Pub Date : 2022-07-04DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2111763
Yoshiki Shinohara, R. Kim
Abstract Discussion on Asia and Asian values is conspicuously absent from existing research in global capitalist society. In order to foster critical debates on ‘Asianism Retold’, we explore how Asian traditional value has been integrated into the contemporary business system. By examining Japan’s traditional values—Sanpo-yoshi, this article explores the relationship between corporate social responsibility (CSR) and Asian values. The case study also shows how the management strategy of Japanese companies applies Sanpo-yoshi to demonstrate typical CSR in certain ways and influence people’s views on responsible and ethical business. Implications of this research for both researchers and practitioners are discussed in the conclusion.
{"title":"Sanpo-Yoshi and Corporate Social Responsibility in Japan","authors":"Yoshiki Shinohara, R. Kim","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2022.2111763","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2111763","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Discussion on Asia and Asian values is conspicuously absent from existing research in global capitalist society. In order to foster critical debates on ‘Asianism Retold’, we explore how Asian traditional value has been integrated into the contemporary business system. By examining Japan’s traditional values—Sanpo-yoshi, this article explores the relationship between corporate social responsibility (CSR) and Asian values. The case study also shows how the management strategy of Japanese companies applies Sanpo-yoshi to demonstrate typical CSR in certain ways and influence people’s views on responsible and ethical business. Implications of this research for both researchers and practitioners are discussed in the conclusion.","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"46 1","pages":"403 - 415"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44310834","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-04DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2111764
Anil Trigunayat
Abstract Going by the economic growth patterns of China, India, Japan, South Korea and ASEAN countries with corresponding decline in the Western economic heft, it was often claimed that the 21st century will be the Asian Century. This might be in doubt due to the pandemic and geopolitical contestation between China and the US, where new faultlines are being drawn. Moreover, India and China being in a potential conflict zone, the dream of the Asian Century might have receded even further. But Asianism, given its intrinsic strength, has gone through its own evolution over the centuries, as the major Asian civilizations and cultures have interacted often seamlessly and occasionally competed with one another. Assimilation has often been the result. Ancient is intrinsic to the Asian thought, philosophy, and existence. Harmony with nature and a share-and-care attitude have been the hallmarks of the quest for eternal peace and co-existence. Yet, political Asianism has occasionally witnessed conflicts and wars in the name of supremacy and superiority which was hardly the real essence of the Asiatic value systems. The battle between the West and East accentuated them through the 19th and 20th centuries and the First and Second World Wars. The Western system moved forward, as Japan was defeated but eventually became part of the Western alliance system. India became independent and avoided the Cold War with the global governance architecture by virtue of her ancient mystical heritage and knowledge, new-found democratic credentials, a moral and principled stance reflected through her non-aligned approaches and pragmatic emphasis on peace and development for one-sixth of humanity, thereby leading the newly-independent developing countries from Asia to Africa, from the clutches of colonialism. This has provided India with an authoritative international voice of reason. And this is what will combine her software, powered by the civilizational heritage and universality of her cultural ethos, to enhance and extend her soft power appeal which is the subtext of her very existence.
{"title":"Asianism – The Indian Sub-Text","authors":"Anil Trigunayat","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2022.2111764","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2111764","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Going by the economic growth patterns of China, India, Japan, South Korea and ASEAN countries with corresponding decline in the Western economic heft, it was often claimed that the 21st century will be the Asian Century. This might be in doubt due to the pandemic and geopolitical contestation between China and the US, where new faultlines are being drawn. Moreover, India and China being in a potential conflict zone, the dream of the Asian Century might have receded even further. But Asianism, given its intrinsic strength, has gone through its own evolution over the centuries, as the major Asian civilizations and cultures have interacted often seamlessly and occasionally competed with one another. Assimilation has often been the result. Ancient is intrinsic to the Asian thought, philosophy, and existence. Harmony with nature and a share-and-care attitude have been the hallmarks of the quest for eternal peace and co-existence. Yet, political Asianism has occasionally witnessed conflicts and wars in the name of supremacy and superiority which was hardly the real essence of the Asiatic value systems. The battle between the West and East accentuated them through the 19th and 20th centuries and the First and Second World Wars. The Western system moved forward, as Japan was defeated but eventually became part of the Western alliance system. India became independent and avoided the Cold War with the global governance architecture by virtue of her ancient mystical heritage and knowledge, new-found democratic credentials, a moral and principled stance reflected through her non-aligned approaches and pragmatic emphasis on peace and development for one-sixth of humanity, thereby leading the newly-independent developing countries from Asia to Africa, from the clutches of colonialism. This has provided India with an authoritative international voice of reason. And this is what will combine her software, powered by the civilizational heritage and universality of her cultural ethos, to enhance and extend her soft power appeal which is the subtext of her very existence.","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"46 1","pages":"416 - 429"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45112681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2081435
