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Constructing Moral Equality 构建道德平等
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-17 DOI: 10.1017/apa.2022.24
Suzy Killmister
Moral equality—the idea that ‘we’ all have equal moral worth, our interests ought to count for the same, and we possess the same bundle of basic rights—is one of the most central principles of liberal thought, being regularly drawn on as a presupposition of moral and political inquiry. Perhaps because it is so often relied on as a presupposition, however, moral equality is more often assumed than argued for. When moral equality is argued for, the most common tactic is to appeal to some inherent property. As is well established, however, such property-based defenses of moral equality face two significant challenges: the problem of exclusion and the problem of inequality. In light of these challenges, in this article I put forward a new, revisionist account of moral equality. Taking inspiration from recent work in the social metaphysics of human kinds, I argue that moral equality ought to be seen as a component of a status that we confer on one another, rather than (grounded in) a property inherent in certain individuals. Conceiving of moral equality this way, I argue, side-steps both the problem of exclusion and the problem of natural equality.
道德平等——即“我们”都有平等的道德价值,我们的利益应该同等重要,我们拥有同样的基本权利——是自由主义思想的最核心原则之一,经常被用作道德和政治探究的前提。然而,也许是因为它经常被视为一种预设,道德平等往往被假设而非论证。当主张道德平等时,最常见的策略是诉诸一些固有的财产。然而,众所周知,这种基于财产的道德平等辩护面临两个重大挑战:排斥问题和不平等问题。鉴于这些挑战,在这篇文章中,我对道德平等提出了一种新的修正主义解释。我从最近关于人类社会形而上学的工作中获得灵感,认为道德平等应该被视为我们相互赋予的地位的一个组成部分,而不是(基于)某些个人固有的财产。我认为,这种道德平等的概念既回避了排斥问题,也回避了自然平等问题。
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引用次数: 1
Against Irrationalism in the Theory of Propaganda 反对宣传理论中的非理性主义
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-28 DOI: 10.1017/apa.2022.4
Megan Hyska
According to many accounts, propaganda is a variety of politically significant signal with a distinctive connection to irrationality. This irrationality may be theoretical, or practical; it may be supposed that propaganda characteristically elicits this irrationality anew, or else that it exploits its prior existence. The view that encompasses such accounts we will call irrationalism. This essay presents two classes of propaganda that do not bear the sort of connection to irrationality posited by the irrationalist: hard propaganda and propaganda by the deed. Faced with these counterexamples, some irrationalists will offer their account of propaganda as a refinement of the folk concept rather than as an attempt to capture all of its applications. The author argues that any refinement of the concept of propaganda must allow the concept to remain essentially political, and that the irrationalist refinement fails to meet this condition.
根据许多说法,宣传是一种具有政治意义的信号,与非理性有着独特的联系。这种非理性可能是理论上的,也可能是实践上的;可以认为,宣传的特点是重新引发了这种非理性,或者它利用了它以前的存在。包含这些叙述的观点,我们称之为非理性主义。本文提出了两类宣传,它们与非理性主义者提出的非理性没有任何联系:硬宣传和行动宣传。面对这些反例,一些非理性主义者会将宣传描述为对民间概念的提炼,而不是试图捕捉其所有应用。作者认为,对宣传概念的任何提炼都必须使这一概念在本质上保持政治性,而非理性主义的提炼无法满足这一条件。
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引用次数: 1
Epistemic Paternalism via Conceptual Engineering 概念工程中的认知家长制
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-27 DOI: 10.1017/apa.2022.22
Eve Kitsik
This essay focuses on conceptual engineers who aim to improve other people's patterns of inference and attention by shaping their concepts. Such conceptual engineers sometimes engage in a form of epistemic paternalism that I call paternalistic cognitive engineering: instead of explicitly persuading, informing and educating others, the engineers non-consultatively rely on assumptions about the target agents’ cognitive systems to improve their belief forming. The target agents could reasonably regard such benevolent exercises of control as violating their sovereignty over their own belief formation. This is a pro tanto reason against such engineering. In addition to the relevant projects of conceptual engineering, paternalistic cognitive engineering plausibly includes certain kinds of nudging and evidence suppression. I distinguish the sovereignty-based concern from other ethical worries about conceptual engineering and discuss how one might justify the relevant conceptual engineering projects despite the sovereignty-based reason against them.
