The Lower Canadian Rebellion of 1837 has been called the most important event in pre-Confederation history. Previously, it has been explained as a response to economic distress or as the result of manipulation by middle-class politicians. Lord Durham believed it was an expression of racial conflict. The Patriots and the People is a fundamental reinterpretation of the Rebellion. Allan Greer argues that far being passive victims of events, the habitants were actively responding to democratic appeals because the language of popular sovereignty was in harmony with their experience and outlook. He finds that a certain form of popular republicanism, with roots deep in the French-Canadian past, drove the anti-government campaign. Institutions such as the militia and the parish played an important part in giving shape to the movement, and the customs of the maypole and charivari provided models for the collective actions against local representatives of the colonial regime. In looking closely into the actions, motives, and mentality of the rural plebeians who formed a majority of those involved in the insurrection, Allan Greer brings to light new causes for the revolutionary role of the normally peaceful French-Canadian peasant. By doing so he provides a social history with new dimensions.
{"title":"The patriots and the people : the rebellion of 1837 in rural Lower Canada","authors":"A. Greer","doi":"10.2307/206528","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/206528","url":null,"abstract":"The Lower Canadian Rebellion of 1837 has been called the most important event in pre-Confederation history. Previously, it has been explained as a response to economic distress or as the result of manipulation by middle-class politicians. Lord Durham believed it was an expression of racial conflict. The Patriots and the People is a fundamental reinterpretation of the Rebellion. Allan Greer argues that far being passive victims of events, the habitants were actively responding to democratic appeals because the language of popular sovereignty was in harmony with their experience and outlook. He finds that a certain form of popular republicanism, with roots deep in the French-Canadian past, drove the anti-government campaign. Institutions such as the militia and the parish played an important part in giving shape to the movement, and the customs of the maypole and charivari provided models for the collective actions against local representatives of the colonial regime. In looking closely into the actions, motives, and mentality of the rural plebeians who formed a majority of those involved in the insurrection, Allan Greer brings to light new causes for the revolutionary role of the normally peaceful French-Canadian peasant. By doing so he provides a social history with new dimensions.","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"32 1","pages":"167"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1996-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/206528","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68343266","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The experimental feminist writing that developed in Quebec in the 1970s and 1980s -- l'ecriture au feminin -- is an example of avant - garde creative work that has had political impact. This article traces the effects of this ecriture: bilingual writing by bilingual authors who were "tuned in" to early feminist texts, translation practices which highlight and openly discus feminist interventions in translated texts and the streetwise writing of younger women of the 1990s. The idea of translation links the different sections of the article: it is a trope for women's writing as a movement from private to public discourse, and an expression of Canadian women's attempts to communicate across the language gap. It refers to the creative and visible work that actual interlingual feminist translation has become and, in the last section, stands for the work of creative writing. Just as ecriture au feminin made a visible splash in the 1970s literary production in Quebec, its impact has been to trigger and make visible other types of Canada's women's textual production.The experimental writing by women -- "ecriture au feminin" -- that flourished in Quebec in the late 1970s and early 1980s had a profound effect on the literary environment of its time, developing a political significance well beyond that of many other avant - garde literary movements. A feminist approach to writing that foregrounded gender in every aspect of language and textuality was characteristic of writers such as France Theoret, Nicole Brossard, Louky Bersianik and many other Quebec women of the period. Yet these women not only authored challenging experimental texts, they were also public