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Transformation-Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa最新文献

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Red Road to Freedom: a history of the South African Communist Party 1921-2021 by Tom Lodge, and: Precarious Power: compliance and discontent under Ramaphosa's ANC by Susan Booysen (review) 汤姆·洛奇的《通往自由的红色道路:1921-2021年南非共产党的历史》和苏珊·布伊森的《不稳定的权力:拉马福萨领导下的非国大的顺从与不满》(书评)
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2022-11-24 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.0018
R. Southall
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引用次数: 0
Industrial policy, the manufacturing sector and black empowerment in South Africa 南非的产业政策、制造业和黑人赋权
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2022-11-24 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.0013
Sumayya Goga, E. Avenyo
Abstract:Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) in South Africa has undoubtedly been ambitious in seeking to transform ownership, control, and management of the economy's productive assets and resources. While BEE policy has been applied as the African National Congress government's primary strategy for bringing about transformation in the ownership and control of productive assets in the economy, the outcomes in key sectors of the economy have been poor in terms of inclusion. This paper considers the interrelations between the black empowerment programme and industrial policies in South Africa, with specific reference to transformation in the manufacturing sector. The paper examines the extent of transformation in the manufacturing sector in South Africa. The paper seeks to understand why South Africa has not seen the emergence of a large, economically significant black industrialist class that owns and controls economic assets and resources that are competitive at different levels in the manufacturing sector. The paper further explores the extent to which South Africa's industrial policy strategies have contributed to or undermined deep transformation in the manufacturing sector. The paper identifies key limitations of BEE and South Africa's industrial policy framework, and the gaps between these policies in terms of addressing the factors that restrict the inclusion of black-owned firms in manufacturing. It further considers how industrial transformation could be accelerated in South Africa.
摘要:南非的黑人经济赋权(BEE)在寻求改变经济生产资产和资源的所有权、控制和管理方面无疑是雄心勃勃的。虽然BEE政策已被应用为非洲人国民大会政府的主要战略,以实现经济中生产性资产的所有权和控制的转变,但在经济的关键部门的结果在包容性方面一直很差。本文考虑了南非黑人赋权方案与工业政策之间的相互关系,具体涉及制造业的转型。本文考察了南非制造业转型的程度。本文试图理解为什么南非没有出现一个庞大的、具有经济意义的黑人工业家阶级,他们拥有并控制着经济资产和资源,这些资产和资源在制造业的不同层次上具有竞争力。本文进一步探讨了南非的产业政策战略在多大程度上促进或破坏了制造业的深度转型。本文确定了BEE和南非产业政策框架的主要局限性,以及这些政策在解决限制黑人拥有的企业进入制造业的因素方面的差距。它进一步考虑如何加速南非的工业转型。
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引用次数: 0
Anxious Joburg: the inner lives of a global south city ed. by Nicky Falkof and Cobus van Staden 焦虑的约翰内斯堡:一个全球南方城市的内心生活,尼基·福尔科夫和科布斯·范·斯塔登主编
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2022-07-29 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.0002
Manuel Dieterich
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引用次数: 0
Transition in decision-making in the South African Reserve Bank: an area of interest to Vishnu Padayachee (1952–2021) 南非储备银行的决策过渡:毗瑟努·帕达亚奇感兴趣的领域(1952-2021)
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2022-07-29 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.0001
J. Rossouw, V. Padayachee
Abstract:The SA Reserve Bank (SARB) was established in terms of the Currency and Banking Act of 1920 and opened its doors for business for the first time on June 30, 1921. The SARB had limited committee decision-making and a high degree of individual responsibility for many years after its establishment. This approach started changing in the 1980s. Currently the SARB is characterised by extensive management-by-committee. This includes monetary policy decisions; in this instance a change for the better. The current monetary policy decision-making structure results not only in improved transparency, but also a better understanding of the role of monetary policy and the impact of monetary policy decisions. The improved monetary policy decision-making structure was ushered in at the time of the adoption of inflation targeting as a monetary policy framework for South Africa and successfully focuses attention on this mandate of the SARB.This paper is a precursor to more research on the neglected topic of the institutional structures of central banks. There is an extensive body of research literature on the implementation of monetary policy and the link to inflation and general economic conditions, covering and comparing many countries. To the contrary, very little research has been published on the institutional structures of central banks. This paper is a first step in a journey to fill this void in the research literature.
