This study delves into the intricate mechanisms by which states employ a complex network of competing and intersecting borders—both real and imagined—to delineate and perpetuate the image of Syrian refugees as security risks. Drawing upon insights from border studies, securitization theory, and framing analysis, we explore the nuanced processes of mental mapping and bordering within the context of the Syrian crisis. By scrutinizing the construction of these borders and mental maps, we highlight the deliberate state‐driven narrative that portrays Syrians as threats, emphasizing that such perceptions are not inherent but rather intentionally crafted. Our investigation sheds light on the state's agency in framing Syrians as threats, a narrative rarely challenged despite the multifaceted nature of the refugee crisis. Through an expanded discussion on historical, geopolitical, and socio‐cultural dimensions, we aim to provide a comprehensive understanding of the intricate dynamics underlying the portrayal of Syrian refugees as perennial security concerns.
{"title":"Multiple borders in one war: Constructing mental maps of Syrian refugees as threats","authors":"Jennifer Skulte‐Ouaiss, Jasmin Lilian Diab","doi":"10.1111/sena.12443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12443","url":null,"abstract":"This study delves into the intricate mechanisms by which states employ a complex network of competing and intersecting borders—both real and imagined—to delineate and perpetuate the image of Syrian refugees as security risks. Drawing upon insights from border studies, securitization theory, and framing analysis, we explore the nuanced processes of mental mapping and bordering within the context of the Syrian crisis. By scrutinizing the construction of these borders and mental maps, we highlight the deliberate state‐driven narrative that portrays Syrians as threats, emphasizing that such perceptions are not inherent but rather intentionally crafted. Our investigation sheds light on the state's agency in framing Syrians as threats, a narrative rarely challenged despite the multifaceted nature of the refugee crisis. Through an expanded discussion on historical, geopolitical, and socio‐cultural dimensions, we aim to provide a comprehensive understanding of the intricate dynamics underlying the portrayal of Syrian refugees as perennial security concerns.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"59 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142177986","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper looks into the frames of the Catalan quest for national self‐determination during the second decade of the XXI century. Specifically, it analyzes how pro‐independence actors frame the intermediate steps to move forward towards national sovereignty within a process that becomes contentious. In this regard, the Catalan pro‐independence movement is a good contemporary opportunity for analysis. From a combined view on nationalism, this paper deductively introduces two collective action frames: institutionalization and mobilization. Institutionalization frames are depicted as the agency‐oriented and material steps needed to advance towards a political goal. Mobilization frames, on the other hand, are focused on the contentious episodes of a process. This paper concludes that while the two frames are present in the Catalan case, mobilization frames stand out for its relevance.
{"title":"Contentious emancipation. Processual frames on national self‐determination in Catalonia","authors":"Ion Vazquez","doi":"10.1111/sena.12444","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12444","url":null,"abstract":"This paper looks into the frames of the Catalan quest for national self‐determination during the second decade of the XXI century. Specifically, it analyzes how pro‐independence actors frame the intermediate steps to move forward towards national sovereignty within a process that becomes contentious. In this regard, the Catalan pro‐independence movement is a good contemporary opportunity for analysis. From a combined view on nationalism, this paper deductively introduces two collective action frames: institutionalization and mobilization. Institutionalization frames are depicted as the agency‐oriented and material steps needed to advance towards a political goal. Mobilization frames, on the other hand, are focused on the contentious episodes of a process. This paper concludes that while the two frames are present in the Catalan case, mobilization frames stand out for its relevance.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142177987","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pakistani is a diverse society, and media are vital in highlighting their identity, presence, and contributions. Newspapers play a pivotal role in shaping perceptions of ethnic minorities, highlighting the need for impartial and responsible journalism. This study examines the role of newspapers in this context, focusing on the portrayal of ethnic minorities through a content analysis of 84 news articles from leading Pakistani Urdu‐language newspapers (Daily Jang, Daily Express and Daily Khabrain) to scrutinise the portrayal of ethnic minorities. The study aims to uncover the patterns and themes in the portrayal of these communities. Findings reveal that patterns in coverage allocation, with Christians dominating news coverage compared to other religious groups. The portrayal of non‐Muslim groups is predominantly positive, yet the articles featured anti‐Ahmadi content, reflecting complexity. The findings emphasise the well‐being of minorities, showcasing a positive trend. The news articles accentuated the positive contributions of non‐Muslims, and a significant majority (85.7%) covered religious events of minority groups. Positive representation aligns with societal discourse acknowledging diverse contributions and cultural expressions. Critical inquiry is prompted by editorial decisions, journalistic priorities, and societal dynamics shaping media narratives.
