Canadian Social Welfare in the Twenty-First CenturyJohn R. Graham and Louise M. QueridoJohn Richards. Toronto: C.D. Howe Institute, 1997. 304 pp.Over the past generation, the Canadian welfare state has undergone a radical transformation. Principles of universality, nurtured during and after the Second World War, have been superseded in the 1980s and 1990s by selective programmes that target benefits according to need. Contemporary social programmes are also decreasingly comprehensive, and governments' willingness to provide a reliable funding base, likewise, has been diminished. As well, political leaders have attempted to transfer social welfare responsibility to other levels of government. Ottawa has downloaded responsibility to the provinces, or in some instances directly to municipal jurisdictions, and the provinces have downloaded more fiscal and administrative responsibilities to municipalities. All levels of government, in turn, have hoped for - and in many cases systematically sought - an increased role for non-governmental authorities - social service organizations, religious groups and community and neighbourhood groups. If these fail, default rests with those families capable of providing support. Not surprisingly, holes in the social safety net are apparent. Those experiencing these changes directly and those working on the front lines of social services can attest to the profound - and to many, the present reviewers among them, unnecessary - suffering that many Canadians experience regularly. Shelters for the homeless in major urban centres are well beyond capacity, and the homeless are increasingly apparent in downtown cores.(1) Underresourced homes for the aged provide less care for those unable to care for themselves (Lightman). Programmes such as Employment Insurance provide decreasingly comprehensive benefits to a shrinking proportion of the country's unemployed.(2) In 1995, Statistics Canada announced a 58 per cent increase in childhood poverty over the previous six years, and a total of 1.4 million Canadian children living below the poverty line (Canadian Council on Social Development). These and dozens of other social problems highlight contemporary social-policy-related problems.At least part of the underlying logic for changes to contemporary social policies has been ideological, with the rise in the 1980s of neo-conservative politics and the apparent flattening of the ideological spectrum in that decade and the years since. Part of the logic has been fiscal, with burgeoning government debt and deficits creating a rationale for reductions in certain government spending commitments - social welfare especially. Part, as well, has been the rise of a new international capitalism, sometimes referred to under a broader rubric of "globalization." Free-market forces and privatization prevail, transnational corporations are seemingly freed from a sense of national responsibility, and environmental policy, workplace conditions, job s
《21世纪的加拿大社会福利》，作者:john R. Graham和Louise M. QueridoJohn Richards。多伦多:C.D. Howe研究所，1997。在过去的一代人里，加拿大的福利制度经历了彻底的转变。在第二次世界大战期间和之后形成的普遍性原则在1980年代和1990年代已被针对需要的利益的选择性方案所取代。当代社会方案也越来越不全面，同样，政府提供可靠资金基础的意愿也在减弱。此外，政治领导人也试图将社会福利责任转移到其他各级政府。渥太华将责任下放给各省，或在某些情况下直接下放给市级管辖，而各省则将更多的财政和行政责任下放给市政当局。反过来，各级政府希望- -在许多情况下系统地寻求- -非政府当局- -社会服务组织、宗教团体、社区和邻里团体发挥更大的作用。如果这些计划失败，违约将由那些有能力提供支持的家庭承担。毫不奇怪，社会保障网络的漏洞是显而易见的。那些直接经历这些变化的人和那些在社会服务第一线工作的人可以证明，许多加拿大人经常经历的痛苦是深刻的- -对许多人来说，包括目前的审查人员在内，是不必要的。主要城市中心为无家可归者提供的庇护所远远超出了容量，而在市中心的核心，无家可归者越来越明显。(1)资源不足的养老院对那些无法自理的人提供的照顾越来越少(莱特曼)。(2) 1995年，加拿大统计局宣布，在过去六年中，儿童贫困增加了58%，总共有140万加拿大儿童生活在贫困线以下(加拿大社会发展委员会)。这些以及其他几十个社会问题凸显了当代社会政策相关问题。随着20世纪80年代新保守主义政治的兴起，以及在那十年和之后的几年里，意识形态光谱的明显扁平化，至少当代社会政策变化的部分潜在逻辑是意识形态的。部分逻辑是财政方面的，不断增长的政府债务和赤字为削减某些政府支出承诺——尤其是社会福利——创造了理由。部分原因是新的国际资本主义的兴起，有时被称为更广泛的“全球化”。自由市场力量和私有化占上风，跨国公司似乎摆脱了国家责任感，环境政策、工作场所条件、工作保障、工资和社会政策似乎更少地由国家政策决定，而更多地由日益国际化和竞争性的工业化世界的市场驱动力量决定。但是，随着社会福利政策的相应转变，人们不禁要问，对于事情应该如何发展，是否存在任何连贯的愿景?我们曾经熟悉的、引领二战后全面福利国家的那些系统性蓝图，今天的对等物在哪里?在英国，威廉·贝弗里奇于1942年发表了他著名的报告《社会保险和联合服务》。在加拿大，伦纳德·马什(Leonard Marsh)写了一份意图和范围类似的文件——《加拿大社会安全报告》(1943)。而在这之前，皇家委员会、学术研究和众多评论员为政府撰写的报告都先于这些报告。普遍福利国家是有逻辑的，并且有大量的思想为这个逻辑提供信息。这些书也许有一天会成为二十一世纪早期社会政策综合观点的基础。…
{"title":"[Retooling the Welfare State: What's Right, What's Wrong, What's to Be Done?]","authors":"J. Richards, J. Graham, Louise Q. Querido","doi":"10.2307/3552023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3552023","url":null,"abstract":"Canadian Social Welfare in the Twenty-First CenturyJohn R. Graham and Louise M. QueridoJohn Richards. Toronto: C.D. Howe Institute, 1997. 