speakers, journalists, teachers, playwrights, publishers and even filmmakers who were thus able to bring their ideas into a more public forum than many other avant - garde writers. By the mid 1980s they were exerting a marked influence on Anglo - Canadian writing and translation, and their continued energetic participation in the literary and socio - cultural scene of Quebec set an example for the next generation of Quebec women writers, particularly in regard to their capacity for effective interventions. In the following study I trace the transfer of Quebec's ecriture au feminin into other contexts, from a short introduction to this radical feminist writing practise, to its "transformance" into bilingual English - Canadian writing and its effects on translation proper, and ending with an analysis of a new generation of Quebec women writers as subaltern feminist translators of the "text of the street."My emphasis on translation as a central aspect of the transfer process of the 1980s and the creative process of the 1990s stems from the immensely important role that actual French - English translations have played in making the experimental Quebec texts of the 1970s available to anglophone readers, and on the increasing importance that translation theory has acquired in contemporary discourse on cultu
20世纪70年代和80年代在魁北克发展起来的实验性女权主义写作——l’ecriture au feminin——是具有政治影响的先锋派创作作品的一个例子。这篇文章追溯了这些文学作品的影响:“关注”早期女权主义文本的双语作家的双语写作，在翻译文本中突出并公开讨论女权主义干预的翻译实践，以及20世纪90年代年轻女性的街头写作。翻译的概念将文章的不同部分联系起来:它是女性写作从私人话语到公共话语的运动的比喻，也是加拿大女性试图跨越语言鸿沟进行交流的表达。它指的是实际的语际女权主义翻译所成为的创造性和可见性的作品，在最后一节中，它代表的是创造性写作的作品。正如女性文学在20世纪70年代的魁北克文学生产中引起了明显的轰动一样，它的影响也引发并使加拿大其他类型的女性文本生产变得可见。20世纪70年代末和80年代初在魁北克蓬勃发展的女性实验性写作——“女性文学”(ecriture au feminin)——对当时的文学环境产生了深远的影响，其政治意义远远超过了许多其他前卫文学运动。一种女权主义的写作方式，在语言和文本的各个方面都强调性别，这是法国理论家、尼科尔·布罗萨尔、洛基·贝尔西亚尼克和其他许多魁北克女性的特点。然而，这些女性不仅创作了具有挑战性的实验文本，她们还是公众演说家、记者、教师、剧作家、出版商，甚至电影制作人，因此，她们能够将自己的想法带入一个比许多其他先锋派作家更公开的论坛。到20世纪80年代中期，她们对英裔加拿大人的写作和翻译产生了显著的影响，她们继续积极参与魁北克的文学和社会文化舞台，为下一代魁北克女作家树立了榜样，特别是在她们有效干预的能力方面。在接下来的研究中，我追溯了魁北克女性文学在其他语境中的转移，从对这种激进的女权主义写作实践的简短介绍，到它在英加双语写作中的“转变”及其对翻译的影响，最后分析了新一代魁北克女性作家作为“街头文本”的底层女权主义译者。我之所以强调翻译是20世纪80年代迁移过程和90年代创作过程的一个核心方面，是因为实际的法语-英语翻译在将20世纪70年代魁北克实验文本提供给英语读者方面发挥了极其重要的作用，而且翻译理论在当代文化迁移话语中越来越重要。“女权主义”女性文学翻译家的工作，以及芭芭拉·戈达尔和苏珊娜·德·洛特比尼埃-哈伍德等作家从这些翻译中衍生出来的理论文本，帮助我们强调并拓宽了我们的知识，即语言既是描述性的，也是规范性的，是创新思想和传统意识形态的载体，是每个女性作家或翻译家都可能使用的强大的复调工具。Lola Lemire Tostevin, Gail Scott和Daphne Marlatt/Nicole Brossard在20世纪80年代进行的英法双语写作项目将成为女性文学进入英语加拿大的文化转移的例子，而20世纪90年代的作家如Anne Dandurand, Claire De，弗洛拉·巴尔扎诺(Flora Balzano)和海伦·莫奈特(Helene Monette)将阐释翻译后的“街头文本”如何被解读为20世纪90年代一种性别低下的写作方式的隐喻。“女性主义”的翻译实践和理论来源于魁北克女性文学的实际翻译工作，将这两个部分联系起来。…
{"title":"Legacies of Quebec Women's \"Écriture au féminin\": Bilingual Transformances, Translation Politicized, Subaltern Versions of the Text of the Street","authors":"L. V. Flotow","doi":"10.3138/JCS.30.4.88","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.30.4.88","url":null,"abstract":"The experimental feminist writing that developed in Quebec in the 1970s and 1980s -- l'ecriture au feminin -- is an example of avant - garde creative work that has had political impact. This article traces the effects of this ecriture: bilingual writing by bilingual authors who were \"tuned in\" to early feminist texts, translation practices which highlight and openly discus feminist interventions in translated texts and the streetwise writing of younger women of the 1990s. The idea of translation links the different sections of the article: it is a trope for women's writing as a movement from private to public discourse, and an expression of Canadian women's attempts to communicate across the language gap. It refers to the creative and visible work that actual interlingual feminist translation has become and, in the last section, stands for the work of creative writing. Just as ecriture au feminin made a visible splash in the 1970s literary production in Quebec, its impact has been to trigger and make visible other types of Canada's women's textual production.The experimental writing by women -- \"ecriture au feminin\" -- that flourished in Quebec in the late 1970s and early 1980s had a profound effect on the literary environment of its time, developing a political significance well beyond that of many other avant - garde literary movements. A feminist approach to writing that foregrounded gender in every aspect of language and textuality was characteristic of writers such as France Theoret, Nicole Brossard, Louky Bersianik and many other Quebec women of the period. Yet these women not only authored challenging experimental texts, they were also public speakers, journalists, teachers, playwrights, publishers and even filmmakers who were thus able to bring their ideas into a more public forum than many other avant - garde writers. By the mid 1980s they were exerting a marked influence on Anglo - Canadian writing and translation, and their continued energetic participation in the literary and socio - cultural scene of Quebec set an example for the next generation of Quebec women writers, particularly in regard to their capacity for effective interventions. In the following study I trace the transfer of Quebec's ecriture au feminin into other contexts, from a short introduction to this radical feminist writing practise, to its \"transformance\" into bilingual English - Canadian writing and its effects on translation proper, and ending with an analysis of a new generation of Quebec women writers as subaltern feminist translators of the \"text of the street.