This paper aims to lay out the challenges and potentially fatal conflicts inherent in the emerging attempts to respect state sovereignty while crafting progressive and truly responsive sets of approaches to a sui generis global problem like the climate crisis. It examines general approaches and practices on climate refugees within the scope of a critical legal framework, taking as an example the ‘Ioane Teitiota’ case that attracted public attention as an international issue starting in 2013. In addition, we will examine from a legal viewpoint and with an eye to future consequences, the January 2020 United Nations’ historical decision on climate refugees. We adopt Martti Koskennimi’s terms, ascending and descending justifications, to show the oscillation that the legal mind experiences in between order and will. In this paper, we will claim that the legal mind fights a battle that eventually ends up with a deadlock due to the very structure of modern law.
{"title":"The Impasse of International Law on Climate-Induced Migration: Recent Developments and the United Nation’s January 2020 Decision on Climate Refugees","authors":"Burak Güneş, Bengü Çelenk","doi":"10.25253/99.2021233.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2021233.11","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to lay out the challenges and potentially fatal conflicts inherent in the emerging attempts to respect state sovereignty while crafting progressive and truly responsive sets of approaches to a sui generis global problem like the climate crisis. It examines general approaches and practices on climate refugees within the scope of a critical legal framework, taking as an example the ‘Ioane Teitiota’ case that attracted public attention as an international issue starting in 2013. In addition, we will examine from a legal viewpoint and with an eye to future consequences, the January 2020 United Nations’ historical decision on climate refugees. We adopt Martti Koskennimi’s terms, ascending and descending justifications, to show the oscillation that the legal mind experiences in between order and will. In this paper, we will claim that the legal mind fights a battle that eventually ends up with a deadlock due to the very structure of modern law.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41756220","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This review article aims to provide broader nuances about Saudi Arabia amid the rapid developments taking place in the Middle East in general and Saudi Arabia in particular, following the rise of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS). This article begins with Salman’s Legacy, edited by Madawi al-Rasheed, and subsequently, takes up Madawi al-Rasheed’s The Son King and Ben Hubbard’s biography of MBS. It provides a brief summary of the books under review and analyzes their different themes while critically examining their prevailing shortcomings. The rise of MBS has brought about visible changes, not only in the political body of Saudi Arabia but in the wider Arab world as well. Salman’s Legacy: The Dilemmas of a New Era in Saudi Arabia, edited by Madawi al-Rasheed, seeks to highlight these challenges and provide a broad overview of Saudi Arabia, ranging from domestic affairs to foreign affairs and exploring the factors that drive the Saudi regime.
{"title":"The Changing Contours of Saudi Arabia: Mohammed bin Salman and the Paradox of Saudi Reforms","authors":"Adil Shafi","doi":"10.25253/99.2021233.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2021233.13","url":null,"abstract":"This review article aims to provide broader nuances about Saudi Arabia amid the rapid developments taking place in the Middle East in general and Saudi Arabia in particular, following the rise of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS). This article begins with Salman’s Legacy, edited by Madawi al-Rasheed, and subsequently, takes up Madawi al-Rasheed’s The Son King and Ben Hubbard’s biography of MBS. It provides a brief summary of the books under review and analyzes their different themes while critically examining their prevailing shortcomings.\u0000\u0000The rise of MBS has brought about visible changes, not only in the political body of Saudi Arabia but in the wider Arab world as well. Salman’s Legacy: The Dilemmas of a New Era in Saudi Arabia, edited by Madawi al-Rasheed, seeks to highlight these challenges and provide a broad overview of Saudi Arabia, ranging from domestic affairs to foreign affairs and exploring the factors that drive the Saudi regime.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46004084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study investigates how the Western media reacted immediately after the July 15, 2016 coup attempt in Turkey, in which a group of armed forces loyal to FETÖ aimed to overthrow Turkey’s democratically elected government. To this end, 91 news reports and articles in ten newspapers from the U.S., the UK, Germany, and France, dating from July 15 to July 18, 2016, were analyzed. Based on content analysis, the early perceptions of the Western media were categorized by sentiment as positive, neutral, or negative in terms of their tone, feeling, and emotion regarding the coup attempt. The findings show that only 42 publications were neutral only reporting the news, while 44 publications were positive about the coup attempt favoring the junta and failing to support the democratically elected government. On the other hand, only five publications expressed negative opinions about the coup attempt by showing strong support for democracy and expressing anti-coup views. Frequency analysis also shows that the most commonly used keywords and phrases in the news and articles were Erdoğan’s authoritarianism (58 times), the polarization of society (32 times), Erdoğan’s oppression (28 times), Erdoğan dividing the country (16 times), and the instability of Erdoğan’s regime/dictatorship (15 times). Overall, the analysis shows that journalists are not free of bias; most of them missed or neglected the damaging consequences of the coup attempt on Turkish democracy and society due to their negative perceptions about the incumbent government.
