Ayele Anawetie Gessese, Jemal Mohammed Haile, Kalewongel Minale Gedamu
This study examines the role of intercultural communication barriers of stereotypes and prejudices that can escalate, prevent, and manage violent inter‐ethnic conflicts between Amhara and Afar ethnic groups. The study used an explanatory design. Data were mainly collected through Focus Group Discussions and In‐depth Interviews. Participants of FGD and respondents of the in‐depth interviews were selected using purposive and snowball sampling. As per the findings, several types of ethnic‐based negative stereotypical perceptions were manifested by both Amhara and Afar ethnic groups. Hostile prejudicial feelings are developed based on the stereotyped perceptions of both ethnic groups. As per the findings, this stereotype‐based hate and hostile prejudicial feelings affect the inter‐ethnic communication of the two ethnic groups and contribute to the escalation of violent conflicts.
{"title":"The Role of Cultural Communication: Stereotype and Prejudice in the Amhara & Afar Ethnic Groups","authors":"Ayele Anawetie Gessese, Jemal Mohammed Haile, Kalewongel Minale Gedamu","doi":"10.1111/sena.12423","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12423","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the role of intercultural communication barriers of stereotypes and prejudices that can escalate, prevent, and manage violent inter‐ethnic conflicts between Amhara and Afar ethnic groups. The study used an explanatory design. Data were mainly collected through Focus Group Discussions and In‐depth Interviews. Participants of FGD and respondents of the in‐depth interviews were selected using purposive and snowball sampling. As per the findings, several types of ethnic‐based negative stereotypical perceptions were manifested by both Amhara and Afar ethnic groups. Hostile prejudicial feelings are developed based on the stereotyped perceptions of both ethnic groups. As per the findings, this stereotype‐based hate and hostile prejudicial feelings affect the inter‐ethnic communication of the two ethnic groups and contribute to the escalation of violent conflicts.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140830978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article critically analyses commonly used descriptions of Ukrainian politics as divided between ‘nationalist’ versus ‘pro‐Russian’, and ‘ethnic’ versus ‘civic’ forces which do not adequately explain Ukrainian politics or understand the roots of Russian military aggression against Ukraine in 2014 and 2022. An alternative framework is provided of competition between Ukrainian identity, which believes Ukrainians are a distinct people different to Russians, and pan‐Russian identity, which believes Russians and Ukrainians are ‘fraternal brothers’ who have always been and always will be united in the Russian World. The Euromaidan Revolution, Russian military aggression in 2014, increasing domination of Ukrainian identity policies and weakness of pro‐Russian political parties led to the progressive marginalisation of pan‐Russian identity in Ukraine. The marginalisation of pan‐Russian identity and unwillingness of Presidents Petro Poroshenko and Volodymyr Zelenskyy to implement the Russian version of the 2014‐2015 Minsk Accords, which would have transformed Ukraine into a Russian satellite, led to the Kremlin's decision to launch a full‐scale invasion on 24 February 2022. The goals of Russia's full‐scale invasion were and remain regime change (i.e., installation of a pro‐Russian puppet regime), destruction of Ukrainian identity (i.e., de‐nazification) and its replacement with a hegemonic pan‐Russian identity in a truncated (i.e., without Crimea and New Russia [southeast Ukraine]) Little Russian satellite controlled by Russia (i.e., de‐militarisation).
