Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2176062
A. Rasheed
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2181424
Megha Shrivastava
Abstract The past few years have been tumultuous for the Chinese State and big-tech relations. The ground reality for the big-tech internet companies in China has transformed from being indulgent and overreaching to scrutiny and crackdown. This article attempts to analyse the dynamics between the Chinese State and big tech, taking Alibaba’s journey as a case study. This article departs from earlier studies by examining the case of Alibaba within a set of common trends and assumptions about State-big tech dynamics, which are also seen emerging in China. It argues that the unfolding trends follow a pattern that targets certain platform companies and ultimately motivates them to go global. It also highlights that Xi Jinping’s stricter control of the Party and bureaucracy, and renewed emphasis on Mao Zedong’s thought is bringing stricter scrutiny for private enterprises.
{"title":"Emerging Dynamics Between the Chinese State and Big-Tech: The Case of Alibaba","authors":"Megha Shrivastava","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2181424","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2181424","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The past few years have been tumultuous for the Chinese State and big-tech relations. The ground reality for the big-tech internet companies in China has transformed from being indulgent and overreaching to scrutiny and crackdown. This article attempts to analyse the dynamics between the Chinese State and big tech, taking Alibaba’s journey as a case study. This article departs from earlier studies by examining the case of Alibaba within a set of common trends and assumptions about State-big tech dynamics, which are also seen emerging in China. It argues that the unfolding trends follow a pattern that targets certain platform companies and ultimately motivates them to go global. It also highlights that Xi Jinping’s stricter control of the Party and bureaucracy, and renewed emphasis on Mao Zedong’s thought is bringing stricter scrutiny for private enterprises.","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"47 1","pages":"19 - 29"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44299352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2183580
R. Bhatt, D. Garge
Introduction L arge-scale disasters have far-reaching impacts that transcend national borders, making a coordinated, “one region-one response” approach essential, particularly in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. The Bay of Bengal region has recognized this need and is actively developing structures for regional cooperation, including in disaster management. However, there is a pressing need for a structural framework that enables a coordinated, multilateral, and regional response through the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC).To this end, this study analyzes the benefits of flat structures over hierarchical structures in the dynamic management of disaster response when various responders, including government officials, military, NGOs, volunteers, and the community, must quickly engage, pass information, take decisions, coordinate, and collaborate to work efficiently in the chaotic post-disaster environment. A structured questionnaire was administered to a stratified sample of 127 respondents, and the resulting quantitative data suggests that information management and coordination, initiative and quick decisions, and adaptability and flexibility are key enablers of effective disaster response. Emerging acceptance trends also indicate that flat structures are more beneficial than hierarchical structures.While accountability, value addition at each level, and conflict resolution were noted as major benefits of hierarchical structures, responders across strata indicated that these factors are not a priority in a disaster response scenario. The study's recommendations cater to the differing aspirations of all strata of stakeholders and should assist in creating an optimal regional disaster response structure for the Bay of Bengal region. By highlighting the importance of a coordinated and multilateral approach, this study underscores the urgent need for regional cooperation in disaster management and the potential benefits of flat structures in enabling effective disaster response. The Bay of Bengal region is undergoing structural changes to enhance regional cooperation and implement a coordinated, multilateral disaster response framework through BIMSTEC. This quantitative study aims to evaluate the perceptions of stakeholders towards the benefits of flat organizational structures over hierarchical structures for disaster response management. Findings indicate that information management,