{"title":"Media representation of ethnic minorities in Pakistani newspapers","authors":"Mohammed Habes, Mokhtar Elareshi, Sana Ali","doi":"10.1111/sena.12442","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12442","url":null,"abstract":"Pakistani is a diverse society, and media are vital in highlighting their identity, presence, and contributions. Newspapers play a pivotal role in shaping perceptions of ethnic minorities, highlighting the need for impartial and responsible journalism. This study examines the role of newspapers in this context, focusing on the portrayal of ethnic minorities through a content analysis of 84 news articles from leading Pakistani Urdu‐language newspapers (Daily Jang, Daily Express and Daily Khabrain) to scrutinise the portrayal of ethnic minorities. The study aims to uncover the patterns and themes in the portrayal of these communities. Findings reveal that patterns in coverage allocation, with Christians dominating news coverage compared to other religious groups. The portrayal of non‐Muslim groups is predominantly positive, yet the articles featured anti‐Ahmadi content, reflecting complexity. The findings emphasise the well‐being of minorities, showcasing a positive trend. The news articles accentuated the positive contributions of non‐Muslims, and a significant majority (85.7%) covered religious events of minority groups. Positive representation aligns with societal discourse acknowledging diverse contributions and cultural expressions. Critical inquiry is prompted by editorial decisions, journalistic priorities, and societal dynamics shaping media narratives.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141944542","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article examines the intertwinement of neoliberalism with nationalism and the new conceptualizations of Indonesianness that it generates. The principles of the two paradigms are often seen as antitheses, but this article shows that the growing neoliberal ideas and practices have informed notions of the nation and Indonesianness. The conjunction of the two paradigms indicates a shift in Indonesia, where until 1998, the state portrayed neoliberal principles as un‐Indonesian. Examining 212 nationalistic television commercials aired between 2005 and 2021, two discourses of Indonesianness can be identified. The first depicts Indonesians as passionately productive and entrepreneurial people, and the second frames the partaking in the marketization and promotion of exotic cultural diversity as acts of nationalism. These discourses reflect the growing acceptance of neoliberal values, especially among the middle class. Despite the relatively new conjunction of neoliberalism and nationalism, these new imaginings continue to build on the older state's discourse that excludes socio‐economic and ethnic minorities. Thus, diverging from the vision of a democratic post‐authoritarian Indonesia, this point of convergence between nationalism and neoliberalism continues to marginalize minorities.