\"My emphasis on translation as a central aspect of the transfer process of the 1980s and the creative process of the 1990s stems from the immensely important role that actual French - English translations have played in making the experimental Quebec texts of the 1970s available to anglophone readers, and on the increasing importance that translation theory has acquired in contemporary discourse on cultu","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"30 1","pages":"88-109"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1996-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Implications of Knowledge-based Growth for Micro-economic Policies. Peter Howitt. Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1996.Attention to the problems which social science addresses tells us a great deal about the nature of the Canadian economy and the national identity, about not only material realities but also Canadian values.Values are ever present in the lexicon of economics. They penetrate economics at a level of vocabulary, perceptional selectivity, definition of the problem, choice of subject matter, rationalization and normative certitude. Values serve as a filtration system governing the formulation and evolution of ideas. They can take the form of some notion of human nature, a partial theory knowledge or a specific conception of reality. Whatever form they take, values determine how scholars order the world around them. Of course -- as the books under review demonstrate -- at any one time a plurality of values exists and these values compete in the formulation of theory, the direction of public policy and our understanding of the immediate and distant past.The six works under review are diverse in both method and scope. Diversity is part of the Canadian condition. Indeed -- as Robin Neill has demonstrated in his classic study -- the history of Canadian economic thought is one of contradiction, paradox and heterogeneity.(f.1) The fact that the Canadian nation is made up of five distinct regions, each displaying its own pace and pattern of economic growth, has contributed to the assortment of competing economic discourses and paradigms. Yet such variance need not be problematic. On the contrary, states the intellectual historian A.B. McKillop, our national identity is based on the existence of diversity.(f.2)Despite their differences, the books under review are similar in the matters to which they attend. Two books analyze the nature of the debt and debt discourse (albeit in very different ways). Two others -- utilizing dissimilar methodologies -- attempt to account for the role of innovation and invention in economic growth. A fifth questions the value of the quintessentially Canadian programme of equalization payments while the sixth seeks to understand the economic and political forces involved in the recent neo-conservative transformation of Canadian society.In the first section of this review, the choice of subject matter, the arguments of the authors, as well as the political-valuational judgments that colour their reasoning, will be identified and compared. In the second and third sections, a closer examination of some of their metaphysical preconceptions will be undertaken, specifically of the authors' perceptions of human nature and conceptions of reality. The last section is dedicated to an analysis of methodology and the role of the historical method in economics.The Matters to Which We AttendEach way of ordering -- or interpreting -- postmodern life starts with an implicit or explicit decision about priority. When dealin