{"title":"Efficiency in Emergency: A Perception Study of Hierarchical Versus Flat Organizational Structures for Joint Disaster Response in the Bay of Bengal Region","authors":"R. Bhatt, D. Garge","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2183580","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2183580","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction L arge-scale disasters have far-reaching impacts that transcend national borders, making a coordinated, “one region-one response” approach essential, particularly in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. The Bay of Bengal region has recognized this need and is actively developing structures for regional cooperation, including in disaster management. However, there is a pressing need for a structural framework that enables a coordinated, multilateral, and regional response through the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC).To this end, this study analyzes the benefits of flat structures over hierarchical structures in the dynamic management of disaster response when various responders, including government officials, military, NGOs, volunteers, and the community, must quickly engage, pass information, take decisions, coordinate, and collaborate to work efficiently in the chaotic post-disaster environment. A structured questionnaire was administered to a stratified sample of 127 respondents, and the resulting quantitative data suggests that information management and coordination, initiative and quick decisions, and adaptability and flexibility are key enablers of effective disaster response. Emerging acceptance trends also indicate that flat structures are more beneficial than hierarchical structures.While accountability, value addition at each level, and conflict resolution were noted as major benefits of hierarchical structures, responders across strata indicated that these factors are not a priority in a disaster response scenario. The study's recommendations cater to the differing aspirations of all strata of stakeholders and should assist in creating an optimal regional disaster response structure for the Bay of Bengal region. By highlighting the importance of a coordinated and multilateral approach, this study underscores the urgent need for regional cooperation in disaster management and the potential benefits of flat structures in enabling effective disaster response. The Bay of Bengal region is undergoing structural changes to enhance regional cooperation and implement a coordinated, multilateral disaster response framework through BIMSTEC. This quantitative study aims to evaluate the perceptions of stakeholders towards the benefits of flat organizational structures over hierarchical structures for disaster response management. Findings indicate that information management,","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"47 1","pages":"61 - 78"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43816807","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2182041
P. Chari
T he fact that bipolarity is passing and a new multipolar world structure has emerged, merits a deeper examination. In the political sphere, the interests of the super powers, collaborative or competitive, do influence the existing international order. At the level of avoiding mutual conflict or ensuring peace in Europe, the super powers have taken many steps to reduce tension. But their competition for dominance of the Third World continues. Their influence is particularly evident in conflict situations obtaining, for instance, in Southern Africa and West Asia. At the strategic level, the super powers far outdistance other nuclear powers in numbers and sophistication of their weaponry—both nuclear and conventional. Not merely that. The obtaining level of their military research permits their retaining this lead, and increasing it in future. A caveat might be entered here. The development of entirely new types of weapons like cruise missiles or laser devices by other countries may alter defensive and offensive capabilities radically. Still, it is doubtful, whether, other nuclear weapons countries could successfully contend with the super powers at the military level. And yet, one might pause to reflect if military superiority is today of cardinal importance. It does not appear to be readily translatable into political power. Take the case of the super powers. The United States was singularly unsuccessful in its Vietnam intervention, although it utilized the most sophisticated conventional weaponry in the American arsenal over a prolonged period. Quite obviously, the forces of Vietnamese nationalism and political will succeeded when pitted against superior military technology. In West Asia, political influence has see-sawed between the super powers. The Arab-Israeli war of 1973 obtained for the Arabs a political, though not a military victory through their adroit use of the oil weapon. Soviet influence, used on the side of the Arabs, stood at its acme. But the Kissinger diplomacy successfully re-established American influence, thereby eroding the Soviet advantage. Again in Angola, the United States, paralysed by the Vietnam and Watergate disclosures, was unable to achieve its objectives. The Soviet Union appears poised to consolidate its political gains in Southern Africa
{"title":"India in the Emerging World Order","authors":"P. Chari","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2182041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2182041","url":null,"abstract":"T he fact that bipolarity is passing and a new multipolar world structure has emerged, merits a deeper examination. In the political sphere, the interests of the super powers, collaborative or competitive, do influence the existing international order. At the level of avoiding mutual conflict or ensuring peace in Europe, the super powers have taken many steps to reduce tension. But their competition for dominance of the Third World continues. Their influence is particularly evident in conflict situations obtaining, for instance, in Southern Africa and West Asia. At the strategic level, the super powers far outdistance other nuclear powers in numbers and sophistication of their weaponry—both nuclear and conventional. Not merely that. The