Sudeep Kumar
C hina and South Asia is a collection of essays on Chinese foreign policy in South Asia and the Indian Ocean Region. It covers China’s diplomatic, political, economic, social, and cultural interactions with the South Asian states, the regional balance of power and power asymmetries, and cooperation, competition and conflicts in the region. China’s rise as an economic power has led to increasing interactions in infrastructure development and connectivity as well as trade and investments with the regional countries. While the volume brings together accounts of ongoing debates and ground realities, it fails to offer a nuanced and balanced perspective on complex issues emerging out of the Chinese policy in the region. Although the edited book ignores India’s perspectives on Chinese engagements, strangely, the South Asia edition features India on the front page to target media, academia, think tanks, and policy makers in India in particular, and South Asia and IOR in general. In the Foreword, Prof Sukh Deo Muni initiates a critical debate on Chinese foreign policy in South Asia and IOR. On the contrary, most chapters disappoint with uncritical perspectives on China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). In addition, the volume fails to critically assess China’s Belt and Road Initiative, its foreign policy, and implications for small South Asian states. China’s historical engagements with the small states of South Asia have not been adequately discussed, including the Republic of China’s engagements with South Asia and IOR between 1911 and 1949. Hence, the volume has not addressed the question as to how the historical experiences help the expansion of Chinese geo-strategic and geo-economic footprints in contemporary times. There has been no shortage of comparative literature on both India and China. China is no longer an emerging economy. while India is still a developing economy trying to match Chinese geo-economic footprints in South Asia and IOR. In the Introduction, the editors’ attempt to put China and India into the same category within the international system can be problematic (p.9). Furthermore, it gives an impression of an uncritical endorsement of China’s official narrative on South Asia, while ignoring its opaque political system, controlled media and social media environment, and above all, the lack of electoral democracy (p.11). Strategic Analysis, 2022 Vol. 46, No. 3, 350–353, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2081435
{"title":"China and South Asia: Changing Regional Dynamics, Development and Power Play","authors":"Sudeep Kumar","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2022.2081435","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2081435","url":null,"abstract":"C hina and South Asia is a collection of essays on Chinese foreign policy in South Asia and the Indian Ocean Region. It covers China’s diplomatic, political, economic, social, and cultural interactions with the South Asian states, the regional balance of power and power asymmetries, and cooperation, competition and conflicts in the region. China’s rise as an economic power has led to increasing interactions in infrastructure development and connectivity as well as trade and investments with the regional countries. While the volume brings together accounts of ongoing debates and ground realities, it fails to offer a nuanced and balanced perspective on complex issues emerging out of the Chinese policy in the region. Although the edited book ignores India’s perspectives on Chinese engagements, strangely, the South Asia edition features India on the front page to target media, academia, think tanks, and policy makers in India in particular, and South Asia and IOR in general. In the Foreword, Prof Sukh Deo Muni initiates a critical debate on Chinese foreign policy in South Asia and IOR. On the contrary, most chapters disappoint with uncritical perspectives on China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). In addition, the volume fails to critically assess China’s Belt and Road Initiative, its foreign policy, and implications for small South Asian states. China’s historical engagements with the small states of South Asia have not been adequately discussed, including the Republic of China’s engagements with South Asia and IOR between 1911 and 1949. Hence, the volume has not addressed the question as to how the historical experiences help the expansion of Chinese geo-strategic and geo-economic footprints in contemporary times. There has been no shortage of comparative literature on both India and China. China is no longer an emerging economy. while India is still a developing economy trying to match Chinese geo-economic footprints in South Asia and IOR. In the Introduction, the editors’ attempt to put China and India into the same category within the international system can be problematic (p.9). Furthermore, it gives an impression of an uncritical endorsement of China’s official narrative on South Asia, while ignoring its opaque political system, controlled media and social media environment, and above all, the lack of electoral democracy (p.11). Strategic Analysis, 2022 Vol. 46, No. 3, 350–353, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2081435","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"46 1","pages":"350 - 353"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47707631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2087986
D. Pillay
{"title":"Contested Lands: India, China and the Boundary Dispute","authors":"D. Pillay","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2022.2087986","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2087986","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"46 1","pages":"345 - 346"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44691597","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2086356
G. Naidu, Y. Ishida
Abstract As the longest-serving Prime Minister so far, Abe Shinzo will be remembered for the unprecedented shifts he brought about in Japan’s security policies, which will most likely have a lasting impact. From creating new institutions to fundamental changes in decision-making and from constructing a new framework for defense strategy and acquisition of offensive military capabilities to deftly managing the alliance with the US, Abe has left an indelible mark. He also came up with the Indo-Pacific construct and the Quad, which have become the key facets of regional security. Abe’s initiatives are radical, but will they lead Japan to charter an equally new radical path?
