Abstract After the US‐led invasion of Iraq, the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) appeared to be on a path toward consolidation of liberal democracy. While the rest of Iraq drifted into chaos and civil war, the KRI remained quiescent and was for many years hailed by outsiders as: “a beacon of hope”, “an oasis of stability and democracy”. The region adopted the principles of press freedoms, religious tolerance, and good governance to conform with United States (US) and western incentives. The adoption of procedural democracy, however, concealed an underlying system of rigid social regulation based on a two‐party power sharing agreement that resisted democratization while appropriating its parlance and institutional structures. The government's resistance to liberalization along with its lack of resilience to political and economic shocks promoted popular disillusionment with the Kurdish nation‐building project with the region's dominant political parties at the center. In response, the ruling parties have sought to exert influence through alternatives to the democratic process that reinforce partisan rule. This article argues that economic crisis and austerity have precipitated the expansion in the scope of dissent and hastened the demise of the power sharing arrangement in the KRI. The ruling political parties have since employed a variety of undemocratic means to manage popular grievances. However, these responses do not address significant public concerns regarding freedom of expression, unemployment, and governance issues.
{"title":"Civil disobedience and lawfare: Protest movement and contentious politics in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq","authors":"Shivan Fazil, Megan Connelly","doi":"10.1111/sena.12402","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12402","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract After the US‐led invasion of Iraq, the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) appeared to be on a path toward consolidation of liberal democracy. While the rest of Iraq drifted into chaos and civil war, the KRI remained quiescent and was for many years hailed by outsiders as: “a beacon of hope”, “an oasis of stability and democracy”. The region adopted the principles of press freedoms, religious tolerance, and good governance to conform with United States (US) and western incentives. The adoption of procedural democracy, however, concealed an underlying system of rigid social regulation based on a two‐party power sharing agreement that resisted democratization while appropriating its parlance and institutional structures. The government's resistance to liberalization along with its lack of resilience to political and economic shocks promoted popular disillusionment with the Kurdish nation‐building project with the region's dominant political parties at the center. In response, the ruling parties have sought to exert influence through alternatives to the democratic process that reinforce partisan rule. This article argues that economic crisis and austerity have precipitated the expansion in the scope of dissent and hastened the demise of the power sharing arrangement in the KRI. The ruling political parties have since employed a variety of undemocratic means to manage popular grievances. However, these responses do not address significant public concerns regarding freedom of expression, unemployment, and governance issues.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"74 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135969924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Oil reserves hold importance not just in the realm of economic profit, but also wield significant influence in political matters throughout contemporary history (Yergin, 2011). There are numerous connections between domestic oil production and international policy actions (Ashford, 2022). In fragile states, entities resembling state organizations can participate in local oil extraction through the exercise of their territorial rights. Additionally, these structures can have an impact on political dynamics at both the regional and global levels. This article delves into the link between oil and the acknowledgment of statehood in Iraqi Kurdistan. It contends that the presence of oil has significantly contributed to the recognition of Kurdish statehood by providing a source of income and augmenting its economic and political prowess. The study analyzes the history of the oil industry in Iraqi Kurdistan and its impact on the region's political and economic development. It also explores the political dynamics between Iraqi Kurdistan and the central government in Baghdad, along with the role of international actors in the recognition of Kurdish statehood. This paper concentrates on the positive outcomes of having rich natural resources and being recognized as a de facto state. Additionally, the article explains how Iraqi Kurdistan legitimizes its recognition as a de facto state by signing agreements with large oil companies since 2005 on its own territory. The study employs Caspersen's “unrecognized state” definition and Krasner's concept of sovereignty, along with Pegg's definition of de facto states, to provide a comprehensive understanding of the Iraqi Kurdistan's international position. For this study, it used the interviews that were conducted in 2017 in the Iraqi Kurdistan region.