obtaining level of their military research permits their retaining this lead, and increasing it in future. A caveat might be entered here. The development of entirely new types of weapons like cruise missiles or laser devices by other countries may alter defensive and offensive capabilities radically. Still, it is doubtful, whether, other nuclear weapons countries could successfully contend with the super powers at the military level. And yet, one might pause to reflect if military superiority is today of cardinal importance. It does not appear to be readily translatable into political power. Take the case of the super powers. The United States was singularly unsuccessful in its Vietnam intervention, although it utilized the most sophisticated conventional weaponry in the American arsenal over a prolonged period. Quite obviously, the forces of Vietnamese nationalism and political will succeeded when pitted against superior military technology. In West Asia, political influence has see-sawed between the super powers. The Arab-Israeli war of 1973 obtained for the Arabs a political, though not a military victory through their adroit use of the oil weapon. Soviet influence, used on the side of the Arabs, stood at its acme. But the Kissinger diplomacy successfully re-established American influence, thereby eroding the Soviet advantage. Again in Angola, the United States, paralysed by the Vietnam and Watergate disclosures, was unable to achieve its objectives. The Soviet Union appears poised to consolidate its political gains in Southern Africa","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"47 1","pages":"95 - 103"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46586558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2180703
Gayasha Sathsarani Samarakoon, M. Sarvananthan
Abstract The Governments of India and Sri Lanka signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to build a bridge across the Palk Strait in July 2002 to join the island nation with the mainland of South Asia by road and rail. The objective of this article is to highlight the likely impact the proposed bridge would have on trade in goods and services and travel between the two countries and beyond. The overall argument herein is that any development activity would have positive and negative outcomes and that on a balance of probability, the positive outcomes of the proposed bridge could outweigh the negative outcomes. The proposed bridge across the Palk Strait could be an alternative to the proposed Sethusamudram project (that could potentially cause environmental damage) rekindled by the Tamil Nadu state assembly in January 2023 in order to stimulate economic growth in the lagging southern parts of Tamil Nadu.
{"title":"Economic Rationale for the Proposed Bridge Between India and Sri Lanka: An Analytical Perspective","authors":"Gayasha Sathsarani Samarakoon, M. Sarvananthan","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2180703","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2180703","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Governments of India and Sri Lanka signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to build a bridge across the Palk Strait in July 2002 to join the island nation with the mainland of South Asia by road and rail. The objective of this article is to highlight the likely impact the proposed bridge would have on trade in goods and services and travel between the two countries and beyond. The overall argument herein is that any development activity would have positive and negative outcomes and that on a balance of probability, the positive outcomes of the proposed bridge could outweigh the negative outcomes. The proposed bridge across the Palk Strait could be an alternative to the proposed Sethusamudram project (that could potentially cause environmental damage) rekindled by the Tamil Nadu state assembly in January 2023 in order to stimulate economic growth in the lagging southern parts of Tamil Nadu.","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"47 1","pages":"30 - 47"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46840951","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2176059
Hassan Momin
T he Brahmaputra is the oldest antecedent and the widest braided river flowing through China, India, and Bangladesh. It is known as Tsangpo in Tibet, Siang in the hills of Arunachal Pradesh, Dihang in the plains, Brahmaputra in Assam, and the Jamuna in Bangladesh. In The Braided River: A Journey along the Brahmaputra, Samrat Choudhury, a journalist and author, elucidates on the life around Brahmaputra in Assam and Bangladesh. The book is a travelogue wherein Choudhury describes his personal experiences juxtaposed with the broader environmental, socio-cultural, political, and strategic issues. The author begins his journey from Dibru Saikhowa to the three formative tributaries of Brahmaputra—Lohit, Dibang, and Siang—through Upper and Lower Assam, and finally to Bangladesh. In the first section, the author discusses the three Brahmaputra tributaries, illustrating their socio-political and cultural ethos. Choudhury notes the difficulties in obtaining the Inner Line Permit (ILP) due to the pervasive problem of illegal migrants attempting to enter Arunachal Pradesh. He notes how Lohit is considered sacred by the local communities as per Parshuram Kund tales. Choudhury mentions British explorers Captain F.M. Bailey and Captain Henry Morshead’s adventurous trip to the Dibang Valley, where they discovered a village called Mipi, which is still a small