Türkiye’s positive relations with the European Union (EU) in the early 2000s and its enthusiasm for the membership process started to weaken after 2006-2008. The downward spiral in Turkish-EU relations intensified after the failed July 15 coup attempt in Türkiye. Despite the joint strategic interests in many regional issues, including the Black Sea, the MENA Region, the Balkans, security in the Eastern Mediterranean, hydrocarbon projects, the fight against irregular migration, creating the middle corridor with Asia, European energy security, and counter-terror measures, parties can hardly find opportunities to cooperate, frankly. The way those issues of joint interest are managed shall play a crucial role in the future of Turkish-EU relations. The positive atmosphere that emerged after the May 2023 elections could potentially generate more constructive momentum in Türkiye’s relations with the European Union and the U.S. There are, however, some hurdles that should be overcome by building mutual confidence by working on shared agendas.
{"title":"Is a New Opening Possible in Türkiye-EU Relations?","authors":"Talha Kose","doi":"10.25253/99.2023252.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023252.1","url":null,"abstract":"Türkiye’s positive relations with the European Union (EU) in the early 2000s and its enthusiasm for the membership process started to weaken after 2006-2008. The downward spiral in Turkish-EU relations intensified after the failed July 15 coup attempt in Türkiye. Despite the joint strategic interests in many regional issues, including the Black Sea, the MENA Region, the Balkans, security in the Eastern Mediterranean, hydrocarbon projects, the fight against irregular migration, creating the middle corridor with Asia, European energy security, and counter-terror measures, parties can hardly find opportunities to cooperate, frankly. The way those issues of joint interest are managed shall play a crucial role in the future of Turkish-EU relations. The positive atmosphere that emerged after the May 2023 elections could potentially generate more constructive momentum in Türkiye’s relations with the European Union and the U.S. There are, however, some hurdles that should be overcome by building mutual confidence by working on shared agendas.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45323687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The power competition between the major powers of the world has always been dependent on the strategic security landscape. Over the years, military operations and warfare have evolved with the development of new weapons, equipment, and technologies. During the 20th century, the world witnessed a transformation from conventional strategic competition to unconventional strategic competition with the advent of nuclear weapons. The genesis of the 21st century marked another revolution in military affairs when electronic warfare was modernized and cyber warfare came into the spotlight. In the current century, new poles of powers have emerged whereby Beijing and Washington started competing at all levels and in all domains. Shortly after the incorporation of digital, electronic, and cyber equipment and techniques by militaries around the world, cyberspace became militarized and emerged as the fifth battlefield. The U.S. armed forces and the Chinese PLA both rely heavily on cyberspace when it comes to their communication, operations, and planning. Cyber campaigns launched by Washington and Beijing on various targets accounted for a cyber arms race and continuous cyberspace strategic competition between the two countries.
{"title":"U.S.-China Cyber Warfare in the 21st Century: Implications for International Security","authors":"Sarmad Ali Khan, S. Abbasi","doi":"10.25253/99.2023252.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023252.10","url":null,"abstract":"The power competition between the major powers of the world has always been dependent on the strategic security landscape. Over the years, military operations and warfare have evolved with the development of new weapons, equipment, and technologies. During the 20th century, the world witnessed a transformation from conventional strategic competition to unconventional strategic competition with the advent of nuclear weapons. The genesis of the 21st century marked another revolution in military affairs when electronic warfare was modernized and cyber warfare came into the spotlight. In the current century, new poles of powers have emerged whereby Beijing and Washington started competing at all levels and in all domains. Shortly after the incorporation of digital, electronic, and cyber equipment and techniques by militaries around the world, cyberspace became militarized and emerged as the fifth battlefield. The U.S. armed forces and the Chinese PLA both rely heavily on cyberspace when it comes to their communication, operations, and planning. Cyber campaigns launched by Washington and Beijing on various targets accounted for a cyber arms race and continuous cyberspace strategic competition between the two countries.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48013836","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The political landscape in Türkiye has changed since the 2010s, setting the stage for the elections in 2023. The Nation Alliance and the People's Alliance were formed as a result of electoral alliances in the center. After the 2019 municipal elections, the Nation Alliance felt more confident, whilst the People's Alliance encountered difficulties because of socioeconomic problems and earthquakes. The Nation Alliance and the HDP collaborated covertly during the campaign in order to win the PKK's backing. They had internal conflicts and placed more emphasis on virtual platforms than on actual issues. President Erdoğan's ruling party demonstrated its capacity to keep its promises by taking action. They were able to gain the legislative majority and re-elect President Erdoğan thanks to their composure, quick reactions, technical foresight, and remoteness from terrorists. The CHP, İP, HDP, and YSP all saw losses as a result of the elections, while fringe groups within the Nation Alliance gained the most. Internal elections are to be held by CHP and İP to quell disagreements about the party's leaders. In this sense, short-term changes remain unlikely in any of the movements that pledged “change.”