304 pp.Over the past generation, the Canadian welfare state has undergone a radical transformation. Principles of universality, nurtured during and after the Second World War, have been superseded in the 1980s and 1990s by selective programmes that target benefits according to need. Contemporary social programmes are also decreasingly comprehensive, and governments' willingness to provide a reliable funding base, likewise, has been diminished. As well, political leaders have attempted to transfer social welfare responsibility to other levels of government. Ottawa has downloaded responsibility to the provinces, or in some instances directly to municipal jurisdictions, and the provinces have downloaded more fiscal and administrative responsibilities to municipalities. All levels of government, in turn, have hoped for - and in many cases systematically sought - an increased role for non-governmental authorities - social service organizations, religious groups and community and neighbourhood groups. If these fail, default rests with those families capable of providing support. Not surprisingly, holes in the social safety net are apparent. Those experiencing these changes directly and those working on the front lines of social services can attest to the profound - and to many, the present reviewers among them, unnecessary - suffering that many Canadians experience regularly. Shelters for the homeless in major urban centres are well beyond capacity, and the homeless are increasingly apparent in downtown cores.(1) Underresourced homes for the aged provide less care for those unable to care for themselves (Lightman). Programmes such as Employment Insurance provide decreasingly comprehensive benefits to a shrinking proportion of the country's unemployed.(2) In 1995, Statistics Canada announced a 58 per cent increase in childhood poverty over the previous six years, and a total of 1.4 million Canadian children living below the poverty line (Canadian Council on Social Development). These and dozens of other social problems highlight contemporary social-policy-related problems.At least part of the underlying logic for changes to contemporary social policies has been ideological, with the rise in the 1980s of neo-conservative politics and the apparent flattening of the ideological spectrum in that decade and the years since. Part of the logic has been fiscal, with burgeoning government debt and deficits creating a rationale for reductions in certain government spending commitments - social welfare especially. Part, as well, has been the rise of a new international capitalism, sometimes referred to under a broader rubric of \"globalization.\" Free-market forces and privatization prevail, transnational corporations are seemingly freed from a sense of national responsibility, and environmental policy, workplace conditions, job s","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"35 1","pages":"297"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1997-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3552023","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68704935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Edna Keeble, K. Banting, Richard Simeon, G. Hoberg
In his March 1997 speech to the World Affairs Council in Los Angeles, Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy discussed the changing nature of the Canadian-American relationship. Axworthy stated that "the world has experienced a profound geopolitical shift.... Countries are being forced to redefine their international relations. ... Nowhere is this process of redefinition more clear than our relationship with one another." Almost the exact words could have been said by William Lyon Mackenzie King (until 1946 the prime minister also held the External Affairs portfolio) about the altered nature of global politics at the end of the Second World War as the United States and the Soviet Union began to dominate the international arena; or by Mitchell Sharp in 1972 after the Trudeau government's adoption of the third option policy in reaction to the "Nixon shock" as the Bretton Woods system came under revision by the American administration; or by Joe Clark in 1989 after the Mulroney government was re-elected with a renewed mandate (arguably) to implement free trade, the Conservatives having spent their first mandate negotiating the bilateral trade agreement with the United States because of apparently increasing global protectionist trends. The point is that when Canadian foreign ministers talk about "profound shifts" and "redefinitions" in international relations, such talk must inevitably centre on the country's relationship with the United States.The pivotal importance of understanding Canadian-American relations quickly becomes obvious to any student of Canadian foreign policy. Trying to make sense of Canadian actions in the international arena inevitably means attempting to come to grips with the linkages between Ottawa and Washington. Given that the study of foreign policy, according to William Wallace,(f.1) is a "boundary problem" in two respects: it is an area of politics bordering the nation-state and its international environment, and it is a field of study embodying (at least) two academic disciplines, namely, the study of domestic government and politics and the study of international politics and diplomacy, how is this to be done? For those of us who have focussed our attention on international relations, the Canadian-American relationship can be little understood from the global events and trends that have become even more apparent with the end of the Cold War. Whether sharing similar ideological premises,(f.2) coming from the same civilization,(f.3) or being equally subject to (or subjects of) "McWofid,"(f.4) Canada and the United States are largely part of the same entity called the "West," thus forcing us to question why it is that Canadian governments continue to pronounce and propagate the view that Canada is unique (particularly vis-a-vis the United States). The most recent manifestation of this can be found in the Chretien government's foreign policy statement, Canada in the World,(f.5) where along with the two objectives of promoti
