Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.1017/s0017383521000024
P. Bassino
This article explores Alexander Pope's experience as a translator of the Iliad and the Odyssey, particularly his engagement with Homer as a poet and his biographical tradition. The study focuses on how Homer features in Pope's correspondence as he worked on the translations, how the Greek poet is described in the prefatory essay by Thomas Parnell and Pope's own notes to the text, and finally how his physical presence materializes in the illustrations within Pope's translations. The article suggests that, by engaging with the biography of Homer, Pope explores issues such as poetic authority and divine inspiration, promotes his own translations against European competitors, and ultimately establishes himself as a translator and as a poet. Throughout the process, Homer appears as a presence that forces Pope constantly to challenge himself, until he feels he can stand a comparison with the greatest poet ever.
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Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.1017/S0017383521000152
Ivana Petrovic
One of my favourite undergraduate classes to teach is Greek mythology. At American universities, Greek myth is a popular choice for satisfying humanities credit requirements, and professors are faced with a double dilemma. On the one hand, students have very different levels of knowledge, ranging from, say, a science major with virtually no idea about the ancient world to a know-it-all myth-whiz Classics major at the other end of the scale. The second problem is the choice and organization of material. Tough decisions have to be made, especially if a professor insists on students reading ancient Greek and Latin texts in translation, instead of relying on a modern retelling of myth. Which tragedies to choose? Which sections of Ovid's Metamorphoses? The whole of Homer or just select books? The challenges are real, but the rewards are great. After the initial struggle with Hesiod's Theogony (despite collective grumbling, Hesiod is non-negotiable for me), witnessing the magic of Greek myth at work never ceases to amaze me. In a blink of an eye, the class is passionately defending or attacking Phaedra, or debating fate and the gods; and, of course, everyone is united in hating Jason. It was my early fascination with Greek myth that attracted me to study Classics (the main culprit was the generously illustrated Serbian translation of Gustav Schwab's Gods and Heroes of Ancient Greece) and the crushing sense of responsibility for sparking that first interest in my students is only matched by joy upon seeing it work. I take mythology books very seriously because they are often the gateway to the Classics. Several books on myth landed on my desk this year and I'll start with three general introductions. None of these could serve as introductions to myth for children or young adults, but each could be an excellent first step for those wishing to know more about various scholarly approaches to Greek myths and cults.
我最喜欢教的本科课程之一是希腊神话。在美国大学，希腊神话是满足人文学科学分要求的热门选择，教授们面临着双重困境。一方面，学生们的知识水平各不相同，有的主修科学，对古代世界一无所知，有的主修古典文学，却无所不知。第二个问题是材料的选择和组织。必须做出艰难的决定，尤其是如果一位教授坚持要求学生阅读古希腊和拉丁语的翻译文本，而不是依靠现代神话的复述。选择哪种悲剧?奥维德《变形记》的哪一部分?整本荷马史诗还是精选几本?挑战是真实的，但回报是巨大的。在最初与赫西奥德的神权斗争之后(尽管集体抱怨，赫西奥德对我来说是不可谈判的)，见证希腊神话的魔力一直让我感到惊讶。转眼间，全班同学都在热烈地为费德拉辩护或攻击，或辩论命运和诸神;当然，每个人都恨杰森。我早期对希腊神话的迷恋吸引了我去学习古典文学(主要原因是古斯塔夫·施瓦布(Gustav Schwab)的《古希腊众神与英雄》(Gods and Heroes of Ancient Greece)的塞尔维亚语翻译版，里面有大量插图)，而激发学生们最初的兴趣所带来的强烈责任感，只有在看到它起作用时才能与之媲美。我非常重视神话书籍，因为它们通常是通往经典的大门。今年我收到了几本关于神话的书，我将从三本概括性的介绍开始。这些都不能作为儿童或年轻人对神话的介绍，但对于那些希望更多地了解希腊神话和邪教的各种学术方法的人来说，每一个都可以是一个很好的第一步。
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Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.1017/S0017383521000036
T. H. Carpenter
The bronze statues of the Tyrannicides, Harmodios and Aristogeiton, by the sculptors Kritios and Nesiotes, set up in the Athenian Agora in 477 bc, were well known to Athenians throughout the classical and Hellenistic periods. In Thucydides’ account of the deed of the Tyrannicides, he defines the two as lovers (erastes and eromenos), which has led to the assumption that the depictions are in some way likenesses of the two men. I argue that Thucydides’ account has been the source of a misreading of the sculptures. Rather, the models for the figures are contemporary representations of the Gigantomachy – Aristogeiton being based on Apollo – and thus, through the allusion to myth, the sculptors created multivalent figures that were emblematic of something that transcended their deed.