{"title":"Oil or State? The Role of the Oil in the Recognition of Kurdish Statehood in Iraqi Kurdistan","authors":"Fidan Mirhanoglu","doi":"10.1111/sena.12401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12401","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Oil reserves hold importance not just in the realm of economic profit, but also wield significant influence in political matters throughout contemporary history (Yergin, 2011). There are numerous connections between domestic oil production and international policy actions (Ashford, 2022). In fragile states, entities resembling state organizations can participate in local oil extraction through the exercise of their territorial rights. Additionally, these structures can have an impact on political dynamics at both the regional and global levels. This article delves into the link between oil and the acknowledgment of statehood in Iraqi Kurdistan. It contends that the presence of oil has significantly contributed to the recognition of Kurdish statehood by providing a source of income and augmenting its economic and political prowess. The study analyzes the history of the oil industry in Iraqi Kurdistan and its impact on the region's political and economic development. It also explores the political dynamics between Iraqi Kurdistan and the central government in Baghdad, along with the role of international actors in the recognition of Kurdish statehood. This paper concentrates on the positive outcomes of having rich natural resources and being recognized as a de facto state. Additionally, the article explains how Iraqi Kurdistan legitimizes its recognition as a de facto state by signing agreements with large oil companies since 2005 on its own territory. The study employs Caspersen's “unrecognized state” definition and Krasner's concept of sovereignty, along with Pegg's definition of de facto states, to provide a comprehensive understanding of the Iraqi Kurdistan's international position. For this study, it used the interviews that were conducted in 2017 in the Iraqi Kurdistan region.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136359668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Syrian asylum seekers in Turkey have been trying to adapt to their new life circumstances despite unclear integration and resettlement policies and high levels of discrimination and exclusion. We argue that fostering integration and asylum seekers’ rights requires a bottom‐up normative approach that considers members of the receiving society as active agents of these processes. Accordingly, in this study, we investigated the role of normative social context as well as sociopsychological antecedents among citizens of Turkey in facilitating their support for governmental integration policies and Syrian asylum seekers’ rights. A survey study was conducted with 202 residents in three cities, namely Bursa, Mardin, and Hatay, representing different geographical, ethnic, and cultural components in Turkey (i.e., Turkish, Kurdish, Arab, and Kurdish‐Arab). We specifically examined whether the normative context as perceived by residents' pro‐diversity norms in their city and generalized attitudes toward minorities predict their expectations of governmental integration policy for Syrians and support for their rights. Furthermore, we tested the mediating roles of valuing contact with Syrians and acceptance of their presence and stay in these relations. Parallel mediation analyses indicated that residents' perceived pro‐diversity norms in the city predict lower expectations from the government regarding Syrian asylum seekers' integration and lower support for Syrians' rights through lower acceptance of Syrians' stay. Furthermore, positive feelings toward other minority groups predicted higher expectations for governmental policies regarding Syrian asylum seekers' accommodation through both higher importance attributed to contact with Syrians, and higher acceptance of Syrians' stay in Turkey. These findings suggest that considering the attitudes toward existing minority groups among the members of the receiving society can be crucial in designing psychosocial interventions aimed at fostering a supportive environment for the newcomers. However, they also indicate caution regarding the taken‐for‐granted role of pro‐diversity beliefs among the residents, especially in societies with complex intergroup relations.
{"title":"Locals’ support for integration policies and asylum seekers’ rights: Exploring a normative model of support for Syrians in Turkey","authors":"Yasin Duman, Canan Coşkan","doi":"10.1111/sena.12399","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12399","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Syrian asylum seekers in Turkey have been trying to adapt to their new life circumstances despite unclear integration and resettlement policies and high levels of discrimination and exclusion. We argue that fostering integration and asylum seekers’ rights requires a bottom‐up normative approach that considers members of the receiving society as active agents of these processes. Accordingly, in this study, we investigated the role of normative social context as well as sociopsychological antecedents among citizens of Turkey in facilitating their support for governmental integration policies and Syrian asylum seekers’ rights. A survey study was conducted with 202 residents in three cities, namely Bursa, Mardin, and Hatay, representing different geographical, ethnic, and cultural components in Turkey (i.e., Turkish, Kurdish, Arab, and Kurdish‐Arab). We specifically examined whether the normative context as perceived by residents' pro‐diversity norms in their city and generalized attitudes toward minorities predict their expectations of governmental integration policy for Syrians and support for their rights. Furthermore, we tested the mediating roles of valuing contact with Syrians and acceptance of their presence and stay in these relations. Parallel mediation analyses indicated that residents' perceived pro‐diversity norms in the city predict lower expectations from the government regarding Syrian asylum seekers' integration and lower support for Syrians' rights through lower acceptance of Syrians' stay. Furthermore, positive feelings toward other minority groups predicted higher expectations for governmental policies regarding Syrian asylum seekers' accommodation through both higher importance attributed to contact with Syrians, and higher acceptance of Syrians' stay in Turkey. These findings suggest that considering the attitudes toward existing minority groups among the members of the receiving society can be crucial in designing psychosocial interventions aimed at fostering a supportive environment for the newcomers. However, they also indicate caution regarding the taken‐for‐granted role of pro‐diversity beliefs among the residents, especially in societies with complex intergroup relations.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"58 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136359523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Kurdish studies was born as a field of study in imperial Russia, and for much of the twentieth century, the Soviet Union remained the centre of ‘Kurdology’. With the foundation of the International Society Kurdistan (ISK) in Amsterdam in 1960, however, this centre started to move westwards. Officially established as a non‐party democratic action group helping the Kurdish nation in its struggle for democratic independence, the ISK’s unwritten aim was to support national struggles as a means to prevent communism, particularly the Soviet Union, from expanding its sphere of influence. Silvio van Rooy, who had been an active collaborator with the Nazi occupying forces in the Netherlands, devoted a decade of his life to what he considered an experiment in psychological warfare to influence the Kurdish intelligentsia, and for this he made every effort to establish a centre for Kurdish studies in the West that could develop a political programme around anti‐communist ethno‐nationalism. Yet Van Rooy’s involvement with the Kurds was intense, but also passing. In the second half of the 1970s his loyalty to anti‐communism took a new turn as he drew close to the Iraqi nationalist Ba’ath regime. The research data employed here has primarily been obtained through archival work. Based on an analysis of these primary documents and augmented by personal recollections, this study thus contextualises the work of the ISK through the political trajectory and views of Silvio van Rooy, the society’s founder and president.
