Luis Enrique Espinoza, David Jimenez, Jennifer L. Talleff, Gerardo Zubieta, Bonifacio Vega, Allison Ray Reagan
This study examined whether specific social factors are associated with COVID-19 vaccination distrust. Data originated from the Census Bureau's Household Pulse Survey Phase 3.3 Week 42 collected from January 26 to February 7, 2022. In total, 38,504 adults answered the questions regarding receiving the COVID-19 vaccine, COVID-19 vaccine distrust, and the designated social factors. Logistic regression and ordinal regression were performed to examine specific social factors associated with the COVID-19 vaccine to determine if differences were seen in a dichotomous outcome or scale outcome for distrust. Over 7% of men reported 1 or both types of COVID-19 distrust compared to 6.6% of women. Men were more likely to distrust the COVID-19 vaccine than women. There was a significant association between educational attainment and COVID-19 distrust scale. The same association was seen also in household income and COVID-19 distrust scale. Overall, this study identified specific social factors were a strong predictor of COVID-19 vaccination distrust. These findings can assist public health efforts to reduce the health inequity of COVID-19 vaccination efforts and reduce distrust in racial-ethnic minorities.
{"title":"The Social Factors Associated with COVID-19 Vaccine Distrust in the United States","authors":"Luis Enrique Espinoza, David Jimenez, Jennifer L. Talleff, Gerardo Zubieta, Bonifacio Vega, Allison Ray Reagan","doi":"10.1111/sena.12413","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12413","url":null,"abstract":"This study examined whether specific social factors are associated with COVID-19 vaccination distrust. Data originated from the Census Bureau's Household Pulse Survey Phase 3.3 Week 42 collected from January 26 to February 7, 2022. In total, 38,504 adults answered the questions regarding receiving the COVID-19 vaccine, COVID-19 vaccine distrust, and the designated social factors. Logistic regression and ordinal regression were performed to examine specific social factors associated with the COVID-19 vaccine to determine if differences were seen in a dichotomous outcome or scale outcome for distrust. Over 7% of men reported 1 or both types of COVID-19 distrust compared to 6.6% of women. Men were more likely to distrust the COVID-19 vaccine than women. There was a significant association between educational attainment and COVID-19 distrust scale. The same association was seen also in household income and COVID-19 distrust scale. Overall, this study identified specific social factors were a strong predictor of COVID-19 vaccination distrust. These findings can assist public health efforts to reduce the health inequity of COVID-19 vaccination efforts and reduce distrust in racial-ethnic minorities.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"27 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-01-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139583682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper focuses on the Dawn Watch commemoration in northern Cyprus that has been organised since 2010 to mark the anniversary of Turkey's military operation/invasion on 20 July 1974. I argue that the Dawn Watch utilises the innovative ritual practice of ‘keeping watch' to subjectivise participating Turkish Cypriots as the ‘guards/watchmen' who have made Turkey's military presence in Cyprus possible. This novel commemoration seeks to address growing disinterest in Turkish nationalist narratives and commemorations in northern Cyprus, which conventionally reduce Turkish Cypriots to historically unimportant figures who were merely ‘liberated' by Turkey. By adopting the innovative ritual practice of ‘keeping watch', the Dawn Watch provides participants with a new way of participating in an old nationalist narrative.
{"title":"Agency in waiting: innovation and repetition in a novel Turkish Cypriot nationalist commemoration","authors":"Sergen Bahceci","doi":"10.1111/sena.12411","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12411","url":null,"abstract":"This paper focuses on the Dawn Watch commemoration in northern Cyprus that has been organised since 2010 to mark the anniversary of Turkey's military operation/invasion on 20 July 1974. I argue that the Dawn Watch utilises the innovative ritual practice of ‘keeping watch' to subjectivise participating Turkish Cypriots as the ‘guards/watchmen' who have made Turkey's military presence in Cyprus possible. This novel commemoration seeks to address growing disinterest in Turkish nationalist narratives and commemorations in northern Cyprus, which conventionally reduce Turkish Cypriots to historically unimportant figures who were merely ‘liberated' by Turkey. By adopting the innovative ritual practice of ‘keeping watch', the Dawn Watch provides participants with a new way of participating in an old nationalist narrative.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-01-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139499288","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper addresses the contemporary usages of collective memory in the Titanic Quarter's project in Belfast, Northern Ireland. In the wake of the Good Friday Agreement, elected officials proposed urban revitalisation policies that aimed to mitigate the effects of deindustrialisation and the ethnonational conflict. On the old shipyard wastelands, public authorities were relying on the redevelopment of the built environment to suggest a shared urbanity but also a shared past, a connection with a common space, mobilising the myths and memories of the Titanic to achieve this. Yet, in a globalised world where memory increasingly surpasses national borders, it bears into question who is the targeted audience of this revitalised urban memory? Through careful observations in the neighbourhood and its flagship museum, the paper aims to criticise the use and manipulation of a conflictual working-class memory to sidestep Northern Ireland's sectarian divide.