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Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.1017/S001738352100005X
Paulina Komar
A number of ancient sources suggests that Roman women in the archaic period were not allowed to drink wine. Various theories have so far been proposed to explain this taboo, most of them assuming that it meant a complete alcohol ban, and relating it to the special role of women in the Roman family. However, a reconsideration of these theories, which takes into account the results of recent studies on the origins of wine consumption in Italy, shows that the archaic wine taboo had more to do with the nature of wine than with the nature of women.
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Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.1017/S0017383521000127
M. Squire
For many, the era of COVID-19 has been short of colour. All the more reason, perhaps, to welcome this round-up's starter for ten: a multihued survey of polychromy in Roman portraiture. Facing the Colours of Roman Portraiture is a book that really does lend itself to being judged by its cover: as we turn the volume from back to front, a marble portrait magically metamorphoses between battered original and technicolour reconstruction.
{"title":"Art and Archaeology","authors":"M. Squire","doi":"10.1017/S0017383521000127","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0017383521000127","url":null,"abstract":"For many, the era of COVID-19 has been short of colour. All the more reason, perhaps, to welcome this round-up's starter for ten: a multihued survey of polychromy in Roman portraiture. Facing the Colours of Roman Portraiture is a book that really does lend itself to being judged by its cover: as we turn the volume from back to front, a marble portrait magically metamorphoses between battered original and technicolour reconstruction.","PeriodicalId":44977,"journal":{"name":"GREECE & ROME","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41815328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.1017/s0017383521000012
A. Barrett
‘Fiddling while Rome burns’ is arguably the most familiar English saying inspired by classical antiquity. The image of Nero actually playing an instrument during the Great Fire is not, in fact, found in ancient sources: the first English reference belongs to Cooper's 1548 revision of Elyot's Latin–English Dictionary, where Nero is said to play a harp during the conflagration. In 1649 the royalist poet George Daniel applied the term ‘fiddle’, and the familiar modern form of the expression, as a byword for a leader's neglect, was apparently coined in a 1680 English parliamentary speech by Silius Titus.
“Fiddling which Rome burns”可以说是最熟悉的英语谚语，其灵感来自古代古典。事实上，尼禄在大火期间实际演奏乐器的图像并没有在古代文献中找到：第一个英文参考文献属于库珀1548年修订的《埃利奥特拉丁英语词典》，据说尼禄在火灾期间演奏竖琴。1649年，保皇党诗人乔治·丹尼尔使用了“fiddle”一词，而这个熟悉的现代表达形式，作为领导人忽视的代名词，显然是在1680年西留斯·提图斯的英国议会演讲中创造的。
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Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.1017/s001738352100019x
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Pub Date : 2021-09-08DOI: 10.1017/S0017383521000061
J. Porter
This article discusses differences and continuity in responses to issues of slave management in two texts from different periods of Greek history (Xenophon's Oeconomicus and the Odyssey) and compares these responses to those of slave owners in the Antebellum South, ancient Rome, and the ancient Near East. In particular, it examines different expressions of paternalistic attitudes towards slaves (a well-studied feature of slave-owning classes throughout history) that it finds are present in both of these examples. The article explores the possibility that intertextual links were responsible for these similarities but suggests instead that they are reflective of real Greek slaveholding ideology across hundreds of years, which primarily served to justify an exploitative system and disguise the cruelty and violence inherent in maintaining it.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-08DOI: 10.1017/S0017383521000139