{"title":"Japan’s Security Reforms under Abe Shinzo: Setting the Stage for Proactivism in the Indo-Pacific?","authors":"G. Naidu, Y. Ishida","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2022.2086356","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2086356","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract As the longest-serving Prime Minister so far, Abe Shinzo will be remembered for the unprecedented shifts he brought about in Japan’s security policies, which will most likely have a lasting impact. From creating new institutions to fundamental changes in decision-making and from constructing a new framework for defense strategy and acquisition of offensive military capabilities to deftly managing the alliance with the US, Abe has left an indelible mark. He also came up with the Indo-Pacific construct and the Quad, which have become the key facets of regional security. Abe’s initiatives are radical, but will they lead Japan to charter an equally new radical path?","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"46 1","pages":"277 - 292"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41601811","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2081434
Sindhu Dinesh
I n recent decades, Africa has emerged as one of the epicentres of jihadi terrorist groups. Scholars, analysts and policymakers have sought to unravel the factors underlying the presence, growth and spread of these groups. They have raised concerns about the spread of Salafi-jihadism, especially in sub-Saharan Africa. In Salafism and Political Order in Africa, Sebastian Elischer alludes that most works on the subject focus on countries struggling with the threat of Salafi-jihadism without much attention on understanding why some countries in the same region have been successful in curbing or preventing such groups. Elischer examines why some countries in Africa have become home bases for Salafi-jihadi activities while others have managed to curb the same. Exploring the relationship between the State and the Islamic landscape in sub-Saharan Africa since the 1950s, the author argues that the State plays a pivotal role in radicalising or deradicalising their domestic Salafi communities. Resorting to a State-centric approach, the book provides an empirical assessment of the evolution of StateSalafi relations, and probes the varying degrees in which political and organisational playing fields allow or prevent Salafi-jihadism from penetrating societies. Noting that there is no conclusive definition of Salafism, the book refers to it as ‘representative of Muslims who try to emulate the three generations following the [P]rophet. Salafists preach and practice a literalist approach and literal interpretation of the foundational texts of Islam’ (p.49). Elischer builds on Quintan Wiktorowicz’s classification of quietist Salafism, political Salafism and jihadi Salafism, and states that he regards the latter two as ‘activist Salafism’ as they specifically challenge State authority. The book sheds light on the origins, growth and spread of Salafijihadi organizations and makes references to prominent ones such as Boko Haram in the Lake Chad region, Al-Qaeda (known as Al-Qaeda in Islamic Maghreb or AQIS) in the Maghreb and Sahel, and Al-Shabaab in East Africa. The book presents a historical narrative of the ‘process (or lack thereof)’ that led to the formation of organisational regulatory institutions in the Islamic sphere (described in the book as ‘[S]tate-led national Islamic associations’ (p.26), and its effect on State-Islamic relations. In doing so, the book provides a process-driven empirical analysis of the role of the State in religious radicalisation as well as in the origins and subsequent evolution of Salafi-jihadi organisations in different countries in Africa. It also draws out the ‘permissive, constraining and coercive strategies’ Strategic Analysis, 2022 Vol. 46, No. 3, 347–349, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2081434
{"title":"Salafism and Political Order in Africa","authors":"Sindhu Dinesh","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2022.2081434","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2081434","url":null,"abstract":"I n recent decades, Africa has emerged as one of the epicentres of jihadi terrorist groups. Scholars, analysts and policymakers have sought to unravel the factors underlying the presence, growth and spread of these groups. They have raised concerns about the spread of Salafi-jihadism, especially in sub-Saharan Africa. In Salafism and Political Order in Africa, Sebastian Elischer alludes that most works on the subject focus on countries struggling with the threat of Salafi-jihadism without much attention on understanding why some countries in the same region have been successful in curbing or preventing such groups. Elischer examines why some countries in Africa have become home bases for Salafi-jihadi activities while others have managed to curb the same. Exploring the relationship between the State and the Islamic landscape in sub-Saharan Africa since the 1950s, the author argues that the State plays a pivotal role in radicalising or deradicalising their domestic Salafi communities. Resorting to a State-centric approach, the book provides an empirical assessment of the evolution of StateSalafi relations, and probes the varying degrees in which political and organisational playing fields allow or prevent Salafi-jihadism from penetrating societies. Noting that there is no conclusive definition of Salafism, the book refers to it as ‘representative of Muslims who try to emulate the three generations following the [P]rophet. Salafists preach and practice a literalist approach and literal interpretation of the foundational texts of Islam’ (p.49). Elischer builds on Quintan