{"title":"Questioning the Compass of the Western Media: Early Perceptions of the July 15 Coup Attempt in Turkey","authors":"Murat Önder, Hazan Güler Sarı, E. Ayhan","doi":"10.25253/99.2021233.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2021233.9","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates how the Western media reacted immediately after the July 15, 2016 coup attempt in Turkey, in which a group of armed forces loyal to FETÖ aimed to overthrow Turkey’s democratically elected government. To this end, 91 news reports and articles in ten newspapers from the U.S., the UK, Germany, and France, dating from July 15 to July 18, 2016, were analyzed. Based on content analysis, the early perceptions of the Western media were categorized by sentiment as positive, neutral, or negative in terms of their tone, feeling, and emotion regarding the coup attempt. The findings show that only 42 publications were neutral only reporting the news, while 44 publications were positive about the coup attempt favoring the junta and failing to support the democratically elected government. On the other hand, only five publications expressed negative opinions about the coup attempt by showing strong support for democracy and expressing anti-coup views. Frequency analysis also shows that the most commonly used keywords and phrases in the news and articles were Erdoğan’s authoritarianism (58 times), the polarization of society (32 times), Erdoğan’s oppression (28 times), Erdoğan dividing the country (16 times), and the instability of Erdoğan’s regime/dictatorship (15 times). Overall, the analysis shows that journalists are not free of bias; most of them missed or neglected the damaging consequences of the coup attempt on Turkish democracy and society due to their negative perceptions about the incumbent government.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45032953","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The COVID-19 outbreak has had a huge impact on the global economy and politics. Closures and lockdowns stopped international trade resulting in an economic slowdown. It has changed the daily lives of people and the way business takes place. Politics has also been affected by the pandemic. Discussions about the changing world order have gained a new dimension and momentum. In this article, the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in international relations is analyzed. Has COVID-19 triggered a change in the world order? If it has, what are the nature, scope, and content of this change? As a rising regional power in the Eastern Mediterranean region, how has Turkey been affected by this, and how did it respond to the changing situation? Signs of deteriorating world order, declining U.S. leadership, escalating geopolitical competition amongst global powers were in the air before the pandemic. Turkey’s adaptation to this new world order pre-dates the pandemic, when it changed its political system, and invested in its security and cohesion.
{"title":"Is Turkey ready for the Post COVID-19 World Order?","authors":"B. Bayraktar","doi":"10.25253/99.2021233.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2021233.7","url":null,"abstract":"The COVID-19 outbreak has had a huge impact on the global economy and politics. Closures and lockdowns stopped international trade resulting in an economic slowdown. It has changed the daily lives of people and the way business takes place. Politics has also been affected by the pandemic. Discussions about the changing world order have gained a new dimension and momentum. In this article, the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in international relations is analyzed. Has COVID-19 triggered a change in the world order? If it has, what are the nature, scope, and content of this change? As a rising regional power in the Eastern Mediterranean region, how has Turkey been affected by this, and how did it respond to the changing situation? Signs of deteriorating world order, declining U.S. leadership, escalating geopolitical competition amongst global powers were in the air before the pandemic. Turkey’s adaptation to this new world order pre-dates the pandemic, when it changed its political system, and invested in its security and cohesion.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43278881","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Israeli authorities have committed a wide range of human rights violations, including direct violence, land annexation and settlement building, home eviction and arbitrary arrest and detention. Such practices have been carried out with political cover from the Israeli government. In addition to the direct confiscation of Palestinian homes and other property, Israeli authorities and organizations such as settlement associations frequently use subterfuge or bribes to transfer ownership to Jewish residents and interests. Through historical review and analysis, this paper documents the most common types of direct and structural violence practiced by Israel, along with their effect on Palestinians, and highlights the roles of the various players in Israeli society.
