Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2149985
Amrita Jash
T he commemoration of 2022 as the ‘ASEAN-India Year of Friendship’ marks thirty years of the partnership between India and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Beginning in 1992 with India’s ‘Look East Policy’ (LEP), renamed ‘Act East Policy’ (AEP) in 2014, India has progressed from being a Sectoral Partner of ASEAN in 1992 to a Dialogue Partner in 1996 and a Summitlevel Partner in 2002. The transition in India’s approach not just underscores the continuing importance of Southeast Asia in New Delhi’s strategic calculus, but also highlights the reinvigoration of Indian foreign policy under the changed geopolitical dynamics of the Indo-Pacific in the Asia-Pacific security architecture. Besides, India has maintained the centrality of the ASEAN not just under the LEP/AEP but also in its Indo-Pacific vision. Here, the key query that demands attention is: what explains India’s approach to the region over three decades? Chietigj Bajpaee’s China in India’s Post-Cold War Engagement with Southeast Asia departs from the conventional understanding in explaining India’s engagement with Southeast Asia in the backdrop of economic liberalization and the maturing regional architecture in Asia as well as the growing importance of transnational security threats. In doing so, the book bases itself in answering three queries in finding a rationale to India’s attitude and behaviour towards Southeast Asia. First, why has India made such a concerted effort towards Southeast Asia as opposed to other strategically significant regions, including the Middle East (West Asia), Central Asia or its immediate neighbourhood of South Asia? Second, why has India’s engagement with the region accelerated over time as the relative importance of Southeast Asia to regional and global growth was on a decline? And third, why has India continued to cling to the principle of ‘ASEAN centrality’ in its regional engagement (p. 2)? Accordingly, the book is systematically presented and is structured with eight chapters that include an introduction and a conclusion, and encompasses the historical context, methodological tools, understanding of LEP from its launch to its evolution under two phases (1992-2004 and 2004-2014) and finally the ‘Act East’ phase from 2014 onwards. In finding the explanations, Bajpaee draws his reasoning by postulating the ‘China factor’, interpreted as ‘China’s regional role’, and offers a more credible Strategic Analysis, 2022 Vol. 46, No. 6, 641–643, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2149985
{"title":"China in India’s Post-Cold War Engagement with Southeast Asia","authors":"Amrita Jash","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2022.2149985","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2149985","url":null,"abstract":"T he commemoration of 2022 as the ‘ASEAN-India Year of Friendship’ marks thirty years of the partnership between India and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Beginning in 1992 with India’s ‘Look East Policy’ (LEP), renamed ‘Act East Policy’ (AEP) in 2014, India has progressed from being a Sectoral Partner of ASEAN in 1992 to a Dialogue Partner in 1996 and a Summitlevel Partner in 2002. The transition in India’s approach not just underscores the continuing importance of Southeast Asia in New Delhi’s strategic calculus, but also highlights the reinvigoration of Indian foreign policy under the changed geopolitical dynamics of the Indo-Pacific in the Asia-Pacific security architecture. Besides, India has maintained the centrality of the ASEAN not just under the LEP/AEP but also in its Indo-Pacific vision. Here, the key query that demands attention is: what explains India’s approach to the region over three decades? Chietigj Bajpaee’s China in India’s Post-Cold War Engagement with Southeast Asia departs from the conventional understanding in explaining India’s engagement with Southeast Asia in the backdrop of economic liberalization and the maturing regional architecture in Asia as well as the growing importance of transnational security threats. In doing so, the book bases itself in answering three queries in finding a rationale to India’s attitude and behaviour towards Southeast Asia. First, why has India made such a concerted effort towards Southeast Asia as opposed to other strategically significant regions, including the Middle East (West Asia), Central Asia or its immediate neighbourhood of South Asia? Second, why has India’s engagement with the region accelerated over time as the relative importance of Southeast Asia to regional and global growth was on a decline? And third, why has India continued to cling to the principle of ‘ASEAN centrality’ in its regional engagement (p. 2)? Accordingly, the book is systematically presented and is structured with eight chapters that include an introduction and a conclusion, and encompasses the historical context, methodological tools, understanding of LEP from its launch to its evolution under two phases (1992-2004 and 2004-2014) and finally the ‘Act East’ phase from 2014 onwards. In finding the explanations, Bajpaee draws his reasoning by postulating the ‘China factor’, interpreted as ‘China’s regional role’, and offers a more credible Strategic Analysis, 2022 Vol. 46, No. 6, 641–643, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2149985","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"46 1","pages":"641 - 643"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47130440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2149987
Mayuri Banerjee