{"title":"Restricted Access to Remembrance: Problematic Usages of Industrial Memories in Belfast's Titanic Quarter","authors":"Christophe Davis","doi":"10.1111/sena.12412","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12412","url":null,"abstract":"The paper addresses the contemporary usages of collective memory in the Titanic Quarter's project in Belfast, Northern Ireland. In the wake of the Good Friday Agreement, elected officials proposed urban revitalisation policies that aimed to mitigate the effects of deindustrialisation and the ethnonational conflict. On the old shipyard wastelands, public authorities were relying on the redevelopment of the built environment to suggest a shared urbanity but also a shared past, a connection with a common space, mobilising the myths and memories of the Titanic to achieve this. Yet, in a globalised world where memory increasingly surpasses national borders, it bears into question who is the targeted audience of this revitalised urban memory? Through careful observations in the neighbourhood and its flagship museum, the paper aims to criticise the use and manipulation of a conflictual working-class memory to sidestep Northern Ireland's sectarian divide.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-01-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139499345","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Amhara nationalism emerged in the Ethiopian political discourse in the 1990s, and has appeared at varying paces across time. This article examines whether the trajectories in Amhara identity conceptions go from rejection to embracing Amhara ethnicity. A qualitative data analysis is used gleaned from various sources including archives, opinions expressed in social media platforms, and key informant interviews undertaken largely in 2020. The article revealed how Amhara ethnicity has been built under various political contexts in Ethiopia. In the last, nearly three decades’ actors and political parties shift their subscription from Ethiopian identity to Amhara and the other way around. This shows the situationality, and variability of ethnicity, and more importantly, the weight of context in the construction of identity discourses and practices. The practice of “Amhara democratic nationalism”, with its Bolshevik ingredients, aimed to “discipline” Amhara, accompanied by the attitude of many ethnonationalist elites which consider all Amhara as an oppressor gave way to reactive ethnicity, and Amhara political identity is already established with essential implications for the current political discontent and future of Ethiopia.
{"title":"Trajectories in the development of Amhara nationalism: Is it from rejection to embracement?","authors":"Yilkal Ayalew Workneh","doi":"10.1111/sena.12409","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12409","url":null,"abstract":"Amhara nationalism emerged in the Ethiopian political discourse in the 1990s, and has appeared at varying paces across time. This article examines whether the trajectories in Amhara identity conceptions go from rejection to embracing Amhara ethnicity. A qualitative data analysis is used gleaned from various sources including archives, opinions expressed in social media platforms, and key informant interviews undertaken largely in 2020. The article revealed how Amhara ethnicity has been built under various political contexts in Ethiopia. In the last, nearly three decades’ actors and political parties shift their subscription from Ethiopian identity to Amhara and the other way around. This shows the situationality, and variability of ethnicity, and more importantly, the weight of context in the construction of identity discourses and practices. The practice of “Amhara democratic nationalism”, with its Bolshevik ingredients, aimed to “discipline” Amhara, accompanied by the attitude of many ethnonationalist elites which consider all Amhara as an oppressor gave way to reactive ethnicity, and Amhara political identity is already established with essential implications for the current political discontent and future of Ethiopia.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"254 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139413033","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Housing is a great family asset, especially in developing countries. Since economic resources bring social and political power, home ownership can be very influential in enhancing people's socio‐political power. The benefits of home ownership become even more notable among groups of people who were deprived of such power. In Sanandaj, home ownership shows a much lower rate among women than among men, and it is therefore interesting to know whether an increase would empower women and in what ways.Methodologically, this study used the Sanandaj Document Registration Office as well as a survey (a questionnaire filled out by 300 female homeowners in Sanandaj) to collect the data. The analysis of the data is based on the Kendall correlation test and Path analysis test. The research results show that there is a very high correlation between home ownership (as an independent variable) and economic independence, decision‐making independence and participation of women in urban communities (as dependent variables). The article concludes that home ownership can significantly improve the independence and participation of Kurdish women in Sanandaj, and makes a number of policy recommendations to reach this goal.