Wiktorowicz’s classification of quietist Salafism, political Salafism and jihadi Salafism, and states that he regards the latter two as ‘activist Salafism’ as they specifically challenge State authority. The book sheds light on the origins, growth and spread of Salafijihadi organizations and makes references to prominent ones such as Boko Haram in the Lake Chad region, Al-Qaeda (known as Al-Qaeda in Islamic Maghreb or AQIS) in the Maghreb and Sahel, and Al-Shabaab in East Africa. The book presents a historical narrative of the ‘process (or lack thereof)’ that led to the formation of organisational regulatory institutions in the Islamic sphere (described in the book as ‘[S]tate-led national Islamic associations’ (p.26), and its effect on State-Islamic relations. In doing so, the book provides a process-driven empirical analysis of the role of the State in religious radicalisation as well as in the origins and subsequent evolution of Salafi-jihadi organisations in different countries in Africa. It also draws out the ‘permissive, constraining and coercive strategies’ Strategic Analysis, 2022 Vol. 46, No. 3, 347–349, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2081434","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"46 1","pages":"347 - 349"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41709909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2088129
Vinay Kaura, Meena Rani
Abstract The article argues that India and Australia have a significant role to play amidst China’s expanding maritime footprint in the Indian Ocean and growing influence in the South China Sea. With worsening relations between India and China as well as Australia and China, both New Delhi and Canberra have been deepening their connections, particularly after the COVID-19 pandemic. The article explores China as a key point of interest in India–Australia maritime cooperation and concludes that India–Australia ties have opened up the possibilities for expanding the arc of India’s strategic partnerships in the Indo-Pacific region..
{"title":"Assessing the China Factor in the India–Australia Strategic Partnership after COVID-19","authors":"Vinay Kaura, Meena Rani","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2022.2088129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2088129","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article argues that India and Australia have a significant role to play amidst China’s expanding maritime footprint in the Indian Ocean and growing influence in the South China Sea. With worsening relations between India and China as well as Australia and China, both New Delhi and Canberra have been deepening their connections, particularly after the COVID-19 pandemic. The article explores China as a key point of interest in India–Australia maritime cooperation and concludes that India–Australia ties have opened up the possibilities for expanding the arc of India’s strategic partnerships in the Indo-Pacific region..","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"46 1","pages":"317 - 335"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43026948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2022.2081433
N. Nayak
T he book Kathmandu Dilemma: Resetting India-Nepal Ties by Ranjit Rae, a former Indian Ambassador to Nepal (September 2013 to February 2017), is timely, given that bilateral relations have been marred by numerous controversies in the recent past. Nepal has sent two diplomatic notes—September 2021 and November 2019—to India in the last few years. Accusations in Nepal of India meddling in its internal affairs during the 2021 constitutional crisis, have further vitiated the atmosphere. The India-Nepal relationship has been in perpetual controversy since the formation of the Gorkha Empire in 1768 by Prithvi Narayan Shah, who advised his subjects to have limited interactions with the southerners. The Nepalese perception of India has been driven by the need of rulers in Nepal to manage their political insecurities. These perceptions were gradually validated by negligence from the Indian side to respect the sensitivities in the relationship. Over the last 70 years, the policymakers and academia in both countries have been trying to understand whether the perceptions added complexity in the relationship or the contentious issues shaped perceptions. Ambassador Rae is eminently qualified to traverse through the landscape of the relationship given his vast experience when the Himalayan country was at the peak of its political turmoil. A large portion of the book—except two chapters that deal with boundaries and treaties—is based on the author’s experiences in Nepal while handling complex bilateral issues. Therefore, at the outset, the author has clarified that the book is based on experiences and assessments of someone who has had a ringside view of some of the major developments in Nepal over the last decade. The book is well-structured with ten chapters. Primarily, it deals with three issues —perceptions of each other, unaddressed contentious issues, and growing Chinese footprints in Nepal. It starts with one of the unresolved questions in bilateral relations—why don’t the Nepalese like India or Indians? The book examines growing Chinese influence in Nepal and offers some recommendations as the way forward, to make the Indo-Nepal relationship beneficial to both countries. The author should be commended for providing details about emotional outbursts and illogical arguments of certain sections of Nepalese media, civil society and political class towards India. Even India’s humanitarian assistance during the 2015 Strategic Analysis, 2022 Vol. 46, No. 3, 342–344, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2022.2081433
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