{"title":"[Degrees of Freedom: Canada & the United States in a Changing World]","authors":"Edna Keeble, K. Banting, Richard Simeon, G. Hoberg","doi":"10.2307/20048307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/20048307","url":null,"abstract":"In his March 1997 speech to the World Affairs Council in Los Angeles, Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy discussed the changing nature of the Canadian-American relationship. Axworthy stated that \"the world has experienced a profound geopolitical shift.... Countries are being forced to redefine their international relations. ... Nowhere is this process of redefinition more clear than our relationship with one another.\" Almost the exact words could have been said by William Lyon Mackenzie King (until 1946 the prime minister also held the External Affairs portfolio) about the altered nature of global politics at the end of the Second World War as the United States and the Soviet Union began to dominate the international arena; or by Mitchell Sharp in 1972 after the Trudeau government's adoption of the third option policy in reaction to the \"Nixon shock\" as the Bretton Woods system came under revision by the American administration; or by Joe Clark in 1989 after the Mulroney government was re-elected with a renewed mandate (arguably) to implement free trade, the Conservatives having spent their first mandate negotiating the bilateral trade agreement with the United States because of apparently increasing global protectionist trends. The point is that when Canadian foreign ministers talk about \"profound shifts\" and \"redefinitions\" in international relations, such talk must inevitably centre on the country's relationship with the United States.The pivotal importance of understanding Canadian-American relations quickly becomes obvious to any student of Canadian foreign policy. Trying to make sense of Canadian actions in the international arena inevitably means attempting to come to grips with the linkages between Ottawa and Washington. Given that the study of foreign policy, according to William Wallace,(f.1) is a \"boundary problem\" in two respects: it is an area of politics bordering the nation-state and its international environment, and it is a field of study embodying (at least) two academic disciplines, namely, the study of domestic government and politics and the study of international politics and diplomacy, how is this to be done? For those of us who have focussed our attention on international relations, the Canadian-American relationship can be little understood from the global events and trends that have become even more apparent with the end of the Cold War. Whether sharing similar ideological premises,(f.2) coming from the same civilization,(f.3) or being equally subject to (or subjects of) \"McWofid,\"(f.4) Canada and the United States are largely part of the same entity called the \"West,\" thus forcing us to question why it is that Canadian governments continue to pronounce and propagate the view that Canada is unique (particularly vis-a-vis the United States). The most recent manifestation of this can be found in the Chretien government's foreign policy statement, Canada in the World,(f.5) where along with the two objectives of promoti","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"44 1","pages":"168"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1997-02-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/20048307","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69011718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Recent municipal elections in Canada's major cities have revealed a keen competition for power increasingly rooted in ideological divisions. These competitions have directly challenged the once comfortable but essentially suffocating mythology of growth-focussed boosterism. It is in the selection of the community's most visible spokesperson, the mayor, that divisions may become clearest. This case study of one such city-wide campaign, that of 1992 in Edmonton, Alberta, focusses on the logistics of shaping competitive ideologies and divergent cultural images to the rough-and-tumble of election politics. The role assumed by the city hall press gallery is assessed. Some explanation is offered as to why contemporary city campaigns are at their most bitter as ideological choice becomes more clearly defined, and as individuals personify issues and ideas rather than alternative brands of boosterism. General municipal elections have historically been run differently from those in the other worlds of Canadian politics. Councillors have fixed terms, so their next rendezvous with electors is known from day one. Electoral lists are usually established well in advance of the actual date of polling. For most local jurisdictions outside Quebec the elections have not traditionally been partisan -- even when the federal and provincial sympathies are well known among the gladiator class, with voting based on principal rather than principle.