{"title":"Ukrainian versus Pan‐Russian Identities: The Roots of Russia's Invasion of Ukraine","authors":"Taras Kuzio","doi":"10.1111/sena.12422","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12422","url":null,"abstract":"This article critically analyses commonly used descriptions of Ukrainian politics as divided between ‘nationalist’ versus ‘pro‐Russian’, and ‘ethnic’ versus ‘civic’ forces which do not adequately explain Ukrainian politics or understand the roots of Russian military aggression against Ukraine in 2014 and 2022. An alternative framework is provided of competition between Ukrainian identity, which believes Ukrainians are a distinct people different to Russians, and pan‐Russian identity, which believes Russians and Ukrainians are ‘fraternal brothers’ who have always been and always will be united in the Russian World. The Euromaidan Revolution, Russian military aggression in 2014, increasing domination of Ukrainian identity policies and weakness of pro‐Russian political parties led to the progressive marginalisation of pan‐Russian identity in Ukraine. The marginalisation of pan‐Russian identity and unwillingness of Presidents Petro Poroshenko and Volodymyr Zelenskyy to implement the Russian version of the 2014‐2015 Minsk Accords, which would have transformed Ukraine into a Russian satellite, led to the Kremlin's decision to launch a full‐scale invasion on 24 February 2022. The goals of Russia's full‐scale invasion were and remain regime change (i.e., installation of a pro‐Russian puppet regime), destruction of Ukrainian identity (i.e., de‐nazification) and its replacement with a hegemonic pan‐Russian identity in a truncated (i.e., without Crimea and New Russia [southeast Ukraine]) Little Russian satellite controlled by Russia (i.e., de‐militarisation).","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"90 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140842080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Turkey, for at least three decades, a plurality of actors has been producing counter narratives of the Armenian Genocide. These have challenged the official discourse, revealing the old taboo that underpinned the national republican identity and reconceiving it as a contested history that interrogates the country's democratic status. Here, it is argued that this recent history of counter narratives has constituted a trauma process aimed at transforming public memory and national identity. In particular, various commemoration ceremonies were held in Istanbul between 2005 and 2023, with counter ceremonies and a revised official narrative expressed through ceremony that was developed in response. Given that these commemorations occupy a marginal space in the literature on the Armenian question and the Genocide, the first aim of this article is to reconstruct them through the perspective of cultural performance. Then, it is argued that the commemorations not only have an opaque status in the cultural trauma literature but also contribute to the trauma process through their creation of specific trauma narratives of the Genocide. Finally, the paper uses the example of commemorative performances in Istanbul to contribute to the debate on the reasons for the success or failure of a trauma process. Methodologically, an analysis of journal archives and materials produced by carrier groups is extended by ten in‐depth interviews and notes taken during participant observation in Istanbul between 2010 and 2022.
{"title":"Difficult past, cultural trauma and national identity: The commemorations of the Armenian Genocide in Istanbul","authors":"Fabio Salomoni","doi":"10.1111/sena.12424","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12424","url":null,"abstract":"In Turkey, for at least three decades, a plurality of actors has been producing counter narratives of the Armenian Genocide. These have challenged the official discourse, revealing the old taboo that underpinned the national republican identity and reconceiving it as a contested history that interrogates the country's democratic status. Here, it is argued that this recent history of counter narratives has constituted a trauma process aimed at transforming public memory and national identity. In particular, various commemoration ceremonies were held in Istanbul between 2005 and 2023, with counter ceremonies and a revised official narrative expressed through ceremony that was developed in response. Given that these commemorations occupy a marginal space in the literature on the Armenian question and the Genocide, the first aim of this article is to reconstruct them through the perspective of cultural performance. Then, it is argued that the commemorations not only have an opaque status in the cultural trauma literature but also contribute to the trauma process through their creation of specific trauma narratives of the Genocide. Finally, the paper uses the example of commemorative performances in Istanbul to contribute to the debate on the reasons for the success or failure of a trauma process. Methodologically, an analysis of journal archives and materials produced by carrier groups is extended by ten in‐depth interviews and notes taken during participant observation in Istanbul between 2010 and 2022.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"28 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140627871","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The major purpose of this article is to critically probe the competing political narratives on indigeneity- in the form of autochthony- the sons of the soil, and its instrumentalization for discrimination against non-indigenous groups in Ethiopia's regional states. To this end, the article argues that the political discourses (narratives) determine Ethiopia's ethnic-based state structure and politics that dichotomize citizens as indigenes and non-indigenes, which, in reality, is not viable. Each ethnic group, which forms the region, has a warranty of sovereign political power and territorial autonomy. Inside the regions, except for the Amhara and the South Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples Regions, the privileged ethnic group (the indigenous) has been empowered to hold prominent political positions. Non-indigenous ethnic groups, on the other hand, are discriminated against in politics, economy, and social affairs. Thus, these political narratives have created a system of inequality and discrimination that has persisted even after the end of EPRDF era. To address these intractable problems, Ethiopians seek to balance diversity and unity in order to create an inclusive and all-empowering environment in society through multiculturalism.
