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‘Mutual Accommodation’: Clientelist Politics in South African School Education “相互迁就”:南非学校教育中的庇护主义政治
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.a905641
S. Meny-Gibert
ABSTRACT:Whilst most post-apartheid public schools in South Africa remain significantly underfunded, the education budget nevertheless provides a significant injection of jobs and public spending into the provinces–into rural provinces with small economies especially. Based on research in the Eastern Cape and Gauteng provinces, I show how a particular form of clientelist politics has taken root in the post-apartheid school education system–one locally organised around ‘promotional’ posts in schools, and disconnected from a clear state, party, or other organisational ‘centre’. Groups of locally organised unionists operate to secure preferential access to these posts, sometimes through the use or threat of violence, sometimes through collusion with district education officials, or with community members who might benefit from access to meagre school budgets. Attempts by residents to secure livelihood strategies in the context of poverty intersect with local strategies of upward mobility on the part of ordinary teachers, and in turn connect loosely, via patterns of ‘mutual accommodation’ with strategies of elite accumulation amongst senior politicians, administrators, and union leaders. In the case of the education sectors in the Eastern Cape and Gauteng provinces at least, on which this article focuses, this constitutes a fragmented yet interlocking system of unstable governance. In this sense, I suggest that there is much in the dynamics of education governance that offers insight into wider patterns of state-society relations around the local state in South Africa.
摘要:虽然南非大多数后种族隔离时期的公立学校仍然资金严重不足,但教育预算仍然为各省提供了大量的就业机会和公共支出,特别是对经济规模较小的农村省份。基于对东开普省和豪登省的研究,我展示了一种特殊形式的庇护主义政治是如何在后种族隔离时期的学校教育体系中扎根的——一种围绕学校“晋升”职位的地方组织,与明确的国家、政党或其他组织“中心”脱节。当地有组织的工会成员团体有时通过使用暴力或以暴力相威胁,有时通过与地区教育官员或可能从微薄的学校预算中受益的社区成员勾结,以确保优先获得这些职位。在贫困的背景下,居民试图确保生计的策略与当地普通教师向上流动的策略相互交叉,反过来,通过“相互适应”的模式,与高级政治家、行政人员和工会领导人之间的精英积累策略松散地联系在一起。至少在本文关注的东开普省和豪登省的教育部门,这构成了一个不稳定的支离破碎但环环相扣的治理体系。从这个意义上说,我认为在教育治理的动态中,有很多东西可以让我们深入了解南非地方政府周围国家-社会关系的更广泛模式。
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引用次数: 0
Water and the Politics of Rural Service Provision 水和农村服务提供的政治
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.a905646
Tess N. Peacock
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引用次数: 0
29 Leads To Love: New and Selected Poems by Salimah Valiani (review) 《通往爱情:萨利玛·瓦利亚尼新诗选集》(书评)
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.a905648
C. Sandwith
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Revenues, Rule, Redistribution 引言:收入、规则、再分配
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.a905638
Tim Gibbs, L. Phillips, William Beinart, Sinegugu Zukhulu
In recent years, a new stream of research on the crisis of the state in South Africa has emerged, as revenues have faltered and ageing infrastructure cracked. Inevitably, the core of the South African economy attracts the most attention – notably the crisis of Eskom (Chipkin et al 2018, Tooze 2023). Nonetheless, it is on the poorest, rural margins of South Africa, which generally have higher rates of poverty and weaker fiscal bases, where the crisis is worst. To take one important example amongst many, according to the latest reports of the auditor general, around half South Africa’s municipalities face financial distress or insolvency: unable to manage, raise revenues and deliver basic services, such as water and electricity (Ensor 2022). Of these collapsing municipalities, the overwhelming number are ‘Category B4’ rural municipalities, typically found in the former ‘tribal Homelands/Bantustans’.