{"title":"Neoliberal Nationalism in Television Commercials: Discursive Representations of Exploring and Entrepreneurial Indonesians","authors":"Stefani Nugroho","doi":"10.1111/sena.12441","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12441","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the intertwinement of neoliberalism with nationalism and the new conceptualizations of Indonesianness that it generates. The principles of the two paradigms are often seen as antitheses, but this article shows that the growing neoliberal ideas and practices have informed notions of the nation and Indonesianness. The conjunction of the two paradigms indicates a shift in Indonesia, where until 1998, the state portrayed neoliberal principles as un‐Indonesian. Examining 212 nationalistic television commercials aired between 2005 and 2021, two discourses of Indonesianness can be identified. The first depicts Indonesians as passionately productive and entrepreneurial people, and the second frames the partaking in the marketization and promotion of exotic cultural diversity as acts of nationalism. These discourses reflect the growing acceptance of neoliberal values, especially among the middle class. Despite the relatively new conjunction of neoliberalism and nationalism, these new imaginings continue to build on the older state's discourse that excludes socio‐economic and ethnic minorities. Thus, diverging from the vision of a democratic post‐authoritarian Indonesia, this point of convergence between nationalism and neoliberalism continues to marginalize minorities.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141870534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study examined the degree of perceived editorial autonomy possessed by journalists working in the Amhara Media Corporation (AMC) in determining the emphasis of news stories. It also identifies the factors that exert the greatest influence on journalists’ decision‐making regarding story selection, source determination and framing the news following the 2018 political reform, in Ethiopia using the “hierarchy‐of‐influences” model. The research employed a sequential explanatory mixed method approach, using stratified random sampling to survey 152 participants, and purposive sampling to conduct in‐depth interviews with 7 selected journalists. The quantitative data indicates that journalists’ autonomy at AMC remains restricted. On the other hand, the qualitative data divulges that the extent of professional autonomy among AMC journalists is contingent upon the support received from assigned managers and by the political climate of the country. As a result, the professional autonomy experienced by journalists at AMC is subject to situational factors and fluctuating. Furthermore, procedural, professional, organizational, and political influences are found with the most decisive influence, respectively.
{"title":"Perceived professional autonomy among Ethiopian regional state media journalists: A post‐reform account of Amhara Media Corporation","authors":"Melkamu Mekonnen Mazengia, Jemal Mohammed Haile","doi":"10.1111/sena.12440","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12440","url":null,"abstract":"This study examined the degree of perceived editorial autonomy possessed by journalists working in the Amhara Media Corporation (AMC) in determining the emphasis of news stories. It also identifies the factors that exert the greatest influence on journalists’ decision‐making regarding story selection, source determination and framing the news following the 2018 political reform, in Ethiopia using the “hierarchy‐of‐influences” model. The research employed a sequential explanatory mixed method approach, using stratified random sampling to survey 152 participants, and purposive sampling to conduct in‐depth interviews with 7 selected journalists. The quantitative data indicates that journalists’ autonomy at AMC remains restricted. On the other hand, the qualitative data divulges that the extent of professional autonomy among AMC journalists is contingent upon the support received from assigned managers and by the political climate of the country. As a result, the professional autonomy experienced by journalists at AMC is subject to situational factors and fluctuating. Furthermore, procedural, professional, organizational, and political influences are found with the most decisive influence, respectively.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"63 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141781622","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Alevi movement, originating more than three decades ago in Turkey and the Western European diaspora, has led to significant social and cultural shifts within Alevi communities. This movement witnessed the emergence of Alevi associations, increased religio‐political activities, and a fervent search for a redefined Alevi identity. The quest for a comprehensive understanding of Alevi identity remains a contested debate, prominently reflected within Alevi youth, who navigate complex socio‐cultural landscapes and encounter challenges in defining their identity amidst competing narratives and associations. This paper examines the identity formation strategies of young Alevis in Berlin, drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted between 2021 and 2023. Contrary to mainstream portrayals of Alevi youth experiencing a loss of identity, this study argues for the presence of continuity dynamics, emphasising inherited Alevi mindsets and emotions. Through interviews and analysis of a documentary produced by Berlin Alevi youth, the paper explores new narratives about Alevi history, sociology, and theology constructed by young Alevis, highlighting their role in shaping contemporary Alevism in Germany. This research contributes original data and discussions to the existing literature on Alevi youth, shedding light on their evolving identities and the dynamics of Alevi discourse in diasporic settings.