T he year 2022 marks the 60th anniversary of the 1962 Sino-Indian war. Fought over a period of one month, the war is seen as one of the watersheds in the history of India–China relations. Besides creating a considerable dent in bilateral ties, it also led New Delhi to revamp its defence and military infrastructure. Incidentally, in terms of research on China studies in India, the war proved to be a defining moment of transition. The subject of religious, cultural and philosophical issues in India–China relations lost popularity and studies about the origins and the consequences of the 1962 war and the boundary dispute gained currency. Subsequently, a significant amount of literature emerged, dealing with the history of border demarcation, basis of India’s and China’s territorial claims, causes of the 1962 war and analysis of the factors that led to India’s military setback. The three books reviewed in this Essay – Nehru, Tibet and China by Avtar Singh Bhasin, a former Director of the Historical Division in the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), The Fractured Himalaya: India, Tibet and China 1949–1962 by Nirupama Rao, former Foreign Secretary of India, and 1962 Border War: SinoIndian Territorial Disputes and Beyond by Ismail Vengasseri, a faculty member in the Department of History, Lady Shri Ram College for Women—are all published in 2021, and add to the list of extant literature on the border dispute and the 1962 war. While issues relating to Tibet, the border dispute and the 1962 war have already been addressed at length in many previous studies, these selected works add value in terms of their re-evaluation of three crucial aspects based on extensive archival research. First, Jawaharlal Nehru’s perception of China and its impact on his approach towards Tibet. Second, the role of the Tibet issue in perpetrating distrust and tension in bilateral ties and third, the factors which set the stage for confrontation after the failure of Nehru-Zhou talks in 1960. Strategic Analysis, 2022 Vol. 46, No. 6, 631–637, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2149987
{"title":"Debating the Past: Nehru, China and Lessons from 1962 War","authors":"Mayuri Banerjee","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2022.2149987","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2149987","url":null,"abstract":"T he year 2022 marks the 60th anniversary of the 1962 Sino-Indian war. Fought over a period of one month, the war is seen as one of the watersheds in the history of India–China relations. Besides creating a considerable dent in bilateral ties, it also led New Delhi to revamp its defence and military infrastructure. Incidentally, in terms of research on China studies in India, the war proved to be a defining moment of transition. The subject of religious, cultural and philosophical issues in India–China relations lost popularity and studies about the origins and the consequences of the 1962 war and the boundary dispute gained currency. Subsequently, a significant amount of literature emerged, dealing with the history of border demarcation, basis of India’s and China’s territorial claims, causes of the 1962 war and analysis of the factors that led to India’s military setback. The three books reviewed in this Essay – Nehru, Tibet and China by Avtar Singh Bhasin, a former Director of the Historical Division in the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), The Fractured Himalaya: India, Tibet and China 1949–1962 by Nirupama Rao, former Foreign Secretary of India, and 1962 Border War: SinoIndian Territorial Disputes and Beyond by Ismail Vengasseri, a faculty member in the Department of History, Lady Shri Ram College for Women—are all published in 2021, and add to the list of extant literature on the border dispute and the 1962 war. While issues relating to Tibet, the border dispute and the 1962 war have already been addressed at length in many previous studies, these selected works add value in terms of their re-evaluation of three crucial aspects based on extensive archival research. First, Jawaharlal Nehru’s perception of China and its impact on his approach towards Tibet. Second, the role of the Tibet issue in perpetrating distrust and tension in bilateral ties and third, the factors which set the stage for confrontation after the failure of Nehru-Zhou talks in 1960. Strategic Analysis, 2022 Vol. 46, No. 6, 631–637, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2149987","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"46 1","pages":"631 - 637"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47891020","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2149986
Ruchita Beri
I ndia’s partnership with Africa has come into the limelight in recent years. Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his Address to the Ugandan parliament in 2018 reiterated that Africa is a high priority for India’s foreign policy. India-Africa Relations: Changing Horizons by Rajiv Bhatia is a welcome addition to the literature on India’s engagement with the African continent. In this volume, Bhatia has put to good use, the insights gained during his 37-year innings in the Indian Foreign Service (IFS), particularly his term as India’s High Commissioner to Kenya, South Africa and Lesotho. The focus of this book is on analysing India-Africa relations in the past two decades. Why is it so important to study the changing horizons or the changing relationship between India and Africa? The author makes it clear right in the beginning: by 2050, India and Africa will be home to 4.1 billion people accounting for 42 per cent of humankind. How they relate to each other is indeed a subject of global interest. While the title of the book suggests it to be a study of India-Africa relations, the reader gains insights on several other important issues. It gives a clear picture of why Africa is often hailed as the continent of the future; whether it is in terms of population or economic growth. Notably, four of the fastest growing economies in the world belong to Africa including Ivory Coast, Ethiopia, Ghana and Rwanda. African leaders have been pushing for ‘African solutions for African problems.’ In the words of the President of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, ‘Africa’s story has been written by others, we need to own [up to] our problems and solutions and write our story.’ The author discusses the innovative plans and mechanisms initiated by the African countries, such as the African Union’s Agenda 2063. This reflects a pan-African vision of an integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa. The innovative framework of the African Peer Review Mechanism, to which 33 of the 54 countries agreed, reflects the enthusiasm within Africa to self-evaluate on issues related to governance. The launch of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) in 2019 is another step taken by African countries to enhance the economic integration process. The author provides a stimulating analysis of India’s relations with African countries. While the focus is on the relationship in recent years, the author takes a quick peep into the history of India-Africa relations mainly to re-emphasize the point that India-Africa relations are not new and go back centuries. He provides Strategic Analysis, 2022 Vol. 46, No. 6, 638–640, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2149986
{"title":"India–Africa Relations: Changing Horizons","authors":"Ruchita Beri","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2022.2149986","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2149986","url":null,"abstract":"I ndia’s partnership with Africa has come into the limelight in recent years. Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his Address to the Ugandan parliament in 2018 reiterated that Africa is a high priority for India’s foreign policy. India-Africa Relations: Changing Horizons by Rajiv Bhatia is a welcome addition to the literature on India’s engagement with the African continent. In this volume, Bhatia has put to good use, the insights gained during his 37-year innings in the Indian Foreign Service (IFS), particularly his term as India’s High Commissioner to Kenya, South Africa and Lesotho. The focus of this book is on analysing India-Africa relations in the past two decades. Why is it so important to study the changing horizons or the changing relationship between India and Africa? The author makes it clear right in the beginning: by 2050, India and Africa will be home to 4.1 billion people accounting for 42 per cent of humankind. How they relate to each other is indeed a subject of global interest. While the title of the book suggests it to be a study of India-Africa relations, the reader gains insights on several other important issues. It gives a clear picture of why Africa is often hailed as the continent of the future; whether it is in terms of population or economic growth. Notably, four of the fastest growing economies in the world belong to Africa including Ivory Coast, Ethiopia, Ghana and Rwanda. African leaders have been pushing for ‘African solutions for African problems.’ In the words of the President of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, ‘Africa’s story has been written by others, we need to own [up to] our problems and solutions and write our story.’ The author discusses the innovative plans and mechanisms initiated by the African countries, such as the African Union’s Agenda 2063. This reflects a pan-African vision of an integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa. The innovative framework of the African Peer Review Mechanism, to which 33 of the 54 countries agreed, reflects the enthusiasm within Africa to self-evaluate on issues related to governance. The launch of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) in 2019 is another step taken by African countries to enhance the economic integration process. The author provides a stimulating analysis of India’s relations with African countries. While the focus is on the relationship in recent years, the author takes a quick peep into the history of India-Africa relations mainly to re-emphasize the point that India-Africa relations are not new and go back centuries. He provides Strategic Analysis, 2022 Vol. 46, No. 6, 638–640, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2149986","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"34 1","pages":"638 - 640"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41292621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2156093
K. Ramachandran