{"title":"From Nazism to Pro‐Kurdish Activism: The International Society Kurdistan, Silvio van Rooy and the struggle against communism in the 1960s and 1970s","authors":"Adnan Çelik, Joost Jongerden","doi":"10.1111/sena.12403","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12403","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Kurdish studies was born as a field of study in imperial Russia, and for much of the twentieth century, the Soviet Union remained the centre of ‘Kurdology’. With the foundation of the International Society Kurdistan (ISK) in Amsterdam in 1960, however, this centre started to move westwards. Officially established as a non‐party democratic action group helping the Kurdish nation in its struggle for democratic independence, the ISK’s unwritten aim was to support national struggles as a means to prevent communism, particularly the Soviet Union, from expanding its sphere of influence. Silvio van Rooy, who had been an active collaborator with the Nazi occupying forces in the Netherlands, devoted a decade of his life to what he considered an experiment in psychological warfare to influence the Kurdish intelligentsia, and for this he made every effort to establish a centre for Kurdish studies in the West that could develop a political programme around anti‐communist ethno‐nationalism. Yet Van Rooy’s involvement with the Kurds was intense, but also passing. In the second half of the 1970s his loyalty to anti‐communism took a new turn as he drew close to the Iraqi nationalist Ba’ath regime. The research data employed here has primarily been obtained through archival work. Based on an analysis of these primary documents and augmented by personal recollections, this study thus contextualises the work of the ISK through the political trajectory and views of Silvio van Rooy, the society’s founder and president.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135251600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Grenfell fire catapulted North Kensington into the spotlight, an area both synonymous with immigration and social policy innovation for over a century. However, it remains under examined how this extraordinary event re‐defined the discursive landscape around British Muslims and how they have been situated in the national landscape. To do this it analyses the twitter activity in the 96 hours after the fire and also the victim profiles published in the Guardian Newspaper. It finds that the narratives that emerge blur British Muslim social boundaries through narratives both around the exceptional and banal narratives which emerged during and after the fire. This constructs British Muslims as both saviours during Grenfell, and also as a super‐diverse population that resists topologizing as pre‐dominantly South Asain. This article also raises broader questions about the not only the role that social media has in the creation of vernacular memory, and also that in this case twitter was importantly not a conduit for the fake news and hate speech created against British Muslims during Grenfell.