{"title":"A never‐ending story of an identity crisis or a creative reformulation of an Alevi‐mindset? What the case of Alevi youth in the German diaspora suggest today?","authors":"Ahmet Kerim Gültekin","doi":"10.1111/sena.12439","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12439","url":null,"abstract":"The Alevi movement, originating more than three decades ago in Turkey and the Western European diaspora, has led to significant social and cultural shifts within Alevi communities. This movement witnessed the emergence of Alevi associations, increased religio‐political activities, and a fervent search for a redefined Alevi identity. The quest for a comprehensive understanding of Alevi identity remains a contested debate, prominently reflected within Alevi youth, who navigate complex socio‐cultural landscapes and encounter challenges in defining their identity amidst competing narratives and associations. This paper examines the identity formation strategies of young Alevis in Berlin, drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted between 2021 and 2023. Contrary to mainstream portrayals of Alevi youth experiencing a loss of identity, this study argues for the presence of continuity dynamics, emphasising inherited Alevi mindsets and emotions. Through interviews and analysis of a documentary produced by Berlin Alevi youth, the paper explores new narratives about Alevi history, sociology, and theology constructed by young Alevis, highlighting their role in shaping contemporary Alevism in Germany. This research contributes original data and discussions to the existing literature on Alevi youth, shedding light on their evolving identities and the dynamics of Alevi discourse in diasporic settings.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"309 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141741658","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this article is to study the conspicuous impact of the changing historical and political situation in Iraq on the Kurdish intellectual and literary production with particular attention to Kurdish women’s position and perspective on these changes. Focusing on the hectic periods of the Kurdish history and national movement in Iraq, the article answers such intriguing questions as how do the social and political discourses in Iraq shape Kurdish women’s roles and contributions and how has the interplay between Kurdish nationalism and women’s participation developed within the different literary, intellectual and political circles. Chronicling the various socio‐political dimensions of Kurdish national movement and investigating the ways in which Kurdish women’s participation has been relegated both by the Iraqi regimes and within the Kurdish national movements, the article presents a content analysis of different intentions, oversights, and insights of Kurdish and non‐Kurdish political, literary and intellectual actors regarding Kurdish women’s changing roles and desires in Iraq and of the images by which Kurdish women have been presented, thereby positioning itself within a socio‐political studies.
{"title":"Kurdish Women’s Experience in Iraq: History, Politics and Literature","authors":"Lolav M. Hassan Alhamid","doi":"10.1111/sena.12437","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12437","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to study the conspicuous impact of the changing historical and political situation in Iraq on the Kurdish intellectual and literary production with particular attention to Kurdish women’s position and perspective on these changes. Focusing on the hectic periods of the Kurdish history and national movement in Iraq, the article answers such intriguing questions as how do the social and political discourses in Iraq shape Kurdish women’s roles and contributions and how has the interplay between Kurdish nationalism and women’s participation developed within the different literary, intellectual and political circles. Chronicling the various socio‐political dimensions of Kurdish national movement and investigating the ways in which Kurdish women’s participation has been relegated both by the Iraqi regimes and within the Kurdish national movements, the article presents a content analysis of different intentions, oversights, and insights of Kurdish and non‐Kurdish political, literary and intellectual actors regarding Kurdish women’s changing roles and desires in Iraq and of the images by which Kurdish women have been presented, thereby positioning itself within a socio‐political studies.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"200 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141519217","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since Nigeria’s return to democratic governance in 1999, there have been renewed calls―predominantly amongst ethnic Igbos in southeast Nigeria―for the restoration of the defunct secessionist state of Biafra. The resurgent Biafran separatism has been explored through the prisms of relative marginalisation and material deprivation. However, some scholars have drifted away from dominant discussions on the rationale behind the re‐emergence of the secessionist agitations and instead focused on the myriad media that Biafran separatist movements utilise to make claims of self‐determination for Igbos. These scholars―typically linguists―invariably explore online activism by resorting to meticulous analysis of the discourses of pro‐Biafra separatists on the Internet. Whilst such robust discourse analyses of separatists’ speeches shed light on the discursive dynamics of Biafran separatism in contemporary Nigeria, they do not underscore the varied repertoires of collective action of Biafran separatists beyond Internet activism. This article fills this gap in the scholarly literature on resurgent Biafran separatism in democratic Nigeria. Drawing on the American sociologist Charles Tilly’s analytical framework of contentious contention and focusing on the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB)―a transnational separatist movement―I argue that the various online and offline activities of Biafran separatists in the southeastern region be construed as repertoires of contention geared toward contesting the sovereignty of the Nigerian state in order to restore the short‐lived secessionist Biafran state.
