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Military Artificial Intelligence and the Principle of Distinction: A State Responsibility Perspective 军事人工智能与区别原则:国家责任视角
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-13 DOI: 10.1017/S0021223722000188
Magdalena Pacholska
Abstract Military artificial intelligence (AI)-enabled technology might still be in the relatively fledgling stages but the debate on how to regulate its use is already in full swing. Much of the discussion revolves around autonomous weapons systems (AWS) and the ‘responsibility gap’ they would ostensibly produce. This contribution argues that while some military AI technologies may indeed cause a range of conceptual hurdles in the realm of individual responsibility, they do not raise any unique issues under the law of state responsibility. The following analysis considers the latter regime and maps out crucial junctions in applying it to potential violations of the cornerstone of international humanitarian law (IHL) – the principle of distinction – resulting from the use of AI-enabled military technologies. It reveals that any challenges in ascribing responsibility in cases involving AWS would not be caused by the incorporation of AI, but stem from pre-existing systemic shortcomings of IHL and the unclear reverberations of mistakes thereunder. The article reiterates that state responsibility for the effects of AWS deployment is always retained through the commander's ultimate responsibility to authorise weapon deployment in accordance with IHL. It is proposed, however, that should the so-called fully autonomous weapon systems – that is, machine learning-based lethal systems that are capable of changing their own rules of operation beyond a predetermined framework – ever be fielded, it might be fairer to attribute their conduct to the fielding state, by conceptualising them as state agents, and treat them akin to state organs.
军事人工智能(AI)技术可能仍处于相对羽翼未丰的阶段,但关于如何规范其使用的辩论已经全面展开。大部分讨论都围绕着自主武器系统(AWS)及其表面上可能产生的“责任鸿沟”展开。这篇文章认为,虽然一些军用人工智能技术确实可能在个人责任领域造成一系列概念障碍,但在国家责任法下,它们并没有引起任何独特的问题。以下分析考虑了后一种制度,并指出了将其应用于因使用人工智能军事技术而可能违反国际人道法基石(区分原则)的关键节点。它表明,在涉及人工智能的案件中,责任归属方面的任何挑战都不是由人工智能的纳入引起的,而是源于国际人道法先前存在的系统性缺陷以及其中错误的不明确影响。该条重申,根据国际人道法,指挥官负有授权部署武器的最终责任,因此始终保留国家对部署空战部队的影响的责任。然而,有人建议,如果所谓的完全自主武器系统——即基于机器学习的致命系统,能够在预定框架之外改变自己的操作规则——被部署,那么通过将其概念化为国家代理人,并将其视为类似于国家机关,将其行为归因于部署国可能更公平。
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking ‘Jurisdiction’ in International Human Rights Law in Rescue Operations at Sea in the Light of AS and Others v Italy and AS and Others v Malta: A New Right to be Rescued at Sea? 从AS及其他人诉意大利案和AS及其他人诉马耳他案重新思考国际人权法在海上救援行动中的“管辖权”:海上被救助的新权利?
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-09 DOI: 10.1017/s0021223722000140
Silvia Dimitrova
Abstract In January 2021 the Human Rights Committee determined that Italy and Malta had both failed to protect the right to life of more than 200 migrants who perished in a shipwreck in 2013. The Committee tackled for the first time the question of extraterritorial application of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to persons in distress at sea. While finding the decision against Malta to be inadmissible, the Committee engaged in a significant analysis of the concept of jurisdiction in both decisions. This article analyses how the decisions interpret the concept of ‘jurisdiction’ and juxtaposes this analysis against the approaches taken in other international legal regimes. The article then theorises on the impact of these two decisions in helping to crystallise a new ‘right to be rescued at sea’.
2021年1月,人权事务委员会认定,意大利和马耳他都未能保护2013年在海难中丧生的200多名移民的生命权。委员会首次讨论了《公民权利和政治权利国际盟约》对海上遇险人员的域外适用问题。委员会虽然认为针对马耳他的决定不可受理,但对这两项决定中的管辖权概念进行了重要的分析。本文分析了判决如何解释“管辖权”的概念,并将这种分析与其他国际法律制度所采取的方法并置。然后,文章从理论上分析了这两个决定在帮助明确新的“海上获救权”方面的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Extraterritorial, Universal, or Transnational Human Rights Law? 域外人权法、普遍人权法还是跨国人权法?