(f.1) While it has long been my argument that it is both necessary and desirable to professionalize city politics by engaging the partisans above-board,(f.2) by long-standing convention city campaigns have been less formal and not as professionally conducted as federal and provincial campaigns (in even the smallest provinces). Voter turnout is usually very low; in fact, beyond the communities within the Census Metropolitan Areas it has often proven necessary for local establishments to coerce unsuspecting local notables "to serve" the sentence of a term or two. The central case to be made in this essay is that elections in Canada's major cities have changed and it is in the race for the mayor's chair that the evidence of this now appears most clearly. Campaigns have become more professionally run and gladiators once exclusively focussed on the "senior" levels of government have become extensively involved. While this phenomenon has been manifest in Toronto, Vancouver, Winnipeg and even Montreal over the past few years,(f.3) several reasons for new levels of involvement will be considered in the specific context of the October 1992 mayoralty campaign in Edmonton, Alberta. Essentially, I argue that a combination of factors has caused ideological divisions drawn from the political culture of the city to become sharpened, to represent tangible goals and, in consequence, to cause campaigns to be fought on the cusp of these differences. In examining in considerable detail the functional policy choices made, recent analyses of modern p
{"title":"City Campaigns on the Cusp and the Edmonton Mayoralty Election of 1992","authors":"J. Lightbody","doi":"10.3138/JCS.32.1.112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.32.1.112","url":null,"abstract":"Recent municipal elections in Canada's major cities have revealed a keen competition for power increasingly rooted in ideological divisions. These competitions have directly challenged the once comfortable but essentially suffocating mythology of growth-focussed boosterism. It is in the selection of the community's most visible spokesperson, the mayor, that divisions may become clearest. This case study of one such city-wide campaign, that of 1992 in Edmonton, Alberta, focusses on the logistics of shaping competitive ideologies and divergent cultural images to the rough-and-tumble of election politics. The role assumed by the city hall press gallery is assessed. Some explanation is offered as to why contemporary city campaigns are at their most bitter as ideological choice becomes more clearly defined, and as individuals personify issues and ideas rather than alternative brands of boosterism. General municipal elections have historically been run differently from those in the other worlds of Canadian politics. Councillors have fixed terms, so their next rendezvous with electors is known from day one. Electoral lists are usually established well in advance of the actual date of polling. For most local jurisdictions outside Quebec the elections have not traditionally been partisan -- even when the federal and provincial sympathies are well known among the gladiator class, with voting based on principal rather than principle.(f.1) While it has long been my argument that it is both necessary and desirable to professionalize city politics by engaging the partisans above-board,(f.2) by long-standing convention city campaigns have been less formal and not as professionally conducted as federal and provincial campaigns (in even the smallest provinces). Voter turnout is usually very low; in fact, beyond the communities within the Census Metropolitan Areas it has often proven necessary for local establishments to coerce unsuspecting local notables \"to serve\" the sentence of a term or two. The central case to be made in this essay is that elections in Canada's major cities have changed and it is in the race for the mayor's chair that the evidence of this now appears most clearly. Campaigns have become more professionally run and gladiators once exclusively focussed on the \"senior\" levels of government have become extensively involved. While this phenomenon has been manifest in Toronto, Vancouver, Winnipeg and even Montreal over the past few years,(f.3) several reasons for new levels of involvement will be considered in the specific context of the October 1992 mayoralty campaign in Edmonton, Alberta. Essentially, I argue that a combination of factors has caused ideological divisions drawn from the political culture of the city to become sharpened, to represent tangible goals and, in consequence, to