{"title":"[The Implications of Knowledge-Based Growth for Micro-Economic Policies]","authors":"Matthew J. Bellamy, P. Howitt","doi":"10.4324/9780367824105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780367824105","url":null,"abstract":"The Implications of Knowledge-based Growth for Micro-economic Policies. Peter Howitt. Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1996.Attention to the problems which social science addresses tells us a great deal about the nature of the Canadian economy and the national identity, about not only material realities but also Canadian values.Values are ever present in the lexicon of economics. They penetrate economics at a level of vocabulary, perceptional selectivity, definition of the problem, choice of subject matter, rationalization and normative certitude. Values serve as a filtration system governing the formulation and evolution of ideas. They can take the form of some notion of human nature, a partial theory knowledge or a specific conception of reality. Whatever form they take, values determine how scholars order the world around them. Of course -- as the books under review demonstrate -- at any one time a plurality of values exists and these values compete in the formulation of theory, the direction of public policy and our understanding of the immediate and distant past.The six works under review are diverse in both method and scope. Diversity is part of the Canadian condition. Indeed -- as Robin Neill has demonstrated in his classic study -- the history of Canadian economic thought is one of contradiction, paradox and heterogeneity.(f.1) The fact that the Canadian nation is made up of five distinct regions, each displaying its own pace and pattern of economic growth, has contributed to the assortment of competing economic discourses and paradigms. Yet such variance need not be problematic. On the contrary, states the intellectual historian A.B. McKillop, our national identity is based on the existence of diversity.(f.2)Despite their differences, the books under review are similar in the matters to which they attend. Two books analyze the nature of the debt and debt discourse (albeit in very different ways). Two others -- utilizing dissimilar methodologies -- attempt to account for the role of innovation and invention in economic growth. A fifth questions the value of the quintessentially Canadian programme of equalization payments while the sixth seeks to understand the economic and political forces involved in the recent neo-conservative transformation of Canadian society.In the first section of this review, the choice of subject matter, the arguments of the authors, as well as the political-valuational judgments that colour their reasoning, will be identified and compared. In the second and third sections, a closer examination of some of their metaphysical preconceptions will be undertaken, specifically of the authors' perceptions of human nature and conceptions of reality. The last section is dedicated to an analysis of methodology and the role of the historical method in economics.The Matters to Which We AttendEach way of ordering -- or interpreting -- postmodern life starts with an implicit or explicit decision about priority. When dealin","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"34 1","pages":"213"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1996-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70611087","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Tenant League of Prince Edward Island 1864-1867: Lease-hold Tenure in the New World. Ian Ross Robertson. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996.This decade has seen a rising national and international interest in the cultures and histories of Atlantic Canada. This attention - most conspicuously manifest in the popularity of such contemporary artistic events as The Shipping News, Margaret's Museum and the Celtic music revival - perhaps signifies that a certain romantic nostalgia for the simpler life lingers in the popular imagination. In the academic world, nostalgia is taking a reflexive turn, being acknowledged as an element at work in the hermeneutics of texts and events. Such reflexivity is particularly evident in Ian McKay's The Quest of the Folk and Ronald Rompkey's Labrador Odyssey, both of which offer alternatives to the founding fictions that have worked to efface the cultural histories of at least some Atlantic Canadians. These texts foreground the representation of culture, challenging us to read against historical and folkloric constructions of societies and their identities. They ask that we acknowledge the subject positions of historical narratives and question the processes behind what we are asked to read as culture. It is this reading practice that informs my own comments on the five diverse accounts of maritime histories and cultures offered in The Quest of the Folk, Labrador Odyssey, Home Medicine, Canadians at Last and The Tenant League of Prince Edward Island.McKay's The Quest of the Folk examines the antimodernist impulse at work in the processes of cultural selection and invention in twentieth-century Nova Scotia. Its thesis is interesting and adversarial: "The Folk," as category and construction, reduces "people once alive