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-25 DOI: 10.1017/S0021223722000139
Dalia Palombo
Abstract Traditionally, international human rights adjudication relied on the paradigm of extraterritoriality on the rare occasions when it was confronted with cross-border cases. This paradigm recognises only limited circumstances in which states bear extraterritorial human rights obligations. However, with globalisation, transboundary human rights cases have multiplied. This emerging litigation increasingly reveals that the paradigm of extraterritoriality is no longer fit to address global crises. Extraterritoriality demands effective control over a territory, or authority and control over a person, for a state to exercise jurisdiction outside its territory. Thus, several cases of cross-border human rights abuses are inevitably barred on jurisdictional grounds. This is particularly true for obligations of a global character, which are, by their very nature, completely unrelated to the control that states exercise over territories or people. It is therefore necessary to look beyond extraterritoriality. This article analyses the competing paradigms of universality and transnationality as they have been adopted by domestic courts. It argues that international human rights adjudication should reconceptualise extraterritoriality against the background of universality and transnationality to address global crises.
传统上,国际人权审判在面对跨国案件时,很少依赖治外法权范式。这种范式只承认国家承担治外法权人权义务的有限情况。然而,随着全球化,跨境人权案件成倍增加。这种新出现的诉讼日益表明,治外法权的范式不再适合解决全球危机。治外法权要求一个国家对领土的有效控制,或对一个人的权力和控制,以便在其领土以外行使管辖权。因此,若干跨界侵犯人权案件不可避免地因管辖权理由而被禁止。对于具有全球性质的义务尤其如此,这些义务就其性质而言与国家对领土或人民行使的控制完全无关。因此,有必要超越治外法权。本文分析了国内法院所采用的普遍性范式和跨国范式。本文认为,国际人权裁判应在普遍性和跨国背景下重新界定治外法权,以解决全球危机。
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引用次数: 0
ISR volume 55 issue 3 Cover and Back matter ISR第55卷第3期封面和封底
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0021223722000176
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引用次数: 0
ISR volume 55 issue 3 Cover and Front matter ISR第55卷第3期封面和封面问题
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0021223722000164
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引用次数: 0
Institutional Independence and Accountability of the Judiciary 司法机构的机构独立性和问责制
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0021223722000115
Lionel Cohen
It is an honour to have been asked to give this Lionel Cohen Lecture deferred from 2020 when the covid pandemic was sweeping the world. It is a great pleasure to be with you at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
我很荣幸被邀请在2020年新冠疫情席卷全球时举行莱昂内尔·科恩讲座。很高兴与大家相聚在耶路撒冷希伯来大学。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction 介绍
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0021223722000127
M. Shaw, Y. Shany, Y. Ronen
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引用次数: 0
When the Cannons Roar, Tort Laws Are Silent? A Re-examination of Section 5B of the Civil Wrongs (Liability of the State) Law 当大炮轰鸣,侵权法沉默?《民事过错(国家责任)法》第5B条再审
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.1017/s0021223722000103
Ya'ara Mordecai
This article tackles the question of the legality of section 5B of the Civil Wrongs (Liability of the State) Law, which precludes the Palestinian residents of the Gaza Strip, members of terrorist organisations and their agents from obtaining compensation for injuries suffered as a result of the negligent conduct of Israeli security forces. The question is examined through the lens of Israel's tort law, comparative law, the law of occupation, and international human rights law. A special focus is given to the amendments made in the said section and its interpretation by Israeli courts, while addressing the state's tort liability towards nationals of enemy states and members of terrorist organisations. In order to emphasise the legal difficulties arising from the Law and the need for its re-examination, the 2018 protests near the Israel-Gaza border are used as a case study. The article concludes by offering to revoke the legal identification as enemy state nationals of Gaza's residents for the purposes of applying state liability in tort. In addition, it recommends the adoption of an individual examination mechanism in relation to members of terrorist organisations. These suggestions are expected to better fulfil the purposes underlying the state's tort liability exemptions, while increasing Israel's compliance with its legal obligations.