{"title":"Anomalous Political Discursive Narratives on Indigeneity: In Ethiopia's Regional States","authors":"Shumet Amare Zeleke","doi":"10.1111/sena.12421","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12421","url":null,"abstract":"The major purpose of this article is to critically probe the competing political narratives on indigeneity- in the form of autochthony- the sons of the soil, and its instrumentalization for discrimination against non-indigenous groups in Ethiopia's regional states. To this end, the article argues that the political discourses (narratives) determine Ethiopia's ethnic-based state structure and politics that dichotomize citizens as indigenes and non-indigenes, which, in reality, is not viable. Each ethnic group, which forms the region, has a warranty of sovereign political power and territorial autonomy. Inside the regions, except for the Amhara and the South Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples Regions, the privileged ethnic group (the indigenous) has been empowered to hold prominent political positions. Non-indigenous ethnic groups, on the other hand, are discriminated against in politics, economy, and social affairs. Thus, these political narratives have created a system of inequality and discrimination that has persisted even after the end of EPRDF era. To address these intractable problems, Ethiopians seek to balance diversity and unity in order to create an inclusive and all-empowering environment in society through multiculturalism.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"24 6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140600766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite Azerbaijan's 2020 military victory over Armenia and the forcible expulsion of all Armenian residents from Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023, the South Caucasus remains far away from lasting peace and stability. This article addresses the following puzzle: why did secessionism strengthen in Nagorno-Karabakh despite enjoying autonomy for 70 years from 1923 to 1991? Drawing from the securitization theory and Brubaker's institutionalist nationalism approach, the article identifies three variables: the historical context of Soviet nationalities policies, Soviet Azerbaijan securitization policies; and the lingering Armenian fear of a possible new genocide. The consequences of precluded autonomy impaired any prospects for a peaceful settlement as the Second Karabakh War in 2020, a nine month economic blockade of Karabakh commencing in 2022 followed by the ethnic cleansing of all residents in 2023 demonstrate. The methodology followed in this research is a qualitative analysis based on document analysis and interviews with key stake holders. The conclusion summarizes the main research findings.
{"title":"From Stalin to the Aliyev clan: 70 years of hindered autonomy in Nagorno-Karabakh","authors":"Patrick Hein","doi":"10.1111/sena.12420","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12420","url":null,"abstract":"Despite Azerbaijan's 2020 military victory over Armenia and the forcible expulsion of all Armenian residents from Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023, the South Caucasus remains far away from lasting peace and stability. This article addresses the following puzzle: why did secessionism strengthen in Nagorno-Karabakh despite enjoying autonomy for 70 years from 1923 to 1991? Drawing from the securitization theory and Brubaker's institutionalist nationalism approach, the article identifies three variables: the historical context of Soviet nationalities policies, Soviet Azerbaijan securitization policies; and the lingering Armenian fear of a possible new genocide. The consequences of precluded autonomy impaired any prospects for a peaceful settlement as the Second Karabakh War in 2020, a nine month economic blockade of Karabakh commencing in 2022 followed by the ethnic cleansing of all residents in 2023 demonstrate. The methodology followed in this research is a qualitative analysis based on document analysis and interviews with key stake holders. The conclusion summarizes the main research findings.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"61 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140600768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the Lebanese home-diaspora relationship and its contribution to the dynamics of the political system in Lebanon. This relationship is explored in the context of the October 17 Uprising which was a transnational event whereby Lebanese at home and abroad were actively engaged in its awakening and repercussions. The authors argue that this relationship is a two-way relationship in which both home and diasporic actors mutually contribute to the potential transformative process which was ignited by the Uprising. They also argue that both political actors are faced with limitations that hinder them from maximizing their efforts to challenge and transform the political rhetoric in Lebanon. These limitations are imposed by both local and diasporic actors in favour of traditional political parties, and they restrict the potential of diasporic actors to be proactive in their opposition, as well as the efforts of home actors to enhance the nature of the political engagement with the diaspora. However, the research suggests that recent political activities in Lebanon and abroad have demonstrated the ability of both actors to gradually break the sovereignty of the ruling parties in Lebanon if efforts are channelled properly in the political field generated by those actors.