{"title":"Israeli Physical Persecution in Occupied Jerusalem","authors":"Ramy Abdou","doi":"10.25253/99.2021233.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2021233.2","url":null,"abstract":"Israeli authorities have committed a wide range of human rights violations, including direct violence, land annexation and settlement building, home eviction and arbitrary arrest and detention. Such practices have been carried out with political cover from the Israeli government. In addition to the direct confiscation of Palestinian homes and other property, Israeli authorities and organizations such as settlement associations frequently use subterfuge or bribes to transfer ownership to Jewish residents and interests. Through historical review and analysis, this paper documents the most common types of direct and structural violence practiced by Israel, along with their effect on Palestinians, and highlights the roles of the various players in Israeli society.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48607884","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Muslim communities have been racialized as ‘Other’ for over 1,400 years.1 The manner in which the figure of the Muslim has been invoked as a threat across the centuries demonstrates the importance of recognizing the ideological context if we are to fully understand the nuances of Islamophobic ‘thinking.’ The aim of this paper is to situate the Islamophobia of today within neoliberalism as the globally dominant, hegemonic ideology of our time.2 As is discussed below, Muslim communities are today racialized as the uncivilized ‘Other,’ embodying dispositions of how not to be neoliberal. Constructing Muslim communities as such serves to legitimize the neoliberal, neo-colonial project ‘over there’ and at home in the metropole. This paper details the manner in which contemporary neoliberal civilizing missions operate from above, akin to a form of hard-power, and below, winning hearts and minds, through ‘a full-blown social program’3 to create neoliberal citizens, while penalizing those that refuse to participate.4
{"title":"Contemporary Experiences of Islamophobia in Today’s United Kingdom: Findings from Ten Small-scale Studies","authors":"C. Allen","doi":"10.25253/99.2021232.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2021232.7","url":null,"abstract":"Muslim communities have been racialized as ‘Other’ for over 1,400 years.1 The manner in which the figure of the Muslim has been invoked as a threat across the centuries demonstrates the importance of recognizing the ideological context if we are to fully understand the nuances of Islamophobic ‘thinking.’ The aim of this paper is to situate the Islamophobia of today within neoliberalism as the globally dominant, hegemonic ideology of our time.2 As is discussed below, Muslim communities are today racialized as the uncivilized ‘Other,’ embodying dispositions of how not to be neoliberal. Constructing Muslim communities as such serves to legitimize the neoliberal, neo-colonial project ‘over there’ and at home in the metropole. This paper details the manner in which contemporary neoliberal civilizing missions operate from above, akin to a form of hard-power, and below, winning hearts and minds, through ‘a full-blown social program’3 to create neoliberal citizens, while penalizing those that refuse to participate.4","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":"1 1","pages":"107-127"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44274436","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The depiction of Islam and Muslims in Europe has, in general, been dominated by an ‘Othering’ in which they are considered inherently different, because of their ethnic or geographical origin or due to conceptions of Islam as a non-modern phenomenon, incompatible with Western democratic societies. Without ignoring successful integration experiences, recent cases of Islamophobia in Europe demonstrate the continued assumption of the Islamic ‘Other’ from a negative point of view. This otherness is particularly visible in the case of Turkey, which due to its truncated process of accession to the European Union has been subject to constant debates on its Europeanness. To overcome this harmful vision, the application of a democratic ‘Alterity’ is proposed. This allows, based on identity, a dialogue between different parties, in which the other is not only recognized but their position can also be assumed as one’s own.
{"title":"For a New Alterity of Islam in European Perspective","authors":"M. M. Rizo","doi":"10.25253/99.2021232.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2021232.8","url":null,"abstract":"The depiction of Islam and Muslims in Europe has, in general, been dominated by an ‘Othering’ in which they are considered inherently different, because of their ethnic or geographical origin or due to conceptions of Islam as a non-modern phenomenon, incompatible with Western democratic societies. Without ignoring successful integration experiences, recent cases of Islamophobia in Europe demonstrate the continued assumption of the Islamic ‘Other’ from a negative point of view. This otherness is particularly visible in the case of Turkey, which due to its truncated process of accession to the European Union has been subject to constant debates on its Europeanness. To overcome this harmful vision, the application of a democratic ‘Alterity’ is proposed. This allows, based on identity, a dialogue between different parties, in which the other is not only recognized but their position can also be assumed as one’s own.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":"1 1","pages":"129-144"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48443797","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, Islamophobia exploded across ‘the West,’ but particularly in Europe. While Muslims were suffering attacks across Europe, the experience of Muslims in Latin America was markedly different, with almost no perceptible rise in Islamophobia. In the roughly 10 year period between the attacks of September 11, and the start of the Syrian civil war, why did Islamophobia rise in ‘the West,’ but not in Latin America? This article attempts to answer this question through an analysis of the civilizational identities of both regions, in particular the countries of Denmark and Argentina. While the core of Denmark’s identity is being part of the ‘the West,’ which was ‘at war’ with the Muslim world during this period, Argentina defines its identity in opposition to Western countries like Britain and the U.S., leaving it outside ‘the West,’ and Islam not seen as a threat.