T he first half of 1971 witnessed some significant developments in South Asia: the emergence of a liberation movement for an independent Bangla Desh, the Janata Vimukti Peramuna (JVP) insurgency in Ceylon and the landslide electoral victory of Smt. Gandhi in India. These developments came at a time when China, in the aftermath of the decisions taken at the Ninth Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, had begun implementing a reactivated tactical line in foreign policy. The Bangla Desh struggle and the JVP insurgency in Ceylon have disturbed for some time to come, the equilibrium, however precarious it was in South Asian politics. The Bangla Desh movement against the Pakistani military junta is developing as a guerrilla movement. The Ceylon insurgency, although suppressed presently by the United Front Government of Mrs. Bandaranaike, can, by no means, be considered as over. The questions it raised have not been answered yet. The national problems that it brought into focus may take years to solve. As regards India, it may be said the massive mandate given to Smt. Gandhi amply demonstrated that the Indian electorate had given the leadership of the New Congress a fair chance for the implementation of the proclaimed programmes under conditions of agreeable political stability. What is Peking’s attitude to these events? The Bangla Desh struggle and the Ceylon insurgency—the two unexpected developments—have undoubtedly posed difficult problems of foreign policy decision-making in Peking; for both these movements could be described as ‘revolutionary’ in Peking’s own frame of reference, and constituted a severe test for Peking’s claim to be the citadel of a world revolution. There is no reason to believe that the decision-makers in Peking had visualized situations of this kind to develop either in Ceylon or in Pakistan. Also, while Peking might not have doubted the emergence of Smt. Gandhi as the leader of the Indian nation after the mid-term poll, it is doubtful whether it anticipated the landslide victory of the New Congress. It may have come as much a surprise to Peking as it was to a majority of the political analysts in India and abroad. Peking found it difficult to make appropriate gestures to India in the post-election situation towards normalization of relations between the two countries, which got frozen in the Himalayan slopes in 1962. It is against this background of new developments in Pakistan, Ceylon and India that Peking’s policy towards South Asia is analysed here.
{"title":"China’s South Asia Policy","authors":"K. Ramachandran","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2022.2156093","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2156093","url":null,"abstract":"T he first half of 1971 witnessed some significant developments in South Asia: the emergence of a liberation movement for an independent Bangla Desh, the Janata Vimukti Peramuna (JVP) insurgency in Ceylon and the landslide electoral victory of Smt. Gandhi in India. These developments came at a time when China, in the aftermath of the decisions taken at the Ninth Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, had begun implementing a reactivated tactical line in foreign policy. The Bangla Desh struggle and the JVP insurgency in Ceylon have disturbed for some time to come, the equilibrium, however precarious it was in South Asian politics. The Bangla Desh movement against the Pakistani military junta is developing as a guerrilla movement. The Ceylon insurgency, although suppressed presently by the United Front Government of Mrs. Bandaranaike, can, by no means, be considered as over. The questions it raised have not been answered yet. The national problems that it brought into focus may take years to solve. As regards India, it may be said the massive mandate given to Smt. Gandhi amply demonstrated that the Indian electorate had given the leadership of the New Congress a fair chance for the implementation of the proclaimed programmes under conditions of agreeable political stability. What is Peking’s attitude to these events? The Bangla Desh struggle and the Ceylon insurgency—the two unexpected developments—have undoubtedly posed difficult problems of foreign policy decision-making in Peking; for both these movements could be described as ‘revolutionary’ in Peking’s own frame of reference, and constituted a severe test for Peking’s claim to be the citadel of a world revolution. There is no reason to believe that the decision-makers in Peking had visualized situations of this kind to develop either in Ceylon or in Pakistan. Also, while Peking might not have doubted the emergence of Smt. Gandhi as the leader of the Indian nation after the mid-term poll, it is doubtful whether it anticipated the landslide victory of the New Congress. It may have come as much a surprise to Peking as it was to a majority of the political analysts in India and abroad. Peking found it difficult to make appropriate gestures to India in the post-election situation towards normalization of relations between the two countries, which got frozen in the Himalayan slopes in 1962. It is against this background of new developments in Pakistan, Ceylon and India that Peking’s policy towards South Asia is analysed here.","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"46 1","pages":"653 - 663"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44100062","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2157508
Manoj Babu Buraga
Abstract India’s foreign policy, as in the case of any other sovereign state, aims at protecting and promoting the country’s ‘national interest.’ Strategic autonomy, which has been its defining value and goal, remains at the core of India’s global engagements. India maintains political, diplomatic, economic, strategic, science and technological, and cultural relations to achieve a stable, secure, peaceful, and prosperous India. The largest ‘democracy’ in the world, India, joins hands with the EU, the largest cluster of ‘democracies’ in the world. This article provides a chronology of India–EU interactions from the inception and intent to explore their strategic partnership. It examines India–EU strategic partnership significance, and differences, and highlights whether the strategic partnership ‘strategized’ enough or not. India and the EU are two quite exceptional entities in the world; thus, their strategic partnership is really a ‘true strategic alliance’.