本条涉及《民事侵权(国家责任)法》第5B条的合法性问题,该条禁止加沙地带的巴勒斯坦居民、恐怖组织成员及其代理人就以色列安全部队的疏忽行为所造成的伤害获得赔偿。这个问题是从以色列侵权法、比较法、占领法和国际人权法的角度来研究的。特别关注上述章节中的修正案及其以色列法院的解释,同时解决国家对敌国国民和恐怖组织成员的侵权责任。为了强调该法带来的法律困难和重新审查的必要性,2018年以色列-加沙边境附近的抗议活动被用作案例研究。文章最后提出,为了在侵权行为中适用国家责任,撤销加沙居民作为敌国国民的法律身份。此外,它还建议对恐怖组织成员采取个人审查机制。这些建议有望更好地实现国家侵权责任豁免的目的,同时提高以色列对其法律义务的遵守程度。
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引用次数: 0
When Legal Fundamentalism Meets Political Justice: The Case of Poland 当法律原教旨主义遇到政治正义:波兰的案例
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.1017/s0021223722000036
T. Koncewicz
To Professor Martin Shapiro, With friendship, gratitude, and admiration The ruling of 22 October 2020 concerning termination of pregnancy in Case K 1/20, handed down by the body once known as the Polish Constitutional Court, has devastated the legal and social landscape in Poland. The decision ruled as unconstitutional the provision that allowed medically assisted termination in cases where prenatal screening or other medical considerations indicated a high probability of a severe and irreversible abnormality or an incurable disease of the fetus. This analysis argues that the ruling is the most serious attempt to discredit and humiliate the Polish Constitution of 1997, and stands as the ultimate proof of weaponising judicial review. The argument will be made that if one wishes to understand the extent of the capture of independent institutions by the ruling majority, the ruling under consideration must be read and considered in the light of a more general context. Only by going beyond and contextualising it, can one grasp the extent to which the constitutional profile of a state has been altered by methods of unconstitutional capture. The analysis argues that once we contextualise the ruling and view it in a more systemic light, there are important systemic signposts that will help to explain how we arrived here and, more importantly, what is next. These signposts, in turn, contain a cautionary tale of the institutional fragility that is relevant for liberal democracies.
致马丁·夏皮罗教授,带着友谊、感激和钦佩之情。波兰宪法法院于2020年10月22日作出的关于K 1/20案终止妊娠的裁决,摧毁了波兰的法律和社会格局。该决定裁定,在产前筛查或其他医学考虑表明胎儿极有可能出现严重且不可逆转的异常或不治之症的情况下,允许医疗协助终止妊娠的条款违宪。这一分析认为,该裁决是抹黑和羞辱1997年波兰宪法的最严重企图,也是司法审查武器化的最终证据。将提出的论点是,如果人们希望了解统治多数对独立机构的占领程度,则必须根据更普遍的背景来阅读和考虑正在审议的裁决。只有超越它并将其置于背景中,人们才能了解一个国家的宪法形象在多大程度上被违宪捕获的方法所改变。分析认为,一旦我们将裁决置于背景中,并从更系统的角度看待它,就会有重要的系统性路标,有助于解释我们是如何来到这里的,更重要的是,下一步会发生什么。反过来,这些路标包含了一个与自由民主相关的制度脆弱性的警示故事。
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引用次数: 0
Injuring Family Relations through Gross Violations of International Human Rights and Humanitarian Law 通过严重违反国际人权和人道主义法损害家庭关系
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-16 DOI: 10.1017/S0021223722000012
Patryk Gacka
Drawing a line between victims and non-victims in the context of gross violations of international humanitarian and international human rights law is not an easy task. On the one hand, mass atrocities lead to widespread victimisation of individuals, groups and communities who suffer from various types of harm and damage incurred in the process of their commission. On the other hand, clearly not every person affected by an ongoing conflict and mass criminality should be considered an injured party. This article addresses such conceptual dilemmas by casting light on the function of family relations as grounds of indirect victimhood. To this end, it identifies two theoretical models of victimhood and showcases how they have been put into practice by international and hybrid courts and tribunals in their respective reparative and punitive regimes.
在严重违反国际人道主义法和国际人权法的情况下,在受害者和非受害者之间划清界限并不是一件容易的事。一方面,大规模暴行导致个人、团体和社区普遍受害,他们在执行暴行的过程中遭受各种伤害和破坏。另一方面,显然不是每一个受到持续冲突和大规模犯罪影响的人都应被视为受害方。本文通过阐明家庭关系作为间接受害理由的作用来解决这种概念上的困境。为此目的,它确定了两种受害者的理论模式,并展示了国际法院和混合法院在各自的赔偿和惩罚制度中如何将其付诸实践。
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ISRAEL LAW REVIEW
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