cause campaigns to be fought on the cusp of these differences. In examining in considerable detail the functional policy choices made, recent analyses of modern p","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"32 1","pages":"112-134"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1997-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364187","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Over a period of forty years, from 1947 to 1986, Margaret Laurence and Adele Wiseman wrote to each other constantly. The topics they wrote about were as wide-ranging as their interests and experiences, and their correspondence encompassed many of the varied events of their lives. Laurence's letters - of which far more are extant than Wisman's - reveal much about the impact of her years in Africa, motherhood, her anxieties and insecurities, and her developement as a writer. Wiseman, whose literary success came early in her career, provided a sympathetic ear and constant encouragement to Laurence. The editors' selection has been directed by an interest in these women as friends and writers. Their experiences in the publishing world offer an engaging perspective on literary apprenticeship, rejection, and success. The letters reveal the important roles both women played in the buoyant cultural nationalism of the 1960s and 1970s. This valuable collection of previously unpublished primary material will be essential to scholars working on Canadian literature and of great interest to the general reading. The introduction contextualizes the correspondence and the annotations to the letters help to clarify the text. The Laurence-Wiseman letters offer a fascinating glimpse into the lives and friendship of two remarkable women whose personal correspondence was written with verve, compassion, and wit.
{"title":"Selected letters of Margaret Laurence and Adele Wiseman","authors":"M. Laurence, J. Lennox, R. Panofsky, A. Wiseman","doi":"10.3138/9781442623170","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/9781442623170","url":null,"abstract":"Over a period of forty years, from 1947 to 1986, Margaret Laurence and Adele Wiseman wrote to each other constantly. The topics they wrote about were as wide-ranging as their interests and experiences, and their correspondence encompassed many of the varied events of their lives. Laurence's letters - of which far more are extant than Wisman's - reveal much about the impact of her years in Africa, motherhood, her anxieties and insecurities, and her developement as a writer. Wiseman, whose literary success came early in her career, provided a sympathetic ear and constant encouragement to Laurence. The editors' selection has been directed by an interest in these women as friends and writers. Their experiences in the publishing world offer an engaging perspective on literary apprenticeship, rejection, and success. The letters reveal the important roles both women played in the buoyant cultural nationalism of the 1960s and 1970s. This valuable collection of previously unpublished primary material will be essential to scholars working on Canadian literature and of great interest to the general reading. The introduction contextualizes the correspondence and the annotations to the letters help to clarify the text. The Laurence-Wiseman letters offer a fascinating glimpse into the lives and friendship of two remarkable women whose personal correspondence was written with verve, compassion, and wit.","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"33 1","pages":"177"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1997-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69595061","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Western thought has long been characterized by an ideological divide between public and private spheres. In the industrial era, the divide became highly gendered as men dominated the public spheres of politics and work, while women were closely associated with family and home. In the late twentieth century, social and legal policies have promoted equal opportunities in the labour force and shared responsibilities in the family. Despite this progress, inequalities are still evident for women in the labour force and in the family, and for some groups of women in relation to others. In this collection of original essays, feminist scholars in disciplines ranging from law to geography challenge the traditional notion of a public/private divide. The divide can represent boundaries between state and family, state and market, market and family, or state and community, which shift depending on location, social group, and historical time period. The contributors to this book examine the impact of the divide in respect to four themes: state intervention; the relationship between family, home, and work; the legal regulation of motherhood; and the challenges of privatization, restructuring, and globalization. They show that the impact of the divide varies according to factors such as race, class, (dis)ability, and sexual identity as they intersect with gender.