village on the Indian side of the McMahon Line (p. 66). The author expresses concern about a multipurpose dam being built in a high-risk zone along Dibang, opposed by the local Idu Mishmi tribe. After a long journey, the author and his photographer friend Akshay Mahajan, who accompanied him on some part of the journey, arrive at Pasighat, the oldest town in Arunachal Pradesh, which was founded by the British in order to establish authority over the Adi tribe, who were then known as Abor (p. 88). They also travelled to the small town of Tuting, located on the bank of the Siang River (the Indian avatar of the Tsangpo), and met a truck driver L.V. Sobro, who narrated to them the folktale about the town’s transformation. Choudhury observes how the mighty Brahmaputra changed course following the Great Earthquake of 1950, wearing out old Dibrugarh and making Tinsukia the hub of Upper Assam’s tea and oil industries. While visiting the chars (river islands) and the chaporis (sandbanks) on the Akha (a mobile boat clinic), he met Dr. Bhaben Bora and Dr. Juganta Deori who run local medical facilities and apprised him of the struggles of people living on the chars where government services reached only in 2008. Choudhury also tells the tale of his encounter with Atul Buragohain, an 86Strategic Analysis, 2023 Vol. 47, No. 1, 92–94, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2176059
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2183589
Pavan Kumar
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Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2149983
Priyanka Singh
I ndependent Kashmir: An Incomplete Aspiration by noted author and expert Christopher Snedden touches upon a raw nerve in the discourse on Kashmir— the aspiration for independence. Snedden describes how and where exactly the idea germinated, sequentially tracing its evolution. This is Snedden’s third book on Kashmir; the first focussed on the so-called ‘Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK)’ that together with Gilgit-Baltistan forms Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK). The second book focused primarily on Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) in India. The latest volume deliberating the question of Azadi (independence) forms Snedden’s trilogy on Kashmir. The book examines aspirations pertaining to an ‘independent Kashmir’, actual or envisaged, and why it failed to fructify. Tracing the origin of Kashmiri nationalism since 1925, the book tracks sentiments around Azadi in various phases, especially since 1947. It dwells upon a potential independent path the ruler of Jammu & Kashmir (J&K) wished to chart, despite his latent ‘inertia and inabilities’ (p. 91). Snedden contends that the idea of Azadi is not new but a ‘lapsed or superseded one’ (p. 3). In this context, the book examines the paradigms of independence or Azadi from Maharaja Hari Singh’s reign to the Sheikh Abdullah era and finally in the aftermath of the onset of militancy that plagued the state. The onset of militancy is explained on a wide canvas of geopolitical developments as a chain of events that, among other things, may have propelled the violence in the Valley around 1989–90. Broadly, the book captures the contours of India’s approach towards J&K post the 1950s, a period that coincided with Sheikh Abdullah’s diminishing influence in the state’s politics. Independent Kashmir focuses on three longstanding issues that are central to Kashmir and consequently to the book’s narrative. First, Snedden refers to the Kashmir issue as the by-product of the ‘permanent India-Pakistan shibboleth’ one that concerns perpetuity of disputes, bilateral contestations and no meaningful engagement (p. 2). Second, the issue of integration which in the Indian case has been eventually completed by revocation of Article 370 in August 2019. Third, the question of disenchantment among the populace of Kashmir Valley. All the three add up to a ‘vicious cycle’, affecting the Kashmiri people at large. The author asserts, albeit as a bracketed caveat, that post-Partition, there were expectations in the Strategic Analysis, 2022 Vol. 46, No. 6, 644–646, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2149983
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Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2149980
K. Khudoley
Abstract The article analyses the ongoing Russia-West confrontation manifested mainly in the armed conflict in Ukraine, the world’s largest war of sanctions, a growing confrontation in cyberspace and politics, the erosion of the system of arms control treaties and a sharp reduction of cooperation in the humanitarian sphere. Russia and the West are fighting not only for influence in Ukraine but also over the future of international relations on a global scale in the coming decades. The most plausible development seems to be a war of attrition, which, however, does not rule out the risk of escalation.
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Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2149982
Sanjeeta Kashyap
{"title":"The False Promise of Liberal Order: Nostalgia, Delusion and the Rise of Trump","authors":"Sanjeeta Kashyap","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2022.2149982","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2149982","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"46 1","pages":"647 - 649"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47710446","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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