近年来,随着南非财政收入下降、基础设施老化,出现了一股关于南非政府危机的新研究潮流。不可避免地,南非经济的核心吸引了最多的关注——尤其是Eskom的危机(Chipkin et al 2018, Tooze 2023)。然而,危机最严重的是南非最贫穷的农村边缘地区,这些地区的贫困率普遍较高,财政基础薄弱。根据审计长的最新报告,举一个重要的例子,南非大约一半的市政当局面临财政困境或破产:无法管理、增加收入和提供基本服务,如水和电(Ensor 2022)。在这些崩溃的城市中,绝大多数是“B4类”农村城市,通常位于前“部落家园/班图斯坦”。
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引用次数: 0
Governing in the Shadows: Angola’s Securatised State by Paula Christina Roque (review) 《阴影下的执政:安哥拉的安全国家》,作者:保拉·克里斯蒂娜·罗克
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.a905649
Claudia Gastrow
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引用次数: 0
The Effects of Race: The Devastating Effects of Rigid Category-Thinking by Nina Jablonski and Gerhard Maré (review) 《种族的影响:刻板分类思维的毁灭性影响》作者:妮娜·雅布隆斯基、格哈德·马莱尔
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.a905647
Birgit Schreiber
The scholars in this book argue their thinking and share their experiences from living ‘in a racialized world and who yearn for a human one’ (Jablonski and Maré 2018, 7) and seek to transcend their racialised lives and move the readers to appreciate a universal, more human space, where full personhood can emerge. The book is an attempt to decolonise what it means to be human and attempts to rescue being human from the grip of race. It shapes a new version of and creates ‘a new humanism and to imagine humanity otherwise’ (Jablonski and Maré 2018, 61). REvIEW NINA JAbLoNSKI ANd GERhARd MARé (EdS) (2018) the effects of Race: the devastating effects of Rigid categoRy-thinKing. AFRICAN SUN MEdIA R E V I E W : J a B L O N S K I a N D m a R é : T h E E F F E C T S O F R a C E
在这本书中,学者们讨论了他们的想法,分享了他们生活在“一个种族化的世界里,渴望一个人类世界”的经历(Jablonski和mar, 2018, 7),并试图超越他们的种族化生活,让读者欣赏一个普遍的、更人性化的空间,在那里完整的人格可以出现。这本书试图去殖民化人类的意义,并试图将人类从种族的束缚中拯救出来。它塑造了一个新版本,并创造了“一种新的人文主义,并以其他方式想象人类”(Jablonski和mar, 2018,61)。NINA JAbLoNSKI和GERhARd mar(编辑)(2018):《种族的影响:刻板类别思维的破坏性影响》。非洲太阳媒体R . E . V . E . W . J . B . L . O . N . S . K . O . N . N . N . N . N .
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引用次数: 0
The ‘Invisible’ Property System and Revenue Collection in Former Homelands in the Context of Hybrid Governance and Access to Land And Basic Services 混合治理与土地和基本服务获取背景下的“隐形”财产制度与前故土税收
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.a905642
Avhatakali Sithagu
ABSTRACT:Municipalities in former homelands situated on land under traditional authorities cannot institute an effective revenue collection system because most of the land is outside the formal property system. The fundamental issue is that customary land rights remain ‘invisible’ to the cadastral system, which together with other components of the land administration system, connects individuals to the revenue collection system. Through ethnographic interviews conducted in the Thembisile Hani Local Municipality, a former homeland municipality, this article demonstrates how a state institution, Eskom, navigates this complex terrain. In doing so, the article contributes to a broader debate about the dynamics and shape of the municipal revenue crisis that is often said to be an obstacle to service delivery and the smooth functioning of municipalities. While most scholars focus on how communities work with or against the rigid rules of the formal property system to access basic services, this article takes a different approach. It focuses on how state and non-state institutions attempt to deliver basic services by using informal practices to navigate their formal systems: a practice that is often under-researched.