{"title":"Turks Vote in Favor of Continuing the Erdoğan Era","authors":"Bünyamin Bezci","doi":"10.25253/99.2023252.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023252.4","url":null,"abstract":"The political landscape in Türkiye has changed since the 2010s, setting the stage for the elections in 2023. The Nation Alliance and the People's Alliance were formed as a result of electoral alliances in the center. After the 2019 municipal elections, the Nation Alliance felt more confident, whilst the People's Alliance encountered difficulties because of socioeconomic problems and earthquakes. The Nation Alliance and the HDP collaborated covertly during the campaign in order to win the PKK's backing. They had internal conflicts and placed more emphasis on virtual platforms than on actual issues. President Erdoğan's ruling party demonstrated its capacity to keep its promises by taking action. They were able to gain the legislative majority and re-elect President Erdoğan thanks to their composure, quick reactions, technical foresight, and remoteness from terrorists. The CHP, İP, HDP, and YSP all saw losses as a result of the elections, while fringe groups within the Nation Alliance gained the most. Internal elections are to be held by CHP and İP to quell disagreements about the party's leaders. In this sense, short-term changes remain unlikely in any of the movements that pledged “change.”","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44909421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyzes the Tigray crisis in Ethiopia based on the policies of global and regional powers in the context of the African neo-colonial order. The study emphasizes that although the colonial system has ended in the international system, the power struggle in Africa continues through neo-colonialism. The article proceeds with the argument that changing the policies of global and regional actors may result in neo-colonial struggle and instability in Ethiopia. The study aims to define a variable of the approaches of global and regional actors, which is the cause of the instability and neo-colonial struggle experienced due to the crisis in Ethiopia. In this context, the study’s most probable case study method was used and it assumed that the indirect involvement of global and regional actors in the Ethiopian-Tigray conflict has a neo-colonial purpose. Global actors have different interests in line with the regional power struggle and competition. It shows the existence of neo-colonialism as global and regional actors influence Ethiopia’s economic and political systems. Ethiopia’s exposure to neo-colonial interventions hinders these countries’ economic growth and their political, social, and technological development. As a result, it has reached that the neo-colonial struggle has a destabilizing effect on Ethiopia.
{"title":"Conflict in the Neo-Colonial Order in Africa: The Case of Ethiopia-Tigray","authors":"Tunç Demirtaş","doi":"10.25253/99.2023252.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023252.11","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the Tigray crisis in Ethiopia based on the policies of global and regional powers in the context of the African neo-colonial order. The study emphasizes that although the colonial system has ended in the international system, the power struggle in Africa continues through neo-colonialism. The article proceeds with the argument that changing the policies of global and regional actors may result in neo-colonial struggle and instability in Ethiopia. The study aims to define a variable of the approaches of global and regional actors, which is the cause of the instability and neo-colonial struggle experienced due to the crisis in Ethiopia. In this context, the study’s most probable case study method was used and it assumed that the indirect involvement of global and regional actors in the Ethiopian-Tigray conflict has a neo-colonial purpose. Global actors have different interests in line with the regional power struggle and competition. It shows the existence of neo-colonialism as global and regional actors influence Ethiopia’s economic and political systems. Ethiopia’s exposure to neo-colonial interventions hinders these countries’ economic growth and their political, social, and technological development. As a result, it has reached that the neo-colonial struggle has a destabilizing effect on Ethiopia.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46921291","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Media coverage of the recent elections in Türkiye, especially in the first round, has proven the profound distortion of image and misperception in some Western circles. Although a biased reading of the events, which pivots mainly on ideological connotations, aimed at influencing the outcome of the vote, it resulted in mere wishful thinking. The role of the media in influencing communication through the framing of the agenda has empirical evidence; however, in the case of Türkiye, a cognitive gap has opened up between expectations and reality, which lies on a non-objective and sometimes emotional interpretation of the facts. The electoral results, by denying once again any superficial prediction and manipulation attempt, must be read as a lesson on how to look at Türkiye, its government, and its people and therefore generate more accurate and genuine information.