这篇文章的重点是概念工程师,他们的目标是通过塑造他们的概念来改善其他人的推理和注意力模式。这样的概念工程师有时会采取一种我称之为家长式认知工程的认知家长式作风:工程师不是明确地说服、告知和教育他人,而是非协商性地依靠对目标主体认知系统的假设来改善他们的信念形成。目标代理人可以合理地认为这种善意的控制行为侵犯了他们对自己信仰形成的主权。这是反对这种工程的一个间接理由。除了概念工程的相关项目外,家长式认知工程似乎还包括某些类型的推动和证据抑制。我将基于主权的关注与其他关于概念工程的伦理担忧区分开来,并讨论了人们如何证明相关的概念工程项目是合理的,尽管基于主权的理由反对它们。
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引用次数: 3
Empirical and Philosophical Reflections on Trust 信任的实证与哲学思考
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-27 DOI: 10.1017/apa.2022.14
S. Pouryousefi, Jonathan Tallant
A dominant claim in the philosophical literature on trust is that we should stop thinking in terms of group trustworthiness or appropriate trust in groups. In this paper, we push back against this claim by arguing that philosophical work on trust would benefit from being brought into closer contact with empirical work on the nature of trust. We consider data on reactive attitudes and moral responsibility to adjudicate on different positions in the philosophical literature on trust. An implication of our argument is that the distinction between different kinds of groups—mere groups versus institutional groups—deserves more attention than is currently recognized in the philosophical literature on trust. In the first section of the paper, we draw some basic philosophical distinctions concerning the nature and kinds of trust. In section two, we present the positions taken by Hawley (2017), who argues against trust in groups, and Faulkner (2018), who argues in favor of trust in groups. In section three, we introduce some empirical data and suggest that, albeit tentatively, this looks to undermine Hawley's position and is compatible with Faulkner's approach. We thus suggest, on the basis of the evidence that we have available, that we have reasons to prefer the position taken by Faulkner (2018) over that taken by Hawley (2017). We end by discussing some implications for distinctions between different kinds of groups relevant for future philosophical work on trust.
关于信任的哲学文献中的一个主要主张是,我们应该停止从群体可信度或群体中的适当信任的角度来思考。在这篇论文中,我们反驳了这一说法,认为关于信任的哲学工作将受益于与关于信任性质的实证工作的密切联系。我们考虑了关于反应态度和道德责任的数据,以判断哲学文献中关于信任的不同立场。我们的论点的一个含义是,不同类型的群体之间的区别——单纯的群体与制度群体——比目前关于信任的哲学文献中所承认的更值得关注。在本文的第一部分中,我们对信托的性质和种类进行了一些基本的哲学区分。在第二节中,我们介绍了Hawley(2017)和Faulkner(2018)所持的立场,Hawley反对团体中的信任,Faulkne支持团体中的信托。在第三节中,我们介绍了一些实证数据,并表明,尽管是试探性的,但这似乎破坏了霍利的立场,并与福克纳的方法相一致。因此,根据我们现有的证据,我们有理由更喜欢福克纳(2018)的立场,而不是霍利(2017)的立场。最后,我们讨论了与未来信任哲学工作相关的不同类型群体之间的区别的一些含义。
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引用次数: 2
Singular Terms and Ontological Seriousness 单数与本体论的严重性
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-27 DOI: 10.1017/apa.2022.10
A. Schipper
Linguistic ontologists and antilinguistic, ‘serious’ ontologists both accept the inference from ‘Fido is a dog’ to ‘Fido has the property of being a dog’ but disagree about its ontological consequences. In arguing that we are committed to properties on the basis of these transformations, linguistic ontologists employ a neo-Fregean meta-ontological principle, on which the function of singular terms is to refer. To reject this, serious ontologists must defend an alternative. This paper defends an alternative on which the function of singular terms is not generally to refer and on which they are generally ontologically noncommittal. This is the best way to reject linguistic, ‘easy’ arguments for the existence of properties. The account recommends neutralism about quantification (drawing on Barcan Marcus and Meinongianism), coherently bringing together two important yet uncombined meta-ontological movements. Moreover, it employs Ramseyan insights about the transformations to provide a nonreductionist, non-error-theoretic redundancy approach to explicit talk about properties.