{"title":"In pursuit of statehood: An exploration of the contentious repertoires of Biafran separatists in Nigeria","authors":"Promise Frank Ejiofor","doi":"10.1111/sena.12438","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12438","url":null,"abstract":"Since Nigeria’s return to democratic governance in 1999, there have been renewed calls―predominantly amongst ethnic Igbos in southeast Nigeria―for the restoration of the defunct secessionist state of Biafra. The resurgent Biafran separatism has been explored through the prisms of relative marginalisation and material deprivation. However, some scholars have drifted away from dominant discussions on the rationale behind the re‐emergence of the secessionist agitations and instead focused on the myriad media that Biafran separatist movements utilise to make claims of self‐determination for Igbos. These scholars―typically linguists―invariably explore online activism by resorting to meticulous analysis of the discourses of pro‐Biafra separatists on the Internet. Whilst such robust discourse analyses of separatists’ speeches shed light on the discursive dynamics of Biafran separatism in contemporary Nigeria, they do not underscore the varied repertoires of collective action of Biafran separatists beyond Internet activism. This article fills this gap in the scholarly literature on resurgent Biafran separatism in democratic Nigeria. Drawing on the American sociologist Charles Tilly’s analytical framework of contentious contention and focusing on the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB)―a transnational separatist movement―I argue that the various online and offline activities of Biafran separatists in the southeastern region be construed as repertoires of contention geared toward contesting the sovereignty of the Nigerian state in order to restore the short‐lived secessionist Biafran state.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141504058","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The conflict between the Perso‐Shiite state and its opposition, especially Kurdish political organizations in Iran/Eastern Kurdistan, and their subsequent suppression, has led to the migration of many Kurds since the early 1980s. This exodus has affected their political identification. Here, changes toward nationality and citizenship in the attitude of the first‐generation Kurdish immigrants with a leftist political background living in Germany, The Netherlands, Sweden and France will be analyzed. From the perspective of the relationship between individual and political organization, state and society/community, it seeks to uncover that how these migrants think about different collective political identities, how their views have changed, and which collective social identity has had most impact on shaping their political view. Following a qualitative approach, data were collected through in‐depth semi‐structured and focus group interviews. The findings show that the interviewees within the extra‐organizational Kurdish convergence in Europe have tried to reidentify themselves politically by moving away from the political climate of Iran, while Kurdishness shapes their view on nationality and citizenship. Although the European states officially recognize them as Iranian nationals, they themselves see this as an imposed citizenship. In their current situation, many of them, while emphasizing their Kurdish nationality and wishing for Kurdistani citizenship, prefer to be recognized only as citizens of European countries and not be attributed to Iran.