摘要:南非储备银行(SARB)根据1920年《货币银行法》成立,并于1921年6月30日首次营业。SARB在成立后的许多年里,委员会的决策有限,个人的责任很高。这种方法在20世纪80年代开始改变。目前,SARB的特点是广泛的委员会管理。这包括货币政策决策;在这种情况下是向好的改变。当前的货币政策决策结构不仅提高了透明度,而且更好地理解了货币政策的作用和货币政策决策的影响。在南非采用通货膨胀目标制作为货币政策框架时,货币政策决策结构得到了改善,并成功地将注意力集中在南非储备银行的这一任务上。这篇论文是对中央银行制度结构这一被忽视的主题进行更多研究的先驱。关于货币政策的执行及其与通货膨胀和一般经济状况的联系,有大量的研究文献,涵盖并比较了许多国家。相反,关于央行制度结构的研究很少发表。本文是填补这一研究文献空白的第一步。
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引用次数: 0
Primacy of the Political Community: a response to critics 政治共同体的首要地位:对批评的回应
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2022-07-29 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.0007
M. Mamdani
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引用次数: 0
Patrick van Rensburg: rebel, visionary and radical educationist. A Biography by Kevin Shillington (review) 帕特里克·范·伦斯堡:反叛、有远见和激进的教育家。凯文·希灵顿传记(书评)
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2022-07-29 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.0004
S. Morrow
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引用次数: 0
‘If Angola were Libya’: protest and politics in Angola “如果安哥拉是利比亚”:安哥拉的抗议和政治
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2022-07-29 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.0008
Claudia Gastrow
Abstract:The first two decades of the 2000s were characterised by what has been termed Africa’s ‘third wave’ of protest, which highlighted the shortcomings of multi-party democracy and neoliberal economic policies. Angola was no exception to this trend, with small protests, beginning in 2011 and continuing into the present. Angola’s protests generated public contestations between protestors and the incumbent regime over what constituted legitimate political engagement. This contestation raised the question of what exactly defined democratic representation. The ruling MPLA appealed to established political institutions and practice to claim it embodied a democratic mandate. In contrast, protestors argued that the ruling party had emptied out the very rituals and laws it claimed to represent, thereby rendering their actions more representative of popular sentiment. What became clear was that discourses of democracy could be used for both liberatory, as well as repressive, actions. These contestations in Angola, reveal how third wave protests called for a rethinking of democracy.
摘要:21世纪头20年的特点是被称为非洲“第三波”的抗议活动,它突出了多党民主和新自由主义经济政策的缺点。安哥拉也不例外,从2011年开始一直持续到现在的小规模抗议活动。安哥拉的抗议活动引发了抗议者与现任政权之间关于什么是合法政治参与的公开争论。这场争论提出了一个问题,即究竟什么是民主代表制。执政的安哥拉人民解放运动呼吁已建立的政治机构和实践,声称它体现了民主授权。相反,抗议者认为,执政党已经把它声称代表的仪式和法律掏空了,从而使他们的行为更能代表民意。显而易见的是,民主的话语既可以用于解放行动,也可以用于镇压行动。安哥拉的这些争论揭示了第三波抗议是如何要求重新思考民主的。
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引用次数: 0
Contemporary Campus Life: transformation, manic managerialism and academentia by Keyan G Tomaselli (review) 《当代校园生活:转型、狂躁的管理主义与学术》,作者:凯恩斯·G·托马塞利
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2022-07-29 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.0003
R. Morrell
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引用次数: 2
Colonials, protest and aspiration: current polemic in ‘decolonised’ South African vernacular architecture 殖民地,抗议和愿望:当前南非“非殖民化”乡土建筑的争论
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2022-07-29 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2022.0000
D. Whelan
Abstract:Determined by material and fashion, everyday architecture constantly evolves to fulfil societal requirements. Countries with entrenched social stratification, restrictive norms informed by tradition and legislative frameworks controlling building design and implementation, limit the scope for change in the vernacular, built environment.However, in societies experiencing significant transformation, new vernaculars, ‘architectures of the people’, are more overt. In South Africa, a rapidly expanding black middle class adopts lifestyle clues from television programmes such as Top Billing, in creating a vernacular pastiche using a neo-classical toolkit. This produces an aesthetic, spatial, and often experimental, architectural language which supports identity construction and class definition by replicating affluent homes constructed in developer-built gated estates. The action of mimicking the wealthy defies the generative clues in the extant and historic built environment and its reactionaries calling for decolonisation. It also renders the traditional roles of architectural professionals as ‘tastemakers’, irrelevant. This paper discusses these hybridised vernaculars to suggest that the proliferation of Top Billing houses infers that decolonisation of the physical and intangible built environment has in fact, ironically occurred.
摘要:受材料和时尚的影响,日常建筑不断发展以满足社会需求。社会分层根深蒂固的国家,受传统影响的限制性规范和控制建筑设计和实施的立法框架,限制了当地建筑环境的变化范围。然而,在经历重大变革的社会中,新的俗语,“人民的建筑”,更加明显。在南非,迅速壮大的黑人中产阶级从电视节目中吸取生活方式的线索,比如《顶级账单》,用新古典主义的工具创造了一种乡土风格的模仿。这产生了一种美学的、空间的、通常是实验性的建筑语言,通过复制开发商建造的封闭式小区中的富裕住宅来支持身份建设和阶级定义。模仿富人的行为违背了现存和历史建筑环境中的生成线索,以及它的反动派呼吁去殖民化。这也使得建筑专业人士作为“潮流引领者”的传统角色变得无关紧要。本文讨论了这些混合的方言,表明Top Billing房屋的扩散推断出物质和无形建筑环境的非殖民化实际上,具有讽刺意味的是发生了。
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引用次数: 0
Resist ‘Minority Thinking’, focus on the making of the Global Order of Things/Subjects instead 抵制“少数派思维”,专注于事物/主体的全球秩序的形成
IF 0.7 Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2021.0030
T. Reddy
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Transformation-Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa
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