{"title":"The effect of home ownership on the independence and participation of Kurdish women in society. A quantitative study of Sanandaj in Iran","authors":"Sonya Karami, Wendelmoet Hamelink","doi":"10.1111/sena.12405","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12405","url":null,"abstract":"Housing is a great family asset, especially in developing countries. Since economic resources bring social and political power, home ownership can be very influential in enhancing people's socio‐political power. The benefits of home ownership become even more notable among groups of people who were deprived of such power. In Sanandaj, home ownership shows a much lower rate among women than among men, and it is therefore interesting to know whether an increase would empower women and in what ways.Methodologically, this study used the Sanandaj Document Registration Office as well as a survey (a questionnaire filled out by 300 female homeowners in Sanandaj) to collect the data. The analysis of the data is based on the Kendall correlation test and Path analysis test. The research results show that there is a very high correlation between home ownership (as an independent variable) and economic independence, decision‐making independence and participation of women in urban communities (as dependent variables). The article concludes that home ownership can significantly improve the independence and participation of Kurdish women in Sanandaj, and makes a number of policy recommendations to reach this goal.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"150 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139015449","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In light of the high graduate unemployment rate and migrant crisis, graduate employability in the Kurdistan Region – Iraq is an ever more pressing issue. Reducing the issue of graduate employability to a skills gap between Kurdish graduates and the private sector labour market is too simplistic and dismisses other sociocultural and structural factors that are external to graduates and higher education institutions (HEIs), and which impact the former’s employability. Through a qualitative study and using Bourdieu’s (1977) habitus as an explanatory framework for the analysis, this article aims to recontextualise graduate employability by exploring five stakeholders’ perceptions of what impacts graduate employability in the region. The findings uphold previous labour market reports that there is a skills gap, but also reveals other sociocultural and structural factors that also impact graduate employability. The Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research (MHESR) has introduced a programme of pedagogical reform in KRI’s public HEIs and is in the process of training its academic practitioners in the tenets of Freire’s (1970) critical pedagogy. This article supports the implementation of Freire’s critical pedagogy in KRI’s public HEIs as a critical pedagogy can address the skills gap while also creating spaces for students to explore, question, analyse and evaluate the sociocultural and structural factors that impact graduate employability in KRI.
{"title":"Recontextualising graduate employability in support of pedagogical reform in public universities in the Kurdistan Region-Iraq","authors":"Victoria Whiteside, John Cross","doi":"10.1111/sena.12407","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12407","url":null,"abstract":"In light of the high graduate unemployment rate and migrant crisis, graduate employability in the Kurdistan Region – Iraq is an ever more pressing issue. Reducing the issue of graduate employability to a skills gap between Kurdish graduates and the private sector labour market is too simplistic and dismisses other sociocultural and structural factors that are external to graduates and higher education institutions (HEIs), and which impact the former’s employability. Through a qualitative study and using Bourdieu’s (1977) habitus as an explanatory framework for the analysis, this article aims to recontextualise graduate employability by exploring five stakeholders’ perceptions of what impacts graduate employability in the region. The findings uphold previous labour market reports that there is a skills gap, but also reveals other sociocultural and structural factors that also impact graduate employability. The Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research (MHESR) has introduced a programme of pedagogical reform in KRI’s public HEIs and is in the process of training its academic practitioners in the tenets of Freire’s (1970) critical pedagogy. This article supports the implementation of Freire’s critical pedagogy in KRI’s public HEIs as a critical pedagogy can address the skills gap while also creating spaces for students to explore, question, analyse and evaluate the sociocultural and structural factors that impact graduate employability in KRI.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138518063","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Araz Bashar Mohammed Ali, Marie-Christine Vierbuchen
Inclusive education is a right for all children in every society. However, especially for children with disabilities and other risk factors, internationally the development of effective implementation of this right is not intuitive and there is much potential for design at different levels. Currently, however, little evidence exists on how this right is being implemented for children in primary school in Duhok (Kurdistan Region of Iraq). This study extracts results from classroom observations conducted using the support of a quality scale for inclusive education. From the analysis, important indications can be drawn on the necessary further development at the level of students with individual needs, inclusive teaching, interdisciplinary cooperation within the professional teams in school, school concept and school life and external support and communal networking.