{"title":"Lebanese diaspora and the October 17 Uprising","authors":"Paul Tabar, Yara El-Zakka","doi":"10.1111/sena.12419","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12419","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the Lebanese home-diaspora relationship and its contribution to the dynamics of the political system in Lebanon. This relationship is explored in the context of the October 17 Uprising which was a transnational event whereby Lebanese at home and abroad were actively engaged in its awakening and repercussions. The authors argue that this relationship is a two-way relationship in which both home and diasporic actors mutually contribute to the potential transformative process which was ignited by the Uprising. They also argue that both political actors are faced with limitations that hinder them from maximizing their efforts to challenge and transform the political rhetoric in Lebanon. These limitations are imposed by both local and diasporic actors in favour of traditional political parties, and they restrict the potential of diasporic actors to be proactive in their opposition, as well as the efforts of home actors to enhance the nature of the political engagement with the diaspora. However, the research suggests that recent political activities in Lebanon and abroad have demonstrated the ability of both actors to gradually break the sovereignty of the ruling parties in Lebanon if efforts are channelled properly in the political field generated by those actors.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"300 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140600847","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The 2017 Catalan Independence Referendum prompted a historic resurgence of Spanish ‘centre’ nationalism. Such resurgence is indicative of a change in Spanish national identity as overt nationalism and is connotationally related to the Franco regime. This research focuses on the power and dissemination of newspaper narratives in the promotion and descriptions of such nationalism. Newspapers are discursively analysed to understand the decreasing reticence towards ‘centre’ nationalism in Spain, as evidenced by nationalist rhetoric and symbolism, and the significance of this change for the Spanish transition to democracy. It is found that the Catalan referendum inspired a strong counter-reaction of dissociating centre-periphery relations suggestive of pre-democratic transition sentiments in the maintenance of the ‘centre’ as dominant and relegating the ‘periphery’ to its Franco-era ‘threat’ status. Newspapers facilitated this shift in the nationalist narrative through their descriptions of the independence movement and the use of references and allusions to Spain's history and ‘near past.’
{"title":"‘We are Patriots, not Fascists:’ Spanish Nationalism in 2017","authors":"Claire Spangler","doi":"10.1111/sena.12418","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12418","url":null,"abstract":"The 2017 Catalan Independence Referendum prompted a historic resurgence of Spanish ‘centre’ nationalism. Such resurgence is indicative of a change in Spanish national identity as overt nationalism and is connotationally related to the Franco regime. This research focuses on the power and dissemination of newspaper narratives in the promotion and descriptions of such nationalism. Newspapers are discursively analysed to understand the decreasing reticence towards ‘centre’ nationalism in Spain, as evidenced by nationalist rhetoric and symbolism, and the significance of this change for the Spanish transition to democracy. It is found that the Catalan referendum inspired a strong counter-reaction of dissociating centre-periphery relations suggestive of pre-democratic transition sentiments in the maintenance of the ‘centre’ as dominant and relegating the ‘periphery’ to its Franco-era ‘threat’ status. Newspapers facilitated this shift in the nationalist narrative through their descriptions of the independence movement and the use of references and allusions to Spain's history and ‘near past.’","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"57 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140600770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While differences often threaten ethnonationalist projects, the Singaporean state has rendered a particular configuration of racial-religious diversity constitutive of nationalism in the city-state. In this paper, we approach nationalism through an often-overlooked avenue: intangible heritage such as everyday myths, customs, and taboos. A total of 150 interviews were conducted in three neighbourhoods in Singapore, where guided conversations were conducted regarding common customs, myths, and taboos in individuals’ families and communities. We found that respondents imagined their (state-designated) racial-religious groups as communities of shared customs, while also demonstrating familiarity, even deference, to the customs of other groups. However, this intimacy with other groups’ practices did not undermine the integrity of respondents’ own group identity, since they remained committed to their cultural practices as embodying ancient and useful – even “scientific” – knowledge. The data thus showed that citizens are deeply reflexive about the nature, origins, and justification of the practices they undertake. This domain of everyday practices was neither simply defined into being by the state, nor is it some heroic realm of defiance: instead, it is one where people display creativity and agency in making sense of cherished cultural similarities and differences, all while using state-prescribed categories as resources for their meaning-making.