{"title":"Challenging the Public/Private Divide: Feminism, Law, and Public Policy","authors":"Susan B. Boyd","doi":"10.3138/9781442672819","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/9781442672819","url":null,"abstract":"Western thought has long been characterized by an ideological divide between public and private spheres. In the industrial era, the divide became highly gendered as men dominated the public spheres of politics and work, while women were closely associated with family and home. In the late twentieth century, social and legal policies have promoted equal opportunities in the labour force and shared responsibilities in the family. Despite this progress, inequalities are still evident for women in the labour force and in the family, and for some groups of women in relation to others. In this collection of original essays, feminist scholars in disciplines ranging from law to geography challenge the traditional notion of a public/private divide. The divide can represent boundaries between state and family, state and market, market and family, or state and community, which shift depending on location, social group, and historical time period. The contributors to this book examine the impact of the divide in respect to four themes: state intervention; the relationship between family, home, and work; the legal regulation of motherhood; and the challenges of privatization, restructuring, and globalization. They show that the impact of the divide varies according to factors such as race, class, (dis)ability, and sexual identity as they intersect with gender.","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"34 1","pages":"184"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1997-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69600534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Beware of False Dichotomies: Revisiting the Idea of "Black - Focused" Schools in Canadian Contexts GEORGE J. SEFA DEI This paper utilizes the narrative accounts of Black youth and "dropouts" about schools and off - school experiences in a Canadian inner city to advance the argument for a "Black - focused/African - centred" school in Euro - Canadian/American contexts. It is argued that the school should be pictured as an alternative educational site for those youths who, for vaned reasons, do not appear to perform well, academically (or socially, in the mainstream school system. It is argued that such schools could be established on an experimental basis, at both the elementary and secondary levels, with direct consultations and partnerships with students, educators, administrators, parents and local communities. Dealing with race and social difference in contemporary society requires methods of understanding and explaining social actions and practices grounded in the historical realities and lived experiences of all peoples. A critical knowledge and understanding of the multi - layered complexities of human experiences constitute a valid frame of reference for the education of youth. A continuing debate about the schooling and education of Black youths in North America concerns the efficacy of "Black - focused" or what may appropriately be termed "African - centred" schools. Particularly among African(f.1) peoples, burgeoning academic debates and political arguments demand the "reclaiming" of the sources and sites of individual and collective agency in order to improve the educational and social success of Black youths. Many educators. students, parents and community workers have drawn attention to the need for alternative pedagogic tools, and the development of inclusionary instructional practices to deliver education to the youth (see Asante, 1991; Ratteray, 1990; Hilliard, 1992; Henry, 1992; Calliste, 1994; Shujaa, 1994; Ladson - Billings, 1995; Brathwaite, 1989; OPBC, 1993; BEWG, 1993; and Dei, 1996, among many others). These groups and individuals continue to articulate powerfully the epistemological basis for African - centred schools as alternative educational sites to enhance Black students' academic and social achievement. This paper contributes to the debate by exploring the social, political and philosophical grounds for African - centred schools in Euro - Canadian/American contexts. The discussion is situated within a critique of conventional approaches to delivering education in Ontario. The case for African - centred schools at the elementary and secondary school levels rests on the idea that education must be able to respond to the material, political, cultural, spiritual and social conditions of peoples of African descent living on the margins of a White - dominated society. The paper employs an anti - racist theoretical/discursive framework to understand concerns of Black youth about education in Canada and the emerging call for