{"title":"The Post-September 11 Rise of Islamophobia: Identity and the ‘Clash of Civilizations’ in Europe and Latin America","authors":"Kristin Vandenbelt","doi":"10.25253/99.2021232.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2021232.9","url":null,"abstract":"Following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, Islamophobia exploded across ‘the West,’ but particularly in Europe. While Muslims were suffering attacks across Europe, the experience of Muslims in Latin America was markedly different, with almost no perceptible rise in Islamophobia. In the roughly 10 year period between the attacks of September 11, and the start of the Syrian civil war, why did Islamophobia rise in ‘the West,’ but not in Latin America? This article attempts to answer this question through an analysis of the civilizational identities of both regions, in particular the countries of Denmark and Argentina. While the core of Denmark’s identity is being part of the ‘the West,’ which was ‘at war’ with the Muslim world during this period, Argentina defines its identity in opposition to Western countries like Britain and the U.S., leaving it outside ‘the West,’ and Islam not seen as a threat.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43405538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The visibility of women and their freedoms in the French public sphere is envisaged in this article on the basis of laïcité and gender equality. Within the debate about the rights and limitations of Muslim women, French feminist ideology seems to be torn between two totally contradictory positions. Anti-veil and anti-burqa laws are on the one hand defended in the name of laïcité and the emancipation of women. On the other hand, the laws are severely criticized because they marginalize Muslim women from the majority of French society. The main aim of this research is to analyze anti-veil and anti-burqa laws in France by focusing on their historical and social foundations from a feminist perspective. Next, this study argues that the visibility of Muslim women in the French public space, which is banned in the name of republican and laic values, is actually valued by some feminist groups who cast an exclusionary and othering glance at the clothing of Muslim women, such as the headscarf or the burqa.
{"title":"Veil and Burqa in the French Public Sphere: A Feminist Analysis","authors":"M. Yardım, Ali Hüseyinoğlu","doi":"10.25253/99.2021232.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2021232.11","url":null,"abstract":"The visibility of women and their freedoms in the French public sphere is envisaged in this article on the basis of laïcité and gender equality. Within the debate about the rights and limitations of Muslim women, French feminist ideology seems to be torn between two totally contradictory positions. Anti-veil and anti-burqa laws are on the one hand defended in the name of laïcité and the emancipation of women. On the other hand, the laws are severely criticized because they marginalize Muslim women from the majority of French society. The main aim of this research is to analyze anti-veil and anti-burqa laws in France by focusing on their historical and social foundations from a feminist perspective. Next, this study argues that the visibility of Muslim women in the French public space, which is banned in the name of republican and laic values, is actually valued by some feminist groups who cast an exclusionary and othering glance at the clothing of Muslim women, such as the headscarf or the burqa.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":"1 1","pages":"191-212"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42907418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
After a careful investigation of available archival documents of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the U.S. State Department, this paper questions the state sponsoring of the terrorist operations of the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia (ASALA) and the Justice Commandos of the Armenian Genocide (JCAG). An investigation of the documents ascertains that state support for ASALA is identified by the CIA; however, knowledge about JCAG has remained in the dark due to its extreme clandestineness. In this respect, other than the support of local Armenian communities, this paper traces the fingerprints of the Soviet Union, Syria, Iran, and Libya behind the violent acts of ASALA despite their discreet and covert sponsoring. Furthermore, the tolerance shown by France and Switzerland towards the attacks of ASALA and JCAG gives the impression that the terrorist attacks conducted by Armenian terrorism attracted a certain level of sympathy among Western European governments, as long as their violent acts did not target non-Turkish victims.
{"title":"The Question of State-Sponsored Terrorism: Investigation of ASALA and JCAG in the Light of Available CIA Documents","authors":"Burak Kürkçü","doi":"10.25253/99.2021232.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2021232.13","url":null,"abstract":"After a careful investigation of available archival documents of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the U.S. State Department, this paper questions the state sponsoring of the terrorist operations of the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia (ASALA) and the Justice Commandos of the Armenian Genocide (JCAG). An investigation of the documents ascertains that state support for ASALA is identified by the CIA; however, knowledge about JCAG has remained in the dark due to its extreme clandestineness. In this respect, other than the support of local Armenian communities, this paper traces the fingerprints of the Soviet Union, Syria, Iran, and Libya behind the violent acts of ASALA despite their discreet and covert sponsoring. Furthermore, the tolerance shown by France and Switzerland towards the attacks of ASALA and JCAG gives the impression that the terrorist attacks conducted by Armenian terrorism attracted a certain level of sympathy among Western European governments, as long as their violent acts did not target non-Turkish victims.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":"1 1","pages":"259-280"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47726603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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