摘要:由于大部分土地处于正规的产权制度之外,故土自治市无法建立有效的税收制度。最根本的问题是,传统的土地权利对地籍制度来说仍然是“不可见的”,地籍制度与土地管理制度的其他组成部分一起,将个人与税收制度联系起来。本文通过在Thembisile Hani地方自治市(前家园自治市)进行的民族志采访,展示了Eskom这个国家机构如何在这一复杂的地形中生存。在这样做的过程中,本文有助于就市政收入危机的动态和形式进行更广泛的辩论,市政收入危机通常被认为是服务提供和市政当局顺利运作的障碍。虽然大多数学者关注的是社区如何与正式财产制度的严格规则合作或反对这些规则以获得基本服务,但本文采取了不同的方法。它侧重于国家和非国家机构如何试图通过使用非正式做法来引导其正式系统来提供基本服务:这一做法往往研究不足。
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引用次数: 0
Local Municipalities, Central Fiscal Reform, and Regional Blocs: Revenue Relationships and Local Government in Limpopo, 1980–2020 地方自治政府、中央财政改革和区域集团:1980-2020年林波波省的收入关系和地方政府
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.a905640
Joel Pearson
ABSTRACT:This article considers the changing role of the Mogalakwena Local Municipality in the political economy of the Waterberg region of Limpopo. It considers the effects that centre-led processes of municipal fiscal reform over the course of the 1980s and 1990s have had on local and regional politics, and suggest that this offers one dimension through which to understand why Limpopo has long proved a troublesome region for successive national South African governments, across the apartheid and post-apartheid decades. In the first section, I consider the outcomes of attempts by the national government to reform apartheid in the 1980s. Even as the National Party moved to introduce forms of regional government which had greater emphasis on the redistribution of revenues across racial boundaries, ‘lily-white’ Conservative Party-controlled local councils sought to entrench fiscal segregation and resist inclusion in the Regional Services Councils (RSCs). In the second section, I show how this resistance ultimately failed in the face of national transitional processes. By the end of the 1990s, the Conservative Party was a spent force. However, what resulted from the period of the local government transition fell far from the aspirations of ‘wall-to-wall democratic local government’. In the final section, I argue that post-apartheid municipal reform which has overseen an expansion of the developmental role of local government, which entrenched principles of corporate managerialism and outsourcing, has given rise to new forms of local and regional resistance against central government and party control. Against the backdrop of local economic decline, local politicians have used revenues distributed by the national treasury to build an independent political base within regional and provincial structures of the African National Congress.
摘要:本文探讨了林波波省沃特贝格地区mogalakweena地方政府在政治经济中的角色变化。它考虑了20世纪80年代和90年代中央主导的市政财政改革进程对地方和区域政治的影响,并建议这提供了一个维度,通过它来理解为什么林波波在种族隔离和后种族隔离的几十年里,对历届南非国家政府来说,长期以来一直是一个麻烦的地区。在第一部分中,我考虑了20世纪80年代国家政府试图改革种族隔离制度的结果。就在国家党开始引入更强调跨种族收入再分配的地方政府形式时,保守党控制的“纯白”地方议会却试图巩固财政隔离,并抵制纳入地区服务委员会(RSCs)。在第二部分中,我展示了这种抵抗如何在国家过渡进程面前最终失败。到20世纪90年代末,保守党已是一股强弩之末。然而,地方政府过渡时期的结果与“全面民主地方政府”的愿望相去甚远。在最后一节中,我认为后种族隔离时期的市政改革扩大了地方政府的发展作用,巩固了企业管理主义和外包的原则,导致了地方和区域对中央政府和党的控制的新形式的抵制。在地方经济衰退的背景下,地方政客利用国家财政分配的收入,在非洲人国民大会的地区和省级结构中建立了独立的政治基础。
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引用次数: 0
‘Mutual Accommodation’: Clientelist Politics in South African School Education “相互迁就”:南非学校教育中的庇护主义政治
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.a905643
S. Meny-Gibert
ABSTRACT:Whilst most post-apartheid public schools in South Africa remain significantly underfunded, the education budget nevertheless provides a significant injection of jobs and public spending into the provinces–into rural provinces with small economies especially. Based on research in the Eastern Cape and Gauteng provinces, I show how a particular form of clientelist politics has taken root in the post-apartheid school education system–one locally organised around ‘promotional’ posts in schools, and disconnected from a clear state, party, or other organisational ‘centre’. Groups of locally organised unionists operate to secure preferential access to these posts, sometimes through the use or threat of violence, sometimes through collusion with district education officials, or with community members who might benefit from access to meagre school budgets. Attempts by residents to secure livelihood strategies in the context of poverty intersect with local strategies of upward mobility on the part of ordinary teachers, and in turn connect loosely, via patterns of ‘mutual accommodation’ with strategies of elite accumulation amongst senior politicians, administrators, and union leaders. In the case of the education sectors in the Eastern Cape and Gauteng provinces at least, on which this article focuses, this constitutes a fragmented yet interlocking system of unstable governance. In this sense, I suggest that there is much in the dynamics of education governance that offers insight into wider patterns of state-society relations around the local state in South Africa.