to the status of inert essences" and voids "the emancipatory potential of historical knowledge" (xvi). What is perhaps most contentious is not the argument itself, but the representation of "cultural producers" such as Helen Creighton as aesthetic colonizers who actively sought and produced the Folk according to their own romantic impulses: This book is about the "path of destiny" that led Creighton and countless other cultural figures to develop "the Folk" as the key to understanding Nova Scotian culture and history. It is about the ways in which urban cultural producers, pursuing their own interests and expressing their own view of things, constructed the Folk of the countryside as the romantic antithesis to everything they disliked about modern urban and industrial life. (4)Its five chapters contextualize the concept of the Folk, explore Creighton's role in the development of maritime folklore, examine the commodification and discourse of "Innocence," and survey the idea of the Folk under postmodern conditions (30). In its demystification of the interpretative framework and construction of culture and identity, The Quest of the Folk revises twentieth-century Nova Scotian history and calls for a
{"title":"The Tenant League of Prince Edward Island, 1864-1867 : leasehold tenure in the New World","authors":"I. Robertson","doi":"10.2307/25148890","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/25148890","url":null,"abstract":"The Tenant League of Prince Edward Island 1864-1867: Lease-hold Tenure in the New World. Ian Ross Robertson. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996.This decade has seen a rising national and international interest in the cultures and histories of Atlantic Canada. This attention - most conspicuously manifest in the popularity of such contemporary artistic events as The Shipping News, Margaret's Museum and the Celtic music revival - perhaps signifies that a certain romantic nostalgia for the simpler life lingers in the popular imagination. In the academic world, nostalgia is taking a reflexive turn, being acknowledged as an element at work in the hermeneutics of texts and events. Such reflexivity is particularly evident in Ian McKay's The Quest of the Folk and Ronald Rompkey's Labrador Odyssey, both of which offer alternatives to the founding fictions that have worked to efface the cultural histories of at least some Atlantic Canadians. These texts foreground the representation of culture, challenging us to read against historical and folkloric constructions of societies and their identities. They ask that we acknowledge the subject positions of historical narratives and question the processes behind what we are asked to read as culture. It is this reading practice that informs my own comments on the five diverse accounts of maritime histories and cultures offered in The Quest of the Folk, Labrador Odyssey, Home Medicine, Canadians at Last and The Tenant League of Prince Edward Island.McKay's The Quest of the Folk examines the antimodernist impulse at work in the processes of cultural selection and invention in twentieth-century Nova Scotia. Its thesis is interesting and adversarial: \"The Folk,\" as category and construction, reduces \"people once alive to the status of inert essences\" and voids \"the emancipatory potential of historical knowledge\" (xvi). What is perhaps most contentious is not the argument itself, but the representation of \"cultural producers\" such as Helen Creighton as aesthetic colonizers who actively sought and produced the Folk according to their own romantic impulses: This book is about the \"path of destiny\" that led Creighton and countless other cultural figures to develop \"the Folk\" as the key to understanding Nova Scotian culture and history. It is about the ways in which urban cultural producers, pursuing their own interests and expressing their own view of things, constructed the Folk of the countryside as the romantic antithesis to everything they disliked about modern urban and industrial life. (4)Its five chapters contextualize the concept of the Folk, explore Creighton's role in the development of maritime folklore, examine the commodification and discourse of \"Innocence,\" and survey the idea of the Folk under postmodern conditions (30). In its demystification of the interpretative framework and construction of culture and identity, The Quest of the Folk revises twentieth-century Nova Scotian history and calls for a","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"34 1","pages":"215"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1996-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/25148890","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68817702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Canadians at Last: Canada Integrates Newfoundland as a Province. Raymond B. Blake. