, and the Quest for Political Stability","authors":"Gökhan Çınkara, Batu Coşkun","doi":"10.25253/99.2023252.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023252.5","url":null,"abstract":"The Abraham Accords have presented themselves as one of the most significant geopolitical developments in the Middle East in this decade. They represent a trend in which increasingly, Arab states are seeking their own geopolitical arrangements with the State of Israel. This commentary considers the Abraham Accords from the lenses of elite preferences and nationalism –arguing that the recent politicization of the Gulf-Arab elite constitutes the nexus of the Abraham Accords. We argue that the Abraham Accords were born from a desire of bolstering regime security, regional security and extend local transformations to the international domain. Our analysis opens the literature to a wider discussion on the political capital of Gulf elites, and how increasingly their decisions impact wider Middle Eastern geopolitics.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48309503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
NATO’s enlargement policy indicates the admission of new members with full membership status within the framework of mutual mandates and responsibilities and the expansion of NATO’s borders and geographical areas of responsibility. The accession of fifteen members to the Alliance in the post-Cold War period has brought along some controversies. Türkiye supports NATO enlargement in principle. This study discusses Ankara’s stance and cautious attitude towards Finland and Sweden’s applications for NATO membership by evaluating how NATO’s post-Cold War enlargement policy has affected Türkiye’s position within NATO. The main claim of the study is that NATO’s decision-making procedure has had a positive impact on Türkiye’s relations with candidate countries.
{"title":"NATO’s Enlargement Policy and Türkiye’s Position: A Key NATO Ally","authors":"Arif Bağbaşlıoğlu","doi":"10.25253/99.2023252.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023252.2","url":null,"abstract":"NATO’s enlargement policy indicates the admission of new members with full membership status within the framework of mutual mandates and responsibilities and the expansion of NATO’s borders and geographical areas of responsibility. The accession of fifteen members to the Alliance in the post-Cold War period has brought along some controversies. Türkiye supports NATO enlargement in principle. This study discusses Ankara’s stance and cautious attitude towards Finland and Sweden’s applications for NATO membership by evaluating how NATO’s post-Cold War enlargement policy has affected Türkiye’s position within NATO. The main claim of the study is that NATO’s decision-making procedure has had a positive impact on Türkiye’s relations with candidate countries.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44649669","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the relative stability that prevailed in the Caucasus region during the Cold War period dissolved into instability and conflicts. This article is based on a comparative analysis of Turkish foreign policy in the context of the Azerbaijan-Armenia conflicts. During the First Nagorno-Karabakh War, Türkiye gave political and military support to Azerbaijan, but this support was not sufficient to change the course of the conflict. Türkiye showed an ardent interest in playing a mediator role. However, its mediator role was limited due to domestic and external circumstances. During the Nakhchivan conflict, Turkish policymakers brought up the possibility of interfering militarily to end the conflict in line with Türkiye’s legal commitments. However, Türkiye’s pro-Azerbaijani position took the form of discursive reactions and border militarization. When the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War erupted in 2020, Türkiye played a much more assertive role to the point of actively contributing to tilting the balance in favor of Azerbaijan. This article compares Türkiye’s position on the Azerbajani-Armenian conflicts and discusses its impacts and implications in the context of the regional dynamics.
{"title":"A Comparative Analysis of Turkish Foreign Policy on the Azerbaijan-Armenia Conflicts (1988-2020)","authors":"L. Öztig","doi":"10.25253/99.2023252.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023252.9","url":null,"abstract":"With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the relative stability that prevailed in the Caucasus region during the Cold War period dissolved into instability and conflicts. This article is based on a comparative analysis of Turkish foreign policy in the context of the Azerbaijan-Armenia conflicts. During the First Nagorno-Karabakh War, Türkiye gave political and military support to Azerbaijan, but this support was not sufficient to change the course of the conflict. Türkiye showed an ardent interest in playing a mediator role. However, its mediator role was limited due to domestic and external circumstances. During the Nakhchivan conflict, Turkish policymakers brought up the possibility of interfering militarily to end the conflict in line with Türkiye’s legal commitments. However, Türkiye’s pro-Azerbaijani position took the form of discursive reactions and border militarization. When the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War erupted in 2020, Türkiye played a much more assertive role to the point of actively contributing to tilting the balance in favor of Azerbaijan. This article compares Türkiye’s position on the Azerbajani-Armenian conflicts and discusses its impacts and implications in the context of the regional dynamics.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47032077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article essentially posits that Türkiye took advantage of the deepening competition between global powers under the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) to part ways with its traditional foreign policy tradition and pursue a more independent approach. That the country expanded its economic and military capacity significantly during the relevant period to support a balanced policy between the West, Russia, and China is another major argument. To put those claims to the test, this article primarily analyzes the expansion of Türkiye’s economic and military capacity and proceeds to focus on its policy toward the deepening rivalry between the West and Russia (due to the Ukraine war) and how it responded to the “rise of Asia.” Last but not least, this piece analyzes Türkiye’s pursuit of a more independent foreign policy, how the country clashed with the U.S., the European Union, and Russia as well as their allies on the ground, and how Ankara used its policy of balance to keep a lid on those tensions.
{"title":"Turkish Foreign Policy in the Face of Regional and Global Challenges","authors":"Burhanettin Duran, Kemal İnat","doi":"10.25253/99.2023252.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023252.6","url":null,"abstract":"This article essentially posits that Türkiye took advantage of the deepening competition between global powers under the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) to part ways with its traditional foreign policy tradition and pursue a more independent approach. That the country expanded its economic and military capacity significantly during the relevant period to support a balanced policy between the West, Russia, and China is another major argument. To put those claims to the test, this article primarily analyzes the expansion of Türkiye’s economic and military capacity and proceeds to focus on its policy toward the deepening rivalry between the West and Russia (due to the Ukraine war) and how it responded to the “rise of Asia.” Last but not least, this piece analyzes Türkiye’s pursuit of a more independent foreign policy, how the country clashed with the U.S., the European Union, and Russia as well as their allies on the ground, and how Ankara used its policy of balance to keep a lid on those tensions.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48058887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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