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Strategic Communication and Policies of Türkiye 土耳其的战略沟通与政策
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.25253/99.2023251.2
Yenal Göksun
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引用次数: 0
Türkiye's Middle Corridor and China's BRI: Identification and Assessment “中部走廊”与中国“一带一路”:识别与评估
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-31 DOI: 10.25253/99.2023251.4
Nurettin Akçay, Guo Changgang
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引用次数: 0
Religion, Armed Conflict and the Quest for "Secular" - Mapping Martyrdom in Kashmir 宗教、武装冲突和对“世俗”的追求——描绘克什米尔的殉难
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-30 DOI: 10.25253/99.2023251.11
Resul Yalçın, Umair Gul
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引用次数: 1
Governmental System Discussions Ahead of the 2023 Elections: Why the Nation Alliance’s Proposal for Semi-Presidentialism is not a Viable Option 2023年大选前的政府体制讨论:为什么国民联合提出的半总统制不是可行的选择
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-30 DOI: 10.25253/99.2023251.6
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引用次数: 0
Reclaiming the Umma from the Margins: The Case of Türkiye’s Hüda-Par 从边缘夺回乌玛:以<s:1> rkiye的hda - par为例
Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-30 DOI: 10.25253/99.2023251.8
Ravza Altuntaş Çakır
This paper investigates the relationship between an ethnic Muslim minority identity and transnational Muslim solidarity through the case study of HÜDA-PAR,1 the most organized political Islamic organization and the second-largest political party native to Southeast Türkiye. In this paper, it is scrutinized how the concept of ummah motivates the domestic/ideological, national, and transnational political discourse and initiatives of HÜDA-PAR. Based on interviews with senior members of the party, it is clear that HÜDA-PAR views “Islam as nationalism” while also adopting the ummah as a mechanism to voice the aspirations for greater Kurdish rights and interests. As a part of examining the party’s ideological position, the first section explores how ummah became an empowering notion within a national Turkish political structure. Section two illustrates the way the notion was used as a legitimizing force within the religiously conservative Kurdish social structure. The third section examines the notion’s unifying role with like-minded Pan-Islamic groups within the region they operate. The article also addresses the ambiguities that a mostly abstract and idealist ummahist approach to modern politics brings when faced with Kurdish nationalism, the regional realpolitik, and democratic pluralism.
本文以东南亚地区最有组织的伊斯兰政治组织和第二大政党HÜDA-PAR为例,研究穆斯林少数民族认同与跨国穆斯林团结之间的关系。在本文中,它仔细研究了ummah的概念如何激发HÜDA-PAR的国内/意识形态,国家和跨国政治话语和倡议。根据对该党高级成员的采访,很明显HÜDA-PAR将“伊斯兰教视为民族主义”,同时也将乌玛作为一种机制来表达对库尔德人更大权利和利益的渴望。作为考察该党意识形态立场的一部分,第一部分探讨了“乌玛”如何在土耳其国家政治结构中成为一个赋权的概念。第二部分说明了这个概念是如何在宗教保守的库尔德社会结构中被用作合法化力量的。第三部分考察了该概念在其运作的地区内与志同道合的泛伊斯兰组织的统一作用。本文还讨论了在面对库尔德民族主义、地区现实政治和民主多元主义时,现代政治中抽象和理想主义的ummahist方法所带来的模糊性。
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引用次数: 0
Israel’s COVID-19 Diplomacy in Sub-Saharan Africa and Central Europe 以色列在撒哈拉以南非洲和中欧的COVID-19外交
Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-30 DOI: 10.25253/99.2023251.10
Eldar Hasanoğlu, Oğuzhan Çağlıyan
Israel’s aid initiatives have historically been facilitated through the Agency for International Development Cooperation (MASHAV). However, the COVID-19 pandemic impacted MASHAV’s ability to provide assistance due to budget cuts and government instability. As such, Israel’s COVID-19 diplomacy initiative took on greater importance in maintaining its presence and reputation internationally. This article analyzes Israel’s approach to COVID-19 diplomacy, which involved providing medical teams, PPE, and surplus vaccines to approximately 20 countries, and examines the political and strategic calculations behind Israel’s decision to extend assistance to specific countries. The article argues that Israel’s COVID-19 diplomacy initiative was more limited in scope and geography compared to other countries with similar economic development levels, and aid efforts were concentrated in regions where Israel has sought to increase its involvement in recent years, particularly sub-Saharan Africa and Central Europe. Finally, the article assesses the impact of Israel’s COVID-19 diplomacy initiative on its diplomatic relations with recipient countries and the broader international community.