GEORGE J. SEFA DEI本文利用黑人青年和“辍学者”关于加拿大内城学校和校外经历的叙述，提出了在欧洲-加拿大/美国背景下建立“以黑人为中心/以非洲人为中心”学校的论点。有人认为，这所学校应该被描绘成一个替代的教育场所，为那些年轻人，由于种种原因，表现不佳，学术(或社会，在主流学校系统。有人认为，这种学校可以在实验基础上建立，在小学和中学两级，与学生、教育工作者、行政人员、家长和当地社区直接协商和建立伙伴关系。处理当代社会中的种族和社会差异需要理解和解释基于历史现实和所有人民生活经验的社会行动和实践的方法。对人类经验的多层次复杂性的批判性知识和理解构成了青年教育的有效参考框架。关于北美黑人青年上学和教育的持续辩论涉及“以黑人为中心”或适当地称为“以非洲人为中心”的学校的效力。特别是在非洲人民中，迅速发展的学术辩论和政治争论要求“收回”个人和集体机构的来源和场所，以便改善黑人青年的教育和社会成功。许多教育工作者。学生、家长和社区工作者已提请注意需要替代教学工具，并发展包容性教学实践，以便向青年提供教育(见Asante, 1991;Ratteray, 1990;Hilliard, 1992;亨利,1992;Calliste, 1994;Shujaa, 1994;Ladson - Billings, 1995;Brathwaite, 1989;OPBC, 1993;BEWG, 1993;Dei, 1996年，以及其他许多人)。这些团体和个人继续有力地阐明了以非洲人为中心的学校作为提高黑人学生学业和社会成就的替代教育场所的认识论基础。本文通过探讨欧洲-加拿大/美国背景下以非洲人为中心的学校的社会、政治和哲学基础，为这场辩论做出了贡献。讨论是在安大略省提供教育的传统方法的批评。在小学和中学阶段建立以非洲人为中心的学校的理由基于这样一种观念，即教育必须能够对生活在白人主导的社会边缘的非洲人后裔的物质、政治、文化、精神和社会条件作出反应。本文采用了一个反种族主义的理论/话语框架来理解黑人青年对加拿大教育的关注和对非洲中心学校的新兴呼吁。正如其他地方(Dei, 1995)所研究的那样，反种族主义话语框架承认种族主义和其他形式的社会压迫(阶级、性别、性别压迫)在主流学校的各个方面的现实，并考虑了改变的可能性。反种族主义质疑白人的权力和特权，以及伴随而来的在学校教育过程中占主导地位的合理性。反种族主义使从属群体的边缘化和非法化问题，以及他们在教育系统中的声音、知识和经验问题。一个反种族主义的话语框架，理解公立学校教育的过程，批判性地审视教育系统在产生和再现社会不平等中的作用，将身份问题与学校教育联系起来，特别是与生产知识的过程联系起来。反种族主义话语承认教育需要面对社会多样性的挑战，认识到建立一个既包容又回应少数群体声音的教育系统的紧迫性。…
{"title":"Beware of False Dichotomies: Revisiting the Idea of \"Black-Focused\" Schools in Canadian Contexts","authors":"G. Dei","doi":"10.3138/JCS.31.4.58","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.31.4.58","url":null,"abstract":"Beware of False Dichotomies: Revisiting the Idea of \"Black - Focused\" Schools in Canadian Contexts GEORGE J. SEFA DEI This paper utilizes the narrative accounts of Black youth and \"dropouts\" about schools and off - school experiences in a Canadian inner city to advance the argument for a \"Black - focused/African - centred\" school in Euro - Canadian/American contexts. It is argued that the school should be pictured as an alternative educational site for those youths who, for vaned reasons, do not appear to perform well, academically (or socially, in the mainstream school system. It is argued that such schools could be established on an experimental basis, at both the elementary and secondary levels, with direct consultations and partnerships with students, educators, administrators, parents and local communities. Dealing with race and social difference in contemporary society requires methods of understanding and explaining social actions and practices grounded in the historical realities and lived experiences of all peoples. A critical knowledge and understanding of the multi - layered complexities of human experiences constitute a valid frame of reference for the education of youth. A continuing debate about the schooling and education of Black youths in North America concerns the efficacy of \"Black - focused\" or what may appropriately be termed \"African - centred\" schools. Particularly among African(f.1) peoples, burgeoning academic debates and political arguments demand the \"reclaiming\" of the sources and sites of individual and collective agency in order to improve the educational and social success of Black youths. Many educators. students, parents and community workers have drawn attention to the need for alternative pedagogic tools, and the development of inclusionary instructional practices to deliver education to the youth (see Asante, 1991; Ratteray, 1990; Hilliard, 1992; Henry, 1992; Calliste, 1994; Shujaa, 1994; Ladson - Billings, 1995; Brathwaite, 1989; OPBC, 1993; BEWG, 1993; and Dei, 1996, among many others). These groups and individuals continue to articulate powerfully the epistemological basis for African - centred schools as alternative educational sites to enhance Black