摘要:虽然南非大多数后种族隔离时期的公立学校仍然资金严重不足,但教育预算仍然为各省提供了大量的就业机会和公共支出,特别是对经济规模较小的农村省份。基于对东开普省和豪登省的研究,我展示了一种特殊形式的庇护主义政治是如何在后种族隔离时期的学校教育体系中扎根的——一种围绕学校“晋升”职位的地方组织,与明确的国家、政党或其他组织“中心”脱节。当地有组织的工会成员团体有时通过使用暴力或以暴力相威胁,有时通过与地区教育官员或可能从微薄的学校预算中受益的社区成员勾结,以确保优先获得这些职位。在贫困的背景下,居民试图确保生计的策略与当地普通教师向上流动的策略相互交叉,反过来,通过“相互适应”的模式,与高级政治家、行政人员和工会领导人之间的精英积累策略松散地联系在一起。至少在本文关注的东开普省和豪登省的教育部门,这构成了一个不稳定的支离破碎但环环相扣的治理体系。从这个意义上说,我认为在教育治理的动态中,有很多东西可以让我们深入了解南非地方政府周围国家-社会关系的更广泛模式。
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引用次数: 0
Long-Term Struggles for Land and Related Services: Egalitarian Local Authority in the Eastern Cape’s Border-Kei Region from the Mid-1980s to 2010. 土地和相关服务的长期斗争:20世纪80年代中期至2010年东开普省边界-基地区的平等主义地方当局。
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.a905639
L. Wotshela
ABSTRACT:For many within Bantustans during the epoch of late apartheid, the struggle for egalitarian local authority, and provision of services, innately linked to those for residential and other land needs. Such occurrences were particularly evident in the Ciskei, which largely emerged as a receptacle for countless relocated African families, and whose land and amenities was controlled, and then dispensed through state-created tribal authorities. Those contrived power brokers served at the base of government hierarchy but were equally influential in linking services to loyalists of the Bantustan system whilst fostering its social and political patronage networks. Naturally, the system impelled reaction and contestation in the form of robust civic movements from those the Bantustan policy sought to incorporate by early 1980s. Equally, such civic movements widened by the late 1980s to include even those already within the Ciskei Bantustan, but initially alienated from land and services allotted by tribal authorities. By then this movement had become key to rural and urban representative voices and was no longer restricted to the Ciskei. It marked a Border-Kei region of the current Eastern Cape Province, which from the early 1990s coalesced around the Ciskei, the western parts of the Transkei and the enfolded former white farming districts with their towns. How then did the calibrated local authority system after 1994 typify various formations of this area against persistent land demands and services, as well as reorganising chiefly authorities (now referred to as traditional authority)? To what extent did governance and distribution of services continue being routed for benefaction? This paper provides an historical outline of the campaign for egalitarian local authority, and ultimately shows the early complexities of an integrated municipality in 2000 in that hitherto segregated Border-Kei region of South Africa’s Eastern Cape.
摘要:在种族隔离后期,班图斯坦人为争取平等的地方权力和提供服务而进行的斗争,与住宅和其他土地需求息息相关。这种情况在西斯凯地区尤为明显,它主要是作为无数重新安置的非洲家庭的避难所出现的,其土地和设施受到控制,然后通过国家建立的部落当局进行分配。这些人为的权力经纪人服务于政府等级制度的基础,但在将服务与班图斯坦体系的忠诚者联系起来,同时培育其社会和政治庇护网络方面,同样具有影响力。自然,这一制度促使班图斯坦政策试图在20世纪80年代早期纳入的那些人以强大的公民运动的形式作出反应和争论。同样,到20世纪80年代末,这种公民运动扩大到甚至包括那些已经在西斯凯班图斯坦境内的人,但最初与部落当局分配的土地和服务疏远。到那时,这一运动已成为农村和城市代表性声音的关键,不再局限于西斯凯。它标志着现在东开普省的一个边界-基地区,从20世纪90年代初开始,该地区围绕着西斯凯、特兰斯凯的西部地区和被包围的前白人农业区及其城镇。那么,在1994年之后,经过校准的地方当局系统是如何针对持续的土地需求和服务,以及重组主要当局(现在被称为传统当局),将该地区的各种形式具体化的?服务的治理和分配在多大程度上继续为受益而路由?本文提供了平等主义地方当局运动的历史概况,并最终展示了2000年在南非东开普省迄今隔离的边界-基地区建立一个综合城市的早期复杂性。
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Transformation-Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa
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