以色列的援助倡议历来是通过国际发展合作署(开发署)得到促进的。然而,由于预算削减和政府不稳定,COVID-19大流行影响了MASHAV提供援助的能力。因此,以色列的新冠肺炎外交倡议在维护其国际存在和声誉方面具有更大的重要性。本文分析了以色列的COVID-19外交方法,其中包括向大约20个国家提供医疗队、个人防护装备和剩余疫苗,并探讨了以色列决定向特定国家提供援助背后的政治和战略考虑。文章认为,与经济发展水平相似的其他国家相比,以色列的COVID-19外交倡议在范围和地理位置上更为有限,援助工作集中在以色列近年来寻求增加参与的地区,特别是撒哈拉以南非洲和中欧。最后,本文评估了以色列的COVID-19外交倡议对其与受援国和更广泛的国际社会的外交关系的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Endless EU Facilitated - Mediated Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia 科索沃和塞尔维亚之间无休止的欧盟斡旋对话
Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-30 DOI: 10.25253/99.2023251.12
Bashkim Rrahmani, Majlinda Belegu
The dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia facilitated and mediated by the EU and strong U.S. support is a critical part of sustainable peace, stability, and the road to the European integration of the Western Balkans. This article seeks to provide the mediators’ insights into the process of dialogue by outlining the factors and circumstances in which it is being developed, as well as analyzing strategies that lead toward desired success, peace, stability, and the EU integration of the Western Balkans. The article discusses the important issues linked with the dialogue that is being facilitated and negotiated by the EU, including essential activities, challenges, difficulties, obstacles, antagonism (inner and international), the approach the EU facilitators/mediators undertake as well as the reaction and the expected results that the parties involved in the process have regarding reaching a final solution to the dispute. The researchers of this paper used the methods of legal analysis, comparative analysis, and teleological analysis. The study is an update of the work done in the field by the authors and aims to contribute to further political, diplomatic, and academic debate developed in this field locally and internationally.
在欧盟和美国的大力支持下,科索沃和塞尔维亚之间的对话是可持续和平与稳定的关键组成部分,也是通往西巴尔干地区欧洲一体化的道路。本文旨在通过概述对话发展的因素和环境,以及分析导致西巴尔干地区期望的成功、和平、稳定和欧盟一体化的战略,为调解人提供对对话进程的见解。本文讨论了与欧盟正在促进和谈判的对话有关的重要问题,包括基本活动,挑战,困难,障碍,对抗(内部和国际),欧盟促进者/调解人采取的方法,以及参与该过程的各方在达成争端的最终解决方案方面的反应和预期结果。本文的研究采用了法律分析、比较分析和目的论分析的方法。该研究是作者在该领域所做工作的更新,旨在促进该领域在本地和国际上进一步发展的政治、外交和学术辩论。
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引用次数: 0
Syrian Women in the Turkish Labor Market: Understanding their Labor Supply Behavior 土耳其劳动力市场中的叙利亚妇女:了解她们的劳动力供给行为
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-30 DOI: 10.25253/99.2023251.9
H. Karahan, Öznur Gülen Ertosun
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引用次数: 0
Key Issues in Turkish Politics Before the 2023 Elections 2023年大选前土耳其政治的关键问题
Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-30 DOI: 10.25253/99.2023251.7
Hamit Emrah Beriş
In 2023, Türkiye will celebrate the centennial of the establishment of the republic and will also hold a crucial election. The 2023 elections are one of the most important in Türkiye’s history. Four main topics will determine the fate of the elections: refugees, the economy, rising nationalism, and the Kurdish question. There are serious differences of opinion between the government and opposition blocs regarding the solution to these problems. Concerning refugee policies, Türkiye is still the country hosting the highest number of displaced persons under temporary protection in the world. While policies against immigrants are rising all over the world, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has adopted a humanitarian approach in terms of refugee policies. Erdoğan has also used his power of persuasion in society in terms of solving economic problems. In many parts of the world, the combination of refugees and economic problems manifested itself in the form of reactionary nationalism. Erdoğan, on the other hand, used nationalist rhetoric in an integrative way, blending the concepts of native (yerli) and national (milli). Although the opposition has not demonstrated a clear approach to these issues, it positioned itself directly opposite Erdoğan. Likewise, recently, a new approach has been adopted in terms of the solution to the Kurdish question, apart from the PKK. The 2023 elections will show which of the approaches of the government or the opposition wings coincide with Turkish society’s expectations.
2023年,乌克兰将庆祝共和国成立一百周年,并将举行一次关键的选举。2023年的选举是乌克兰历史上最重要的选举之一。四个主要议题将决定选举的命运:难民、经济、崛起的民族主义和库尔德问题。对于这些问题的解决方案,政府和反对派之间存在严重的意见分歧。关于难民政策,基耶共和国仍然是世界上接受临时保护的流离失所者人数最多的国家。虽然反对移民的政策在世界各地都在上升,但总统雷杰普·塔伊普Erdoğan在难民政策方面采取了人道主义的做法。在解决经济问题方面,Erdoğan也运用了他在社会上的说服力。在世界许多地方,难民和经济问题的结合以反动民族主义的形式表现出来。另一方面,Erdoğan以一种整合的方式使用民族主义修辞,混合了本土(yerli)和民族(milli)的概念。虽然反对派在这些问题上没有明确的方法,但它将自己定位在Erdoğan的对立面。同样,最近除了库尔德工人党以外,在解决库尔德问题方面采取了一种新的办法。2023年的选举将表明,政府或反对派的哪一种做法符合土耳其社会的期望。
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引用次数: 0
Hamas: Isolated, Contained, But Not Co-opted? 哈马斯:被孤立、被遏制,但不被拉拢?
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-29 DOI: 10.25253/99.2023251.13
B. Salaymeh
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引用次数: 0
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Insight Turkey
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