{"title":"Exceptional and banal constructions of British muslims in Grenfell: Social boundaries, twitter, superdiversity and online vernacular memory","authors":"Joseph Downing","doi":"10.1111/sena.12398","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12398","url":null,"abstract":"The Grenfell fire catapulted North Kensington into the spotlight, an area both synonymous with immigration and social policy innovation for over a century. However, it remains under examined how this extraordinary event re‐defined the discursive landscape around British Muslims and how they have been situated in the national landscape. To do this it analyses the twitter activity in the 96 hours after the fire and also the victim profiles published in the Guardian Newspaper. It finds that the narratives that emerge blur British Muslim social boundaries through narratives both around the exceptional and banal narratives which emerged during and after the fire. This constructs British Muslims as both saviours during Grenfell, and also as a super‐diverse population that resists topologizing as pre‐dominantly South Asain. This article also raises broader questions about the not only the role that social media has in the creation of vernacular memory, and also that in this case twitter was importantly not a conduit for the fake news and hate speech created against British Muslims during Grenfell.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"31 21","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72387899","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
With the radical political change in 1979, Iran's revolutionary state assumed the responsibility of re‐rewriting the past history to forge a new sense of belonging, a particularly collective religious (Shia) identity. It launched a complex process of forgetting and remembering to first eliminate the national (Persian), non‐religious memories and heritage, associated and celebrated by the previous regime and then establish a sense of continuity with the country's Shia past; a feeling markedly engendered with a distinguishing symbolic reservoir of Shia traditions and memories, presented in history books, literature, the media, and everyday culture.This paper seeks to examine the role of street names in this process of reconstructing a new religious (Shia) collective memory and identity with particular reference to Tehran, Iran, during the 1979‐2019 period. It seeks to analyze changes in the city's street names and analyze the widespread renaming of streets and public spaces in the city as one means of both ‘de‐commemorating’ the pre‐revolutionary regime and marking the Shia legacy and memories as the signifiers of a widespread political maneuver to articulate a new version of the past and narrative of identity since the 1979 revolution.
{"title":"The politics of street names: Reconstructing Iran’s collective identity","authors":"Ehsan Kashfi","doi":"10.1111/sena.12393","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12393","url":null,"abstract":"With the radical political change in 1979, Iran's revolutionary state assumed the responsibility of re‐rewriting the past history to forge a new sense of belonging, a particularly collective religious (Shia) identity. It launched a complex process of forgetting and remembering to first eliminate the national (Persian), non‐religious memories and heritage, associated and celebrated by the previous regime and then establish a sense of continuity with the country's Shia past; a feeling markedly engendered with a distinguishing symbolic reservoir of Shia traditions and memories, presented in history books, literature, the media, and everyday culture.This paper seeks to examine the role of street names in this process of reconstructing a new religious (Shia) collective memory and identity with particular reference to Tehran, Iran, during the 1979‐2019 period. It seeks to analyze changes in the city's street names and analyze the widespread renaming of streets and public spaces in the city as one means of both ‘de‐commemorating’ the pre‐revolutionary regime and marking the Shia legacy and memories as the signifiers of a widespread political maneuver to articulate a new version of the past and narrative of identity since the 1979 revolution.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"264 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76123057","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The prevention, management, and resolution of ethnic conflicts comprises an important challenge to the regional peace and stability. This case study explores the role of the EU, as a regional organization, in ethnic conflict prevention in different stages of the Kosovo conflict. It aims to understand the strategies, policies, and mechanisms used by the EU in its engagement throughout different conflict stages. In addition, it offers an evaluation of the capabilities, achievements and failures of the EU in dealing with this type of conflict. The study highlights the efforts of the EU in shifting its strategies to become a leading actor in handling this conflict. The findings of the research reveal progress in the EU’s approach to conflict prevention but highlight the lack of the consensus among member states as an obstacle to EU’s success in conflict prevention.
{"title":"Regional organizations and ethnic conflict prevention: The EU and Kosovo conflict","authors":"Jubjana Vila","doi":"10.1111/sena.12397","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12397","url":null,"abstract":"The prevention, management, and resolution of ethnic conflicts comprises an important challenge to the regional peace and stability. This case study explores the role of the EU, as a regional organization, in ethnic conflict prevention in different stages of the Kosovo conflict. It aims to understand the strategies, policies, and mechanisms used by the EU in its engagement throughout different conflict stages. In addition, it offers an evaluation of the capabilities, achievements and failures of the EU in dealing with this type of conflict. The study highlights the efforts of the EU in shifting its strategies to become a leading actor in handling this conflict. The findings of the research reveal progress in the EU’s approach to conflict prevention but highlight the lack of the consensus among member states as an obstacle to EU’s success in conflict prevention.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"78 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79072531","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
National symbols play a significant role in contemporary politics by shaping national identities. However, national animals receive little attention in the scholarship. This paper provides a study of the animal as a national symbol, proposing a possible model to fit the national animal into the rich nationalism literature. It generates theories about the formation, strengths, challenges of the national animal, supported with case study analysis. The central hypothesis is that the national animal is a distinctive national symbol. It is a symbol of the national rather than of the nation. It is not a purely top‐down political design; it embeds concrete traits; and it creates space for international interaction. Theoretically, the national animal can forge a strong national identity. However, many real‐life challenges prevent it from becoming prominent in modern nations.