语言本体论家和反语言的“严肃”本体论家都接受从“Fido是一只狗”到“Fido具有作为狗的属性”的推论,但对其本体论结果持不同意见。在论证我们在这些转换的基础上致力于属性时,语言本体论家采用了新弗雷格的元本体论原则,即单数术语的功能是指涉。要拒绝这一点,严肃的本体论家必须捍卫另一种选择。本文提出了一种替代方法,即奇异项的功能一般不具有指称性,并且它们通常在本体论上是不确定的。这是拒绝关于属性存在的语言学上的“简单”论证的最好方法。该论述推荐了量化的中立主义(借鉴了Barcan Marcus和Meinongianism),将两个重要但未结合的元本体论运动连贯地结合在一起。此外,它采用了Ramseyan关于转换的见解,提供了一种非简化的、非错误理论的冗余方法来显式地讨论属性。
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引用次数: 0
Measuring Virtuous Responses to Peer Disagreement: The Intellectual Humility and Actively Open-Minded Thinking of Conciliationists 衡量同伴分歧的良性反应:调解主义者的智力谦卑和积极开放的思维
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-18 DOI: 10.1017/apa.2022.8
J. Beebe, Jonathan D. Matheson
Some philosophers working on the epistemology of disagreement claim that conciliationist responses to peer disagreement embody a kind of intellectual humility. Others contend that standing firm or ‘sticking to one's guns’ in the face of peer disagreement may stem from an admirable kind of courage or internal fortitude. In this paper, we report the results of two empirical studies that examine the relationship between conciliationist and steadfast responses to peer disagreement, on the one hand, and virtues such as intellectual humility, courage, grit, and actively open-minded thinking, on the other. We observed positive correlations between measures of conciliationism, intellectual humility, and actively open-minded thinking but failed to find any reliable association between steadfastness, courage, and grit. Our studies reveal that there are at least two important intellectual virtues associated with conciliationist responses to peer disagreement (viz., intellectual humility and actively open-minded thinking) and two vices associated with steadfast responses (intellectual arrogance and myside bias). These findings shed new light on the overall epistemic goodness of the conciliationist perspective.
一些研究分歧认识论的哲学家声称,调和主义者对同伴分歧的反应体现了一种智力上的谦卑。另一些人则认为,面对同龄人的分歧,坚持立场或“坚持自己的立场”可能源于一种令人钦佩的勇气或内心的刚毅。在本文中,我们报告了两项实证研究的结果,这两项研究一方面检验了和解主义者和对同伴分歧的坚定反应之间的关系,另一方面检验了智力谦逊、勇气、勇气和积极开放思维等美德之间的关系。我们观察到和解主义、智力谦逊和积极开放思维之间的正相关,但未能发现坚定、勇气和勇气之间的任何可靠联系。我们的研究表明,在面对同伴分歧时,调和主义者至少有两种重要的智力美德(即,智力上的谦逊和积极开放的思维),而坚定的反应则有两种恶习(智力上的傲慢和自我偏见)。这些发现揭示了和解主义观点在整体认知上的优点。
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引用次数: 3
A Holist Balance Scale 整体平衡量表
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-22 DOI: 10.1017/apa.2022.13
C. Tucker
Scale-based models of weighing reasons face challenges concerning the context sensitivity of weight, the aggregation of weight, and the methodology for determining what the weights of reasons are. I resolve these challenges.