students' academic and social achievement. This paper contributes to the debate by exploring the social, political and philosophical grounds for African - centred schools in Euro - Canadian/American contexts. The discussion is situated within a critique of conventional approaches to delivering education in Ontario. The case for African - centred schools at the elementary and secondary school levels rests on the idea that education must be able to respond to the material, political, cultural, spiritual and social conditions of peoples of African descent living on the margins of a White - dominated society. The paper employs an anti - racist theoretical/discursive framework to understand concerns of Black youth about education in Canada and the emerging call for ","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"31 1","pages":"58-79"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1997-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364173","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tandis que la crise ethnique tend a etre percue comme une crise d'articulation, on peut aussi considerer le moment d'identification comme revelateur - une vision epiphanique permettant de clarifier l'espace occupe par le sujet ethnique. Cette revelation aveuglante suggere un point de depart pour le sujet ethnique, l'endroit a partir duquel l'on peut commencer le processus de questionnement interne accompagnant necessairement la reconnaissance du sujet en tant qu'Autre. Sur le plan textuel, le moment ethnique se construit afin d'adopter une progression ascendante et un point tournant, une apogee et un denouement depassant et ecrasant la trajectoire narrative afin de fusionner les elements. Cet article examine cet espace intensifie, ses effets reels, et sa trajectoire litteraire a partir du choc personnel de se savoir ethnique
{"title":"The Ethnic Gasp / The Disenchanted Eye Unstoried","authors":"A. V. Herk","doi":"10.3138/JCS.31.3.97","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.31.3.97","url":null,"abstract":"Tandis que la crise ethnique tend a etre percue comme une crise d'articulation, on peut aussi considerer le moment d'identification comme revelateur - une vision epiphanique permettant de clarifier l'espace occupe par le sujet ethnique. Cette revelation aveuglante suggere un point de depart pour le sujet ethnique, l'endroit a partir duquel l'on peut commencer le processus de questionnement interne accompagnant necessairement la reconnaissance du sujet en tant qu'Autre. Sur le plan textuel, le moment ethnique se construit afin d'adopter une progression ascendante et un point tournant, une apogee et un denouement depassant et ecrasant la trajectoire narrative afin de fusionner les elements. Cet article examine cet espace intensifie, ses effets reels, et sa trajectoire litteraire a partir du choc personnel de se savoir ethnique","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"31 1","pages":"97-102"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1996-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364132","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Thinking the Unthinkable: Canada Without Quebec","authors":"Peter Kulchyskl","doi":"10.3138/JCS.31.3.187","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.31.3.187","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"31 1","pages":"187-196"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1996-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Point-Counterpoint: Drawing the Line","authors":"J. Dickinson","doi":"10.3138/JCS.31.2.148","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.31.2.148","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"31 1","pages":"148-153"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1996-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364549","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Point-Counterpoint: Towards Consensus?","authors":"M. W. Barrett","doi":"10.3138/JCS.31.1.133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.31.1.133","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"31 1","pages":"133-136"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1996-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：