J. Bryan
David Conan Wolfsdorf has done a great service in putting together the thirty chapters (only a handful by women) that make up the new collection Early Greek Ethics. As he notes, ethical thinking prior to Socrates has generally been neglected or, in some cases, simply denied. Wolfsdorf's classification of ‘early’ as the ‘formative period’ (late sixth to early fourth centuries bce) prior to Plato's and Aristotle's major ethical works allows him to bring together a rich and diverse group of individuals and topics. He himself acknowledges that different people will feel different kinds of lack within the collection, but he is explicit that its aim is to be ‘quite’, rather than entirely, comprehensive. He is also clear that his aim is to focus on Greek ‘philosophical ethics’ (as he understands it) rather than the sort of significant ethical thinking we might think can be found in Greek tragedy, for example.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-08DOI: 10.1017/S0017383521000115
J. Corke-Webster
After a focus on social and cultural history in the last issue, this issue's offerings return us to more traditional subjects – political institutions, and historiography. That spring review ended with religion, which is where we start here: an apposite reminder that religion pervades all aspects of the Roman world. It is precisely that principle which undergirds our first book, Dan-el Padilla Peralta's Divine Institutions. Padilla Peralta is interested, at root, in how the Roman state became such through the third and fourth centuries bce. That is a story usually told – in a tradition going back to the ancient historians themselves – via a swashbuckling tale of successive military campaigns. Padilla Peralta, however, sets that anachronistic narrativization aside, and instead builds a careful case that between the siege of Veii and the end of the Second Punic War ‘the Roman state remade and retooled itself into a republic defined and organized around a specific brand of institutionalized ritual practices and commitments’ (1). Specifically, he shows that the construction of temples and the public activities they facilitated were a key mechanism – one as important as warfare – by which the consensus necessary to state formation was generated: the Republic more or less stumbles into a bootstrapping formula that proves to be unusually felicitous: high visibility monumental enterprises are paired with new incentives for human mobility in ways that dramatically and enduringly reorganize the rhythms of civic and communal experience. (17–18) In particular, Padilla Peralta argues that output was greater than input; that the genius – whether accidental or deliberate – of this formula was that it facilitated a confidence game whereby the res publica appeared more capable – via the apparent support of the gods whom its visible piety secured – than was in fact the case.
在上一期关注社会和文化史之后，本期的内容让我们回到了更传统的主题——政治制度和史学。那篇春季评论以宗教结束，这就是我们从这里开始的地方：恰当地提醒我们，宗教渗透到罗马世界的方方面面。正是这一原则支撑了我们的第一本书，Dan el Padilla Peralta的《神圣制度》。帕迪拉·佩拉尔塔（Padilla Peralta）从根本上对罗马国家在公元前三、四世纪是如何成为这样的国家感兴趣。这是一个通常通过一个关于连续军事行动的虚张声势的故事来讲述的故事，这是一种可以追溯到古代历史学家自己的传统。然而，帕迪拉·佩拉尔塔（Padilla Peralta）将这种不合时宜的叙述放在一边，而是建立了一个谨慎的案例，即在维伊之围和第二次布匿战争结束之间，“罗马国家重塑并重组为一个共和国，围绕着一系列特定的制度化仪式实践和承诺进行定义和组织”（1）。明确地他表明，寺庙的建设及其促进的公共活动是一种关键机制，与战争一样重要，通过这种机制，国家形成所需的共识得以产生：共和国或多或少地陷入了一种自我引导的模式，这种模式被证明是异常恰当的：高知名度的纪念性企业与人类的新激励措施相结合以戏剧性和持久的方式重新组织公民和社区体验的节奏。（17-18）特别是，Padilla Peralta认为产出大于投入；这个公式的天才之处——无论是偶然的还是故意的——在于它促成了一场信心游戏，通过明显的虔诚所确保的神的明显支持，共和国似乎比实际情况更有能力。
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