{"title":"Western Perception and Media Coverage of Türkiye’s Elections","authors":"Valeria Giannotta","doi":"10.25253/99.2023252.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023252.3","url":null,"abstract":"Media coverage of the recent elections in Türkiye, especially in the first round, has proven the profound distortion of image and misperception in some Western circles. Although a biased reading of the events, which pivots mainly on ideological connotations, aimed at influencing the outcome of the vote, it resulted in mere wishful thinking. The role of the media in influencing communication through the framing of the agenda has empirical evidence; however, in the case of Türkiye, a cognitive gap has opened up between expectations and reality, which lies on a non-objective and sometimes emotional interpretation of the facts. The electoral results, by denying once again any superficial prediction and manipulation attempt, must be read as a lesson on how to look at Türkiye, its government, and its people and therefore generate more accurate and genuine information.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48224290","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyzes the impact of Russia’s February 24, 2022 invasion of Ukraine and the ongoing war on Türkiye’s foreign trade. Türkiye’s shared maritime borders with Russia and Ukraine in the Black Sea and Russia accounting for a significant percent of Türkiye’s foreign trade renders the conflict all the more important for Ankara. Accordingly, this article compares the import-export data from 2022, after the war erupted, with the relevant figures over the last decade. Furthermore, the effect of the Russia-Ukraine war on the tourism and contracting sectors, which make the most positive contribution to Türkiye’s current account deficit and are at the forefront of the locomotive sectors, is also discussed.
{"title":"The Impact of the Russia-Ukraine War on Türkiye's Foreign Trade","authors":"A. Özdemir","doi":"10.25253/99.2023252.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023252.8","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the impact of Russia’s February 24, 2022 invasion of Ukraine and the ongoing war on Türkiye’s foreign trade. Türkiye’s shared maritime borders with Russia and Ukraine in the Black Sea and Russia accounting for a significant percent of Türkiye’s foreign trade renders the conflict all the more important for Ankara. Accordingly, this article compares the import-export data from 2022, after the war erupted, with the relevant figures over the last decade. Furthermore, the effect of the Russia-Ukraine war on the tourism and contracting sectors, which make the most positive contribution to Türkiye’s current account deficit and are at the forefront of the locomotive sectors, is also discussed.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45507438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Civil wars, foreign interventions and political instability in the Middle East have caused mass refugee influx since the end of the Cold War. Therefore, how to integrate these refugees into host countries has become a critical question. To answer this question, the existing literature mainly focuses on ethnic and religious diversities, language barriers, and limited access to fundamental services and labor markets. However, there is little focus on case-specific factors to explain the integration dynamics of refugees. This article aims to fill this gap through the analysis of case-specific factors which play a significant role in understanding barriers to integration. This study classifies these factors as follows: geographical proximity, cultural threat, acceptance processes, political rent, and limited economic resources. To understand the influence of these factors, this study assesses refugee flow from Iraq to Syria since the Iraq war of 2003. This study demonstrates that even though Iraqi refugees in Syria were comparatively advantageous in terms of sharing a common language and residing in neighborhoods with common ethnic and religious backgrounds, they could not successfully have integrated into Syrian society. This research utilizes the sources of the IOM, UNDP, UNHCR, UNICEF, and WFP to provide a unique analysis.