{"title":"The modern totem: an overview of the national animal on its role in forming national identity","authors":"Jintao Zhu, Gregor Ilsinger","doi":"10.1111/sena.12396","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12396","url":null,"abstract":"National symbols play a significant role in contemporary politics by shaping national identities. However, national animals receive little attention in the scholarship. This paper provides a study of the animal as a national symbol, proposing a possible model to fit the national animal into the rich nationalism literature. It generates theories about the formation, strengths, challenges of the national animal, supported with case study analysis. The central hypothesis is that the national animal is a distinctive national symbol. It is a symbol of the national rather than of the nation. It is not a purely top‐down political design; it embeds concrete traits; and it creates space for international interaction. Theoretically, the national animal can forge a strong national identity. However, many real‐life challenges prevent it from becoming prominent in modern nations.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"3 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75309990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores the consequences of the recent military coup in Myanmar for the Rohingya crisis. Data from seven semi‐structured interviews were collected from academic and Rohingya leaders in the Australian cities of Sydney and Brisbane. The findings suggest that the regime change that has taken place will not resolve the Rohingya crisis unless the Myanmar government moves away from its current anti‐Rohingya, religious nationalism policy agenda. A military coup on 1 February 2021 overthrew the relatively new democratic government in Myanmar. The anti‐military movement now faces the military’s brutal force for restoring democracy in the country. The elected parliament members established an interim National Unity Government (NUG) to lead anti‐military protests. Regarding the military junta and NUG’s strategy concerning the Rohingya crisis, both aim to get international support for their endeavours. The Rohingya became a sacrificial lamb for both of these competitors. The Rohingya now face a dilemma in making the decision to support one or the other political parties, as the leaders of both parties were involved actively in instigating the Rohingya genocide in 2017. The situation for the Rohingya becomes complicated as they now find themselves caught between the ‘devil and the deep sea’.
{"title":"Myanmar’s military coup: The Rohingya caught “Between the devil and the deep sea”","authors":"I. Zahed","doi":"10.1111/sena.12394","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12394","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the consequences of the recent military coup in Myanmar for the Rohingya crisis. Data from seven semi‐structured interviews were collected from academic and Rohingya leaders in the Australian cities of Sydney and Brisbane. The findings suggest that the regime change that has taken place will not resolve the Rohingya crisis unless the Myanmar government moves away from its current anti‐Rohingya, religious nationalism policy agenda. A military coup on 1 February 2021 overthrew the relatively new democratic government in Myanmar. The anti‐military movement now faces the military’s brutal force for restoring democracy in the country. The elected parliament members established an interim National Unity Government (NUG) to lead anti‐military protests. Regarding the military junta and NUG’s strategy concerning the Rohingya crisis, both aim to get international support for their endeavours. The Rohingya became a sacrificial lamb for both of these competitors. The Rohingya now face a dilemma in making the decision to support one or the other political parties, as the leaders of both parties were involved actively in instigating the Rohingya genocide in 2017. The situation for the Rohingya becomes complicated as they now find themselves caught between the ‘devil and the deep sea’.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79791638","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper studies collective memory in divided societies. To do so, we begin by studying national memory in civil societies, where the nature of this memory is hegemonic. We use Gramsci’s concept of hegemony to explain national memories in civil societies and differentiate it from that of contested memories in divided places. In order to explain memory in divided societies, we apply Ibn Khaldoun’s concepts of ‘aAsabiyah and Istitba’. Societies deeply divided tend to have contested memories at two levels: within a community which creates an internal other and outside the community where groups compete to impose their memory at the state level. We use examples from Lebanon, Northern Ireland and Bosnia‐Herzeogvina to explain the memory dynamics from a Khaldounian perspective.
{"title":"Memory Building and Istitba’ in Divided Societies","authors":"P. Tabar, E. Aboultaif","doi":"10.1111/sena.12392","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12392","url":null,"abstract":"This paper studies collective memory in divided societies. To do so, we begin by studying national memory in civil societies, where the nature of this memory is hegemonic. We use Gramsci’s concept of hegemony to explain national memories in civil societies and differentiate it from that of contested memories in divided places. In order to explain memory in divided societies, we apply Ibn Khaldoun’s concepts of ‘aAsabiyah and Istitba’. Societies deeply divided tend to have contested memories at two levels: within a community which creates an internal other and outside the community where groups compete to impose their memory at the state level. We use examples from Lebanon, Northern Ireland and Bosnia‐Herzeogvina to explain the memory dynamics from a Khaldounian perspective.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"3 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87852168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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