{"title":"‘Strategising’ the India-EU Partnership","authors":"Manoj Babu Buraga","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2022.2157508","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2157508","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract India’s foreign policy, as in the case of any other sovereign state, aims at protecting and promoting the country’s ‘national interest.’ Strategic autonomy, which has been its defining value and goal, remains at the core of India’s global engagements. India maintains political, diplomatic, economic, strategic, science and technological, and cultural relations to achieve a stable, secure, peaceful, and prosperous India. The largest ‘democracy’ in the world, India, joins hands with the EU, the largest cluster of ‘democracies’ in the world. This article provides a chronology of India–EU interactions from the inception and intent to explore their strategic partnership. It examines India–EU strategic partnership significance, and differences, and highlights whether the strategic partnership ‘strategized’ enough or not. India and the EU are two quite exceptional entities in the world; thus, their strategic partnership is really a ‘true strategic alliance’.","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"46 1","pages":"614 - 630"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47986367","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2154421
L. Grigoryev, A. Morozkina
Abstract The history of colonialism normally focusses on the socio-economic losses of colonies, and the benefits of metropoles are a much less-studied field. Our study indicates that the flow of resources, rent and personal wealth should not be downplayed as factors of economic growth in the key Empires, although information on most subjects is limited. This importance could be demonstrated (although not fully quantitatively evaluated) by India–United Kingdom relations before 1913. We highlight the key channels of this influence (trade, investment and migration), and the persistence of the income gaps between the dominant and dependent countries until their independence.
{"title":"Colonialism Matters: Benefits of Metropoles with a Focus on India and Great Britain","authors":"L. Grigoryev, A. Morozkina","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2022.2154421","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2154421","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The history of colonialism normally focusses on the socio-economic losses of colonies, and the benefits of metropoles are a much less-studied field. Our study indicates that the flow of resources, rent and personal wealth should not be downplayed as factors of economic growth in the key Empires, although information on most subjects is limited. This importance could be demonstrated (although not fully quantitatively evaluated) by India–United Kingdom relations before 1913. We highlight the key channels of this influence (trade, investment and migration), and the persistence of the income gaps between the dominant and dependent countries until their independence.","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"46 1","pages":"585 - 600"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41697762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2150018
Muneeb Yousuf
{"title":"The Comrades and the Mullahs: China, Afghanistan and the New Asian Geopolitics","authors":"Muneeb Yousuf","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2022.2150018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2150018","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"46 1","pages":"650 - 652"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44771441","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2149981
Adarsh Badri
Abstract In light of China’s rise, the Quad coalition has gained momentum in its efforts to maintain a Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP). While scholars have discussed the relevance of Quad, little work has been done to theorize the balancing behaviour of individual Quad countries. This article examines Randall Schweller’s Balance of Interest theory—which emphasizes the underlying ‘profit motives’ in alliance formations—in the Quad coalition. Using Schweller’s typology of States, this article argues, the United States behaves as a status quo lion state, Japan as a lamb state, Australia and India as jackal states, and China as a revisionist wolf state.