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994.This decade has seen a rising national and international interest in the cultures and histories of Atlantic Canada. This attention - most conspicuously manifest in the popularity of such contemporary artistic events as The Shipping News, Margaret's Museum and the Celtic music revival - perhaps signifies that a certain romantic nostalgia for the simpler life lingers in the popular imagination. In the academic world, nostalgia is taking a reflexive turn, being acknowledged as an element at work in the hermeneutics of texts and events. Such reflexivity is particularly evident in Ian McKay's The Quest of the Folk and Ronald Rompkey's Labrador Odyssey, both of which offer alternatives to the founding fictions that have worked to efface the cultural histories of at least some Atlantic Canadians. These texts foreground the representation of culture, challenging us to read against historical and folkloric constructions of societies and their identities. They ask that we acknowledge the subject positions of historical narratives and question the processes behind what we are asked to read as culture. It is this reading practice that informs my own comments on the five diverse accounts of maritime histories and cultures offered in The Quest of the Folk, Labrador Odyssey, Home Medicine, Canadians at Last and The Tenant League of Prince Edward Island.McKay's The Quest of the Folk examines the antimodernist impulse at work in the processes of cultural selection and invention in twentieth-century Nova Scotia. Its thesis is interesting and adversarial: "The Folk," as category and construction, reduces "people once alive to the status of inert essences" and voids "the emancipatory potential of historical knowledge" (xvi). What is perhaps most contentious is not the argument itself, but the representation of "cultural producers" such as Helen Creighton as aesthetic colonizers who actively sought and produced the Folk according to their own romantic impulses: This book is about the "path of destiny" that led Creighton and countless other cultural figures to develop "the Folk" as the key to understanding Nova Scotian culture and history. It is about the ways in which urban cultural producers, pursuing their own interests and expressing their own view of things, constructed the Folk of the countryside as the romantic antithesis to everything they disliked about modern urban and industrial life. (4)Its five chapters contextualize the concept of the Folk, explore Creighton's role in the development of maritime folklore, examine the commodification and discourse of "Innocence," and survey the idea of the Folk under postmodern conditions (30). In its demystification of the interpretative framework and construction of culture and identity, The Quest of the Folk revises twentieth-century Nova Scotian history and calls for a "questioning of the ways
{"title":"Canadians at last : Canada integrates Newfoundland as a province","authors":"R. Blake, S. Drodge","doi":"10.2307/2170162","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2170162","url":null,"abstract":"Canadians at Last: Canada Integrates Newfoundland as a Province. Raymond B. Blake. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994.This decade has seen a rising national and international interest in the cultures and histories of Atlantic Canada. This attention - most conspicuously manifest in the popularity of such contemporary artistic events as The Shipping News, Margaret's Museum and the Celtic music revival - perhaps signifies that a certain romantic nostalgia for the simpler life lingers in the popular imagination. In the academic world, nostalgia is taking a reflexive turn, being acknowledged as an element at work in the hermeneutics of texts and events. Such reflexivity is particularly evident in Ian McKay's The Quest of the Folk and Ronald Rompkey's Labrador Odyssey, both of which offer alternatives to the founding fictions that have worked to efface the cultural histories of at least some Atlantic Canadians. These texts foreground the representation of culture, challenging us to read against historical and folkloric constructions of societies and their identities. They ask that we acknowledge the subject positions of historical narratives and question the processes behind what we are asked to read as culture. It is this reading practice that informs my own comments on the five diverse accounts of maritime histories and cultures offered in The Quest of the Folk, Labrador Odyssey, Home Medicine, Canadians at Last and The Tenant League of Prince Edward Island.McKay's The Quest of the Folk examines the antimodernist impulse at work in the processes of cultural