{"title":"“It's purely mutual respect”: Cross-cultural taboos and the everyday reproduction of Singaporean nationalism","authors":"Laavanya Kathiravelu, Sharad Pandian","doi":"10.1111/sena.12416","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12416","url":null,"abstract":"While differences often threaten ethnonationalist projects, the Singaporean state has rendered a particular configuration of racial-religious diversity constitutive of nationalism in the city-state. In this paper, we approach nationalism through an often-overlooked avenue: intangible heritage such as everyday myths, customs, and taboos. A total of 150 interviews were conducted in three neighbourhoods in Singapore, where guided conversations were conducted regarding common customs, myths, and taboos in individuals’ families and communities. We found that respondents imagined their (state-designated) racial-religious groups as communities of shared customs, while also demonstrating familiarity, even deference, to the customs of other groups. However, this intimacy with other groups’ practices did not undermine the integrity of respondents’ own group identity, since they remained committed to their cultural practices as embodying ancient and useful – even “scientific” – knowledge. The data thus showed that citizens are deeply reflexive about the nature, origins, and justification of the practices they undertake. This domain of everyday practices was neither simply defined into being by the state, nor is it some heroic realm of defiance: instead, it is one where people display creativity and agency in making sense of cherished cultural similarities and differences, all while using state-prescribed categories as resources for their meaning-making.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"83 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140200882","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Arabian Gulf region has witnessed tremendous social, political and economic change in recent decades. The State of Qatar's ambitious global visions mean that it is a significant player in both creating and riding these transformational waves. Yet with a minority citizen population of only ~12%, protecting the language, culture and values of the nation in the midst of rapid development and modernization presents unique challenges that most governments do not have to grapple with. This has led to strategic and legal stances and policies as well initiatives by governmental and non‐governmental organizations to maintain and develop national identity and Qatari culture. Through a systematic literature review, this paper synthesizes available evidence regarding national identity for Qatari citizens. It explores dominant themes that emerged in the literature related to identity in Qatar, namely: architecture, education and language policy, gender, media and social media, museums, politics and governance, and sports. Each are synthesized, from which we offer reflections on what is (not) known regarding national identity, identifying a number of areas in need of research related to better understanding the complexity and diversity within the citizen population.