{"title":"Quad and the Indo-Pacific: Examining the Balance of Interest Theory in Quad Coalition","authors":"Adarsh Badri","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2022.2149981","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2149981","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In light of China’s rise, the Quad coalition has gained momentum in its efforts to maintain a Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP). While scholars have discussed the relevance of Quad, little work has been done to theorize the balancing behaviour of individual Quad countries. This article examines Randall Schweller’s Balance of Interest theory—which emphasizes the underlying ‘profit motives’ in alliance formations—in the Quad coalition. Using Schweller’s typology of States, this article argues, the United States behaves as a status quo lion state, Japan as a lamb state, Australia and India as jackal states, and China as a revisionist wolf state.","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"46 1","pages":"601 - 613"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48026768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-03DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2130904
T. Hussain
E ver since the communist victory and establishment of a People’s Republic (PRC) on the mainland, China has greatly influenced the basic tenor of American policies in Asia. For the United States, the fact of China going communist was indeed a traumatic experience as China had a special place in the American psyche. Historical links of trade, missionary activities, intellectual curiosity, extraterritoriality and war-time camaraderie had brought the US closest to China in Asia. These links disintegrated in the aftermath of the communist victory. Thus, besides the emotional reaction to the loss of China, the timing of such a fundamental change in China’s power structure was nothing short of a major catastrophe from the American point of view. It reinforced the American belief in an international communist conspiracy for global hegemony. Persistence of this belief was undoubtedly an important element in American attitude towards Communist China. This article attempts to examine the future trends in Sino-American relations in the light of their historical evolution and in the context of some of the major changes in the international system. It is suggested that the relations between the two countries during the last 20 years, represent a dynamic model of a bilateral relationship striving for an equilibrium rather than a static one; that the relationship which appears to be stalemated as a result of their mutually antagonistic attitudes and positions has not been so; and that a rather unique relationship has existed despite non-relations until very recently. Thus, since there is no real stalemate, a state of fluidity exists in which a change for the better is most likely. At this stage of analysis, it is important to identify the major elements of bilateral relations between the US and China and to examine the changes which are taking place in their various aspects. Thus, one can identify the following five issues which have been important in the evolution of Sino-American relations: 1) the question of Taiwan; 2) non-recognition of China and denial of UN membership to China; 3) containment of China through military alliance and trade embargo; 4) ideological confrontation; and 5) the war in Vietnam.
{"title":"US Relations with China in Perspective","authors":"T. Hussain","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2022.2130904","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2130904","url":null,"abstract":"E ver since the communist victory and establishment of a People’s Republic (PRC) on the mainland, China has greatly influenced the basic tenor of American policies in Asia. For the United States, the fact of China going communist was indeed a traumatic experience as China had a special place in the American psyche. Historical links of trade, missionary activities, intellectual curiosity, extraterritoriality and war-time camaraderie had brought the US closest to China in Asia. These links disintegrated in the aftermath of the communist victory. Thus, besides the emotional reaction to the loss of China, the timing of such a fundamental change in China’s power structure was nothing short of a major catastrophe from the American point of view. It reinforced the American belief in an international communist conspiracy for global hegemony. Persistence of this belief was undoubtedly an important element in American attitude towards Communist China. This article attempts to examine the future trends in Sino-American relations in the light of their historical evolution and in the context of some of the major changes in the international system. It is suggested that the relations between the two countries during the last 20 years, represent a dynamic model of a bilateral relationship striving for an equilibrium rather than a static one; that the relationship which appears to be stalemated as a result of their mutually antagonistic attitudes and positions has not been so; and that a rather unique relationship has existed despite non-relations until very recently. Thus, since there is no real stalemate, a state of fluidity exists in which a change for the better is most likely. At this stage of analysis, it is important to identify the major elements of bilateral relations between the US and China and to examine the changes which are taking place in their various aspects. Thus, one can identify the following five issues which have been important in the evolution of Sino-American relations: 1) the question of Taiwan; 2) non-recognition of China and denial of UN membership to China; 3) containment of China through military alliance and trade embargo; 4) ideological confrontation; and 5) the war in Vietnam.","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"46 1","pages":"555 - 569"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44759067","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-03DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2119698
P. Das
Abstract It is argued that the way to bring about development in the Northeast is by economically integrating the region with the vibrant markets of Southeast Asia and East Asia through the Act East Policy. Accordingly, a number of projects have been initiated to improve connectivity between the Northeast and the neighbouring countries. It is believed that connectivity projects will act as growth corridors resulting in economic development of the region. However, to effectively implement the policy and to reap its benefits, it is imperative to overcome challenges such as adverse security situations, bad governance, lack of entrepreneurial skills, absence of markets, and reluctant neighbours.
{"title":"Challenges to the Development of the Northeast through the Act East Policy","authors":"P. Das","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2022.2119698","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2119698","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract It is argued that the way to bring about development in the Northeast is by economically integrating the region with the vibrant markets of Southeast Asia and East Asia through the Act East Policy. Accordingly, a number of projects have been initiated to improve connectivity between the Northeast and the neighbouring countries. It is believed that connectivity projects will act as growth corridors resulting in economic development of the region. However, to effectively implement the policy and to reap its benefits, it is imperative to overcome challenges such as adverse security situations, bad governance, lack of entrepreneurial skills, absence of markets, and reluctant neighbours.","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"46 1","pages":"473 - 493"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46668233","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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