{"title":"INTEGRATION DYNAMICS: THE CASE OF IRAQI REFUGEES IN SYRIA","authors":"E. Aksoy, İ. A. Kadıoğlu","doi":"10.25253/99.2023252.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023252.12","url":null,"abstract":"Civil wars, foreign interventions and political instability in the Middle East have caused mass refugee influx since the end of the Cold War. Therefore, how to integrate these refugees into host countries has become a critical question. To answer this question, the existing literature mainly focuses on ethnic and religious diversities, language barriers, and limited access to fundamental services and labor markets. However, there is little focus on case-specific factors to explain the integration dynamics of refugees. This article aims to fill this gap through the analysis of case-specific factors which play a significant role in understanding barriers to integration. This study classifies these factors as follows: geographical proximity, cultural threat, acceptance processes, political rent, and limited economic resources. To understand the influence of these factors, this study assesses refugee flow from Iraq to Syria since the Iraq war of 2003. This study demonstrates that even though Iraqi refugees in Syria were comparatively advantageous in terms of sharing a common language and residing in neighborhoods with common ethnic and religious backgrounds, they could not successfully have integrated into Syrian society. This research utilizes the sources of the IOM, UNDP, UNHCR, UNICEF, and WFP to provide a unique analysis.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48029932","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Insights into Türkiye’s Technology Development Journey","authors":"Serdal Temel","doi":"10.25253/99.2023251.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023251.3","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46731592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We are experiencing the rise of unprecedented opportunities as a result of the digital revolution, but regrettably this has also been accompanied by a number of novel threats. One of the most visible manifestations of these threats is the rapid spread of misinformation and disinformation. The implications of this threat extend from the individual to the national and international levels, where misinformation and disinformation bring the risk of hybrid warfare and power competition closer to home. Needless to say, the breadth of these implications makes dealing with digital misinformation even more difficult. This commentary focuses on several global events where misinformation and disinformation were used as a tactical tool, including the 2016 U.S. elections, Brexit, and COVID-19. Then, we discuss the situation involving Türkiye, one of the nations that serves as both a target and a focal point of regional disinformation campaigns. The commentary then shifts to some of the Communication Directorate's most significant initiatives, such as the creation of the Earthquake Disinformation Bulletins, the Law on the Fight Against Disinformation, and the Center for Fight Against Disinformation. Finally, above all, this commentary aims to raise awareness of the dangers of online misinformation and urges international cooperation to ensure that the truth always prevails.
{"title":"Truth Is a Human Right: Türkiye’s Stance on the Fight against Disinformation","authors":"Fahrettin Altun","doi":"10.25253/99.2023251.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023251.1","url":null,"abstract":"We are experiencing the rise of unprecedented opportunities as a result of the digital revolution, but regrettably this has also been accompanied by a number of novel threats. One of the most visible manifestations of these threats is the rapid spread of misinformation and disinformation. The implications of this threat extend from the individual to the national and international levels, where misinformation and disinformation bring the risk of hybrid warfare and power competition closer to home. Needless to say, the breadth of these implications makes dealing with digital misinformation even more difficult. This commentary focuses on several global events where misinformation and disinformation were used as a tactical tool, including the 2016 U.S. elections, Brexit, and COVID-19. Then, we discuss the situation involving Türkiye, one of the nations that serves as both a target and a focal point of regional disinformation campaigns. The commentary then shifts to some of the Communication Directorate's most significant initiatives, such as the creation of the Earthquake Disinformation Bulletins, the Law on the Fight Against Disinformation, and the Center for Fight Against Disinformation. Finally, above all, this commentary aims to raise awareness of the dangers of online misinformation and urges international cooperation to ensure that the truth always prevails.","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48323125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"F-35 Crisis between the U.S. and Türkiye: End of the U.S.’ Nuclear Assurance for Türkiye?","authors":"Şafak Oğuz","doi":"10.25253/99.2023251.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2023251.5","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44871,"journal":{"name":"Insight Turkey","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42172985","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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