基于尺度的衡量原因的模型面临着关于权重的上下文敏感性、权重的聚合以及确定原因权重的方法的挑战。我解决了这些挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Free Will Skeptics Can Have Their Basic Desert and Eat It Too 自由意志怀疑论者可以拥有他们的基本沙漠并吃掉它
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-22 DOI: 10.1017/apa.2022.7
L. Vicens
In this essay, I argue that if we assume with free will skeptics that people lack moral responsibility, or at least a central form of it, we may still maintain that people are ‘basically’ deserving of certain treatment in response to their behavior. I characterize basic-desert justifications for treatment negatively, as justifications that do not depend on consequentialist, contractualist, or relational considerations. Appealing to attributionist accounts of responsibility as well as the symbolic value of protest, I identify protest as a response that may be basically deserved even in the absence of free will, on the grounds that it is a fitting response to the intrinsic features of agents and their actions. The position defended is not a standard form of semi-compatibilism as it allows that some responses to behavior—such as punishment—that would be basically deserved were people free are not basically deserved in the absence of free will.
在这篇文章中,我认为,如果我们与自由意志怀疑论者一样,假设人们缺乏道德责任,或者至少是道德责任的一种核心形式,我们可能仍然会坚持认为,人们“基本上”应该得到某种针对其行为的治疗。我将治疗的基本沙漠辩护定性为消极的,作为不依赖于结果主义、契约主义或关系考虑的辩护。根据归因论者对责任的解释以及抗议的象征价值,我认为抗议是一种反应,即使在没有自由意志的情况下,也基本上是应该的,因为它是对行动者及其行为的内在特征的恰当反应。所捍卫的立场不是半相容主义的标准形式,因为它允许对行为的一些反应——比如惩罚——在人们自由的情况下基本上是应该的,在没有自由意志的情况下基本上是不应该的。
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引用次数: 1
How to Be a Feminist Muslim 如何成为一名穆斯林女权主义者
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-06 DOI: 10.1017/apa.2022.9
Fatema Amijee
Can Muslim values be reconciled with a feminist outlook? The question is pressing on both an individual level—for Muslim feminists—and on a political level—for the project of making Islamic practice compatible with the ideals of a just and liberal society. A version of this question arises specifically for the central Muslim text, the Quran: Can the message of the Quran be reconciled with a feminist outlook? There have, broadly speaking, been two approaches to this more specific question. I argue that both are inadequate. I then develop a novel approach to reconciliation that does not threaten the objective and universal normative force Muslims attribute to the Quran. My approach is revolutionary rather than apologetic and carves out a central role for moral understanding in Islam-as-practiced.
穆斯林的价值观能与女权主义的观点调和吗?这个问题在个人层面上——对穆斯林女权主义者来说——以及在政治层面上——都很紧迫,因为这个问题是为了使伊斯兰教的实践与公正和自由社会的理想相一致。这个问题的一个版本特别出现在穆斯林的核心文本《古兰经》中:《古兰经》的信息能与女权主义观点相协调吗?一般来说,有两种方法来解决这个更具体的问题。我认为两者都是不够的。然后,我发展了一种新的和解方法,它不会威胁到穆斯林赋予古兰经的客观和普遍的规范力量。我的方法是革命性的,而不是道歉的,并在伊斯兰教实践中为道德理解奠定了核心地位。
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引用次数: 0
Artworks are Valuable for Their Own Sake 艺术品因其本身而有价值
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-30 DOI: 10.1017/apa.2022.5
Gerad Gentry
To hold that artworks are valuable for their own sake—regardless of whatever secondary value they may have, such as entertainment, formation, education, or a pleasurable experience—is to hold that their final worth is not derived from external or secondary ends. I call this collective set of views the end-in-itself view (or EI view). Nicholas Stang recently leveled a twofold charge of reductio ad absurdum and operating from a double standard against the EI view. In this article, I refute Stang by showing that the charges do not obtain for at least one variation of the EI view that holds artworks to be valuable for their own sake as internally purposive ends-in-themselves (the IP view).
认为艺术品是有价值的——无论它们可能具有什么次要价值,如娱乐、形成、教育或愉快的体验——就是认为它们的最终价值不是来自外部或次要目的。我把这一集合的观点称为目的本身观点(或EI观点)。尼古拉斯·斯坦格(Nicholas Stang)最近提出了双重指控,即荒谬的还原论和反对EI观点的双重标准。在这篇文章中,我反驳了Stang,表明EI观点的至少一种变体并没有获得指控,即认为艺术品出于自身目的是有价值的(IP观点)。
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引用次数: 2
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Journal of the American Philosophical Association
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