{"title":"National Identity in Qatar: A Systematic Literature Review","authors":"Logan Cochrane, Hira Amin, Nouf Al‐kaabi","doi":"10.1111/sena.12417","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12417","url":null,"abstract":"The Arabian Gulf region has witnessed tremendous social, political and economic change in recent decades. The State of Qatar's ambitious global visions mean that it is a significant player in both creating and riding these transformational waves. Yet with a minority citizen population of only ~12%, protecting the language, culture and values of the nation in the midst of rapid development and modernization presents unique challenges that most governments do not have to grapple with. This has led to strategic and legal stances and policies as well initiatives by governmental and non‐governmental organizations to maintain and develop national identity and Qatari culture. Through a systematic literature review, this paper synthesizes available evidence regarding national identity for Qatari citizens. It explores dominant themes that emerged in the literature related to identity in Qatar, namely: architecture, education and language policy, gender, media and social media, museums, politics and governance, and sports. Each are synthesized, from which we offer reflections on what is (not) known regarding national identity, identifying a number of areas in need of research related to better understanding the complexity and diversity within the citizen population.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-03-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140171137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Examining national awakening in early twentieth-century Lebanon tests the validity of Anthony D. Smith's ethno-symbolism, which argues that modern national movements arise from older or ancient ethnic cores, which Smith calls ethnies. Since ethno-symbolism contradicts Eric Hobsbawm's notion of an “invented tradition,” contrasting Smith with Hobsbawm illustrates the substance of Smith's argument. Supporters of independent Lebanon frequently proclaimed a Phoenician origin for the Lebanese nation, employing various Phoenician symbols to legitimise Lebanese independence. At first glance, Lebanese Phoenicianism seem to fit Smith's idea that nations are “based on, and being created out of, pre-existing ethnies.” Other nationalists from Lebanon, however, rejected Phoenicianism and Lebanese particularist nationalism: self-proclaimed “Syrian” nationalists imagined a nation that encompassed the entire Levant, while Pan-Arab nationalists extended their national sympathies to the entire Arab world. Both Syrian and Pan-Arab nationalists devised their own ancient pasts, suggesting that nationalists choose their own ancient pasts. If nationalists imagine the national past, ethnic symbols have no causal significance, so Smith's theory does not work.
对二十世纪初黎巴嫩民族觉醒的研究检验了安东尼-史密斯（Anthony D. Smith）的民族象征主义的有效性，该理论认为，现代民族运动产生于较古老或古老的民族核心，史密斯称之为ethnies。由于民族象征主义与埃里克-霍布斯鲍姆（Eric Hobsbawm）的 "杜撰传统 "概念相矛盾，因此将史密斯与霍布斯鲍姆进行对比，可以说明史密斯论点的实质。黎巴嫩独立的支持者经常宣称黎巴嫩民族起源于腓尼基人，并利用各种腓尼基人的符号来证明黎巴嫩独立的合法性。乍一看，黎巴嫩的腓尼基主义似乎符合史密斯的观点，即国家是 "建立在原有民族的基础上，并从原有民族中创造出来"。然而，黎巴嫩的其他民族主义者却反对腓尼基主义和黎巴嫩的特殊民族主义：自称为 "叙利亚 "的民族主义者幻想建立一个涵盖整个黎凡特的国家，而泛阿拉伯民族主义者则将他们的民族同情心扩展到整个阿拉伯世界。叙利亚和泛阿拉伯民族主义者都设计了自己的古代历史，这表明民族主义者选择了自己的古代历史。如果民族主义者想象民族的过去，那么民族符号就没有因果意义，所以史密斯的理论是行不通的。
{"title":"Lebanese Phoenicianism: Rebutting Anthony Smith's Ethno-Symbolism","authors":"Alexander Maxwell, David Hannah","doi":"10.1111/sena.12415","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12415","url":null,"abstract":"Examining national awakening in early twentieth-century Lebanon tests the validity of Anthony D. Smith's ethno-symbolism, which argues that modern national movements arise from older or ancient ethnic cores, which Smith calls <i>ethnies</i>. Since ethno-symbolism contradicts Eric Hobsbawm's notion of an “invented tradition,” contrasting Smith with Hobsbawm illustrates the substance of Smith's argument. Supporters of independent Lebanon frequently proclaimed a Phoenician origin for the Lebanese nation, employing various Phoenician symbols to legitimise Lebanese independence. At first glance, Lebanese Phoenicianism seem to fit Smith's idea that nations are “based on, and being created out of, pre-existing <i>ethnies</i>.” Other nationalists from Lebanon, however, rejected Phoenicianism and Lebanese particularist nationalism: self-proclaimed “Syrian” nationalists imagined a nation that encompassed the entire Levant, while Pan-Arab nationalists extended their national sympathies to the entire Arab world. Both Syrian and Pan-Arab nationalists devised their own ancient pasts, suggesting that nationalists choose their own ancient pasts. If nationalists imagine the national past, ethnic symbols have no causal significance, so Smith's theory does not work.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"63 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-02-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139756688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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