{"title":"The Experience of Suspension among Political Identities; Kurdish Nationality and Aspiration for Kurdistani Citizenship among Kurdish Immigrants in Western Europe","authors":"Sabah Mofidi","doi":"10.1111/sena.12435","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12435","url":null,"abstract":"The conflict between the Perso‐Shiite state and its opposition, especially Kurdish political organizations in Iran/Eastern Kurdistan, and their subsequent suppression, has led to the migration of many Kurds since the early 1980s. This exodus has affected their political identification. Here, changes toward nationality and citizenship in the attitude of the first‐generation Kurdish immigrants with a leftist political background living in Germany, The Netherlands, Sweden and France will be analyzed. From the perspective of the relationship between individual and political organization, state and society/community, it seeks to uncover that how these migrants think about different collective political identities, how their views have changed, and which collective social identity has had most impact on shaping their political view. Following a qualitative approach, data were collected through in‐depth semi‐structured and focus group interviews. The findings show that the interviewees within the extra‐organizational Kurdish convergence in Europe have tried to reidentify themselves politically by moving away from the political climate of Iran, while Kurdishness shapes their view on nationality and citizenship. Although the European states officially recognize them as Iranian nationals, they themselves see this as an imposed citizenship. In their current situation, many of them, while emphasizing their Kurdish nationality and wishing for Kurdistani citizenship, prefer to be recognized only as citizens of European countries and not be attributed to Iran.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141504057","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Saman Omar, Asmar binti Abdul Rahim, Mukhriz Bin Mat Rus
Terrorism is not a new phenomenon. Nevertheless, since September 11, 2001, it appears that there has been a global consensus on the need for a more uniform and comprehensive response to terrorism. Thus, countries develop their counter‐terrorism strategy that comprises different approaches, including using the criminal justice system. The criminal justice response to terrorism covers special legislation, strategies, policies, investigation, prosecution, and sentencing. To combat terrorism and improve the criminal justice system in response to existing threats of terrorism, KRI legislated a special anti‐terrorism law. This paper investigates the trajectory of international and national terrorism law in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). Accordingly, this research was set to examine international and national terrorism law critically. The focus is placed on the Anti‐terrorism Act No. 3 of 2006, emphasizing the principle of legality. As such, this paper adopted the doctrinal legal methodology that utilized qualitative techniques in analyzing the secondary data. The gathered information and data were then analyzed thematically. Based on the legal analysis, this study found that local circumstances and international pressure influence the trajectory of the counter‐terrorism laws in KRI. The absence of uniformity in the definition indicates the complexity of conceptualizing the phenomenon. The KRI anti‐terrorism law did not define international terrorism and may affect the principle of legality in counter‐terrorism strategy. Consequently, the study will benefit law, security, and international relations researchers. It serves as a basis for future empirical research examining the effects of anti‐terrorism laws in KRI or other jurisdictions.
{"title":"The Trajectory of International and National Anti‐Terrorism Laws: An Appraisal of Counter‐terrorism Legislation in Kurdistan, Iraq","authors":"Saman Omar, Asmar binti Abdul Rahim, Mukhriz Bin Mat Rus","doi":"10.1111/sena.12429","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12429","url":null,"abstract":"Terrorism is not a new phenomenon. Nevertheless, since September 11, 2001, it appears that there has been a global consensus on the need for a more uniform and comprehensive response to terrorism. Thus, countries develop their counter‐terrorism strategy that comprises different approaches, including using the criminal justice system. The criminal justice response to terrorism covers special legislation, strategies, policies, investigation, prosecution, and sentencing. To combat terrorism and improve the criminal justice system in response to existing threats of terrorism, KRI legislated a special anti‐terrorism law. This paper investigates the trajectory of international and national terrorism law in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). Accordingly, this research was set to examine international and national terrorism law critically. The focus is placed on the Anti‐terrorism Act No. 3 of 2006, emphasizing the principle of legality. As such, this paper adopted the doctrinal legal methodology that utilized qualitative techniques in analyzing the secondary data. The gathered information and data were then analyzed thematically. Based on the legal analysis, this study found that local circumstances and international pressure influence the trajectory of the counter‐terrorism laws in KRI. The absence of uniformity in the definition indicates the complexity of conceptualizing the phenomenon. The KRI anti‐terrorism law did not define international terrorism and may affect the principle of legality in counter‐terrorism strategy. Consequently, the study will benefit law, security, and international relations researchers. It serves as a basis for future empirical research examining the effects of anti‐terrorism laws in KRI or other jurisdictions.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"50 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141194679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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