{"title":"Quality of inclusive primary schools in Duhok governorate, Kurdistan region of Iraq: An observation study","authors":"Araz Bashar Mohammed Ali, Marie-Christine Vierbuchen","doi":"10.1111/sena.12406","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12406","url":null,"abstract":"Inclusive education is a right for all children in every society. However, especially for children with disabilities and other risk factors, internationally the development of effective implementation of this right is not intuitive and there is much potential for design at different levels. Currently, however, little evidence exists on how this right is being implemented for children in primary school in Duhok (Kurdistan Region of Iraq). This study extracts results from classroom observations conducted using the support of a quality scale for inclusive education. From the analysis, important indications can be drawn on the necessary further development at the level of students with individual needs, inclusive teaching, interdisciplinary cooperation within the professional teams in school, school concept and school life and external support and communal networking.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"37 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138518088","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The onslaught of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (hereafter ISIS) on the Kurdish de facto entity in Iraq in 2014 and the independence referendum in 2017 constituted two important episodes that impacted on the foreign policy of the Kurdish entity in multiple ways. This article analyzes and describes the foreign policies of the entity during and after these two episodes until the end of 2022. It attempts to answer the following two questions: How did the ISIS offensive briefly change the priorities of the Kurdish entity's leadership in terms of its foreign policy goals? Secondly, how did the independence referendum in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and the subsequent events shape the foreign policy priorities of the Kurdish entity in Iraq? Through conducting interviews with high-level Kurdish politicians and using recently published secondary source materials, this article argues that foreign policy and paradiplomacy played vital roles in the preservation of the KRI during these two very tough periods and that the Kurdish entity had to alter its domestic policy goals to achieve its foreign policy aims and ensure the survival of the Kurdish facto entity in Iraq.
{"title":"The Islamic State and the independence referendum: The role of foreign policy in maintaining the de facto Kurdish entity in Iraq","authors":"Hajar Bashir Sadoon","doi":"10.1111/sena.12404","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12404","url":null,"abstract":"The onslaught of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (hereafter ISIS) on the Kurdish <i>de facto</i> entity in Iraq in 2014 and the independence referendum in 2017 constituted two important episodes that impacted on the foreign policy of the Kurdish entity in multiple ways. This article analyzes and describes the foreign policies of the entity during and after these two episodes until the end of 2022. It attempts to answer the following two questions: How did the ISIS offensive briefly change the priorities of the Kurdish entity's leadership in terms of its foreign policy goals? Secondly, how did the independence referendum in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and the subsequent events shape the foreign policy priorities of the Kurdish entity in Iraq? Through conducting interviews with high-level Kurdish politicians and using recently published secondary source materials, this article argues that foreign policy and paradiplomacy played vital roles in the preservation of the KRI during these two very tough periods and that the Kurdish entity had to alter its domestic policy goals to achieve its foreign policy aims and ensure the survival of the Kurdish facto entity in Iraq.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138518089","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Iraq has endured decades of authoritarian rule and conflict, resulting in widespread property violations and displacement. In response, several property restitution and compensation initiatives have been implemented to pursue justice for the victims. However, questions remain about their ability to provide adequate and effective redress. This paper critically examines the flaws and challenges of these mechanisms through the lens of transitional justice. It investigates the extent to which property reparations in Iraq have been structured and implemented within the framework of a transitional justice policy, while analysing the underlying principles of the concept. The findings indicate that property reparations have fallen short due to the lack of a well‐designed programmatic framework supported by viable institutional models and procedures. Additionally, weaknesses lie in the lack of coherence between these initiatives and other institutions and policies, necessitating a holistic framework that guides institutional arrangements, financing, and prioritization strategies. Consequently, this paper argues that a more effective, holistic, and contextually grounded approach informed by transitional justice has the potential to address these issues and strengthen the reparations efforts.
{"title":"Transitional justice perspective on property reparations in Iraq","authors":"Ahmet Gümüşbaş","doi":"10.1111/sena.12400","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12400","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Iraq has endured decades of authoritarian rule and conflict, resulting in widespread property violations and displacement. In response, several property restitution and compensation initiatives have been implemented to pursue justice for the victims. However, questions remain about their ability to provide adequate and effective redress. This paper critically examines the flaws and challenges of these mechanisms through the lens of transitional justice. It investigates the extent to which property reparations in Iraq have been structured and implemented within the framework of a transitional justice policy, while analysing the underlying principles of the concept. The findings indicate that property reparations have fallen short due to the lack of a well‐designed programmatic framework supported by viable institutional models and procedures. Additionally, weaknesses lie in the lack of coherence between these initiatives and other institutions and policies, necessitating a holistic framework that guides institutional arrangements, financing, and prioritization strategies. Consequently, this paper argues that a more effective, holistic, and contextually grounded approach informed by transitional justice has the potential to address these issues and strengthen the reparations efforts.","PeriodicalId":45020,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism","volume":"97 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136142112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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