selection and invention in twentieth-century Nova Scotia. Its thesis is interesting and adversarial: \"The Folk,\" as category and construction, reduces \"people once alive to the status of inert essences\" and voids \"the emancipatory potential of historical knowledge\" (xvi). What is perhaps most contentious is not the argument itself, but the representation of \"cultural producers\" such as Helen Creighton as aesthetic colonizers who actively sought and produced the Folk according to their own romantic impulses: This book is about the \"path of destiny\" that led Creighton and countless other cultural figures to develop \"the Folk\" as the key to understanding Nova Scotian culture and history. It is about the ways in which urban cultural producers, pursuing their own interests and expressing their own view of things, constructed the Folk of the countryside as the romantic antithesis to everything they disliked about modern urban and industrial life. (4)Its five chapters contextualize the concept of the Folk, explore Creighton's role in the development of maritime folklore, examine the commodification and discourse of \"Innocence,\" and survey the idea of the Folk under postmodern conditions (30). In its demystification of the interpretative framework and construction of culture and identity, The Quest of the Folk revises twentieth-century Nova Scotian history and calls for a \"questioning of the ways ","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"34 1","pages":"215"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2170162","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68529472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It may not be obvious why historians of early Quebec are paying so much attention to rural society. Indeed, one of the books under review refers to "une remarquable banalite" of the area studied (Lavallee 274). Such candour may do little to attract the attention of historians interested in larger populations and apparently more vital issues. Does the history of rural Quebec matter? At one time, intellectuals argued that the virtue of nations was located in the countryside. The nineteenth-century French historian Jules Michelet lauded the peasant: "Le paysan n'est pas seulement la partie la plus nombreuse de la nation, c'est la plus forte, la plus saine, et, en balancant bien le physique et le moral, au total la meilleure."(f.1) In part, such sentiments reflected anti-modernist concerns about declining "communitas." But French-Canadian nationalists, until the 1960s, often located the heart of their nation among rural communities as well. Much of the recent production on the rural history of Quebec, with its emphasis on peasant culture, revisits such views, often recreating the social divisions that defined possibilities in rural communities in Quebec and discussing the rich and tenacious rural culture that developed in the colony. The history of seventeeth-century Montreal spans the religious and commercial interests fundamental to the colony of New France. Founded in 1642 as the Counter-Reformation utopian experiment Ville-Marie, Montreal soon revealed the extent to which Old World patterns were replicated in the New World. Louise Dechene's now classic account Habitants and Merchants in Seventeenth-Century Montreal set the historiographical trend in which many studies of colonial society locate themselves. Published in French in 1974 but only recently translated, this volume re-evaluates the nature of colonial society by reconstructing in minute detail the workings of commerce and agriculture in the second most important town of the colony. Dechene's book is filled with insights into the society and economy of New France, and relatively little of her work has been shaken by the historical production of the last 20 years. The European population remained small throughout the period, and indeed throughout the history of New France as a whole, given limited immigration. For Dechene, the merchants and the peasants were the most important classes in the colony. The two groups functioned in relative isolation. While merchants in the fur trade dominated economic exchanges and ignored local development, farmers were content with subsistence. It was this lack of integration between the two sectors of the economy that determined the colony's features and long-term viability: "No sooner was it settled than the countryside began to exhibit the familiar, unchanging features of Quebec rural society -- and this despite the closeness of the warehouses -- encapsulated in its uniform farms and lifestyle, stable land ownership, strong family ties, and entrenched ro
早期魁北克历史学家如此关注乡村社会的原因可能并不明显。事实上，其中一本书提到了所研究地区的“一个杰出的巴纳利”(Lavallee, 274)。这种坦率可能不会引起对更大人口和显然更重要的问题感兴趣的历史学家的注意。魁北克农村的历史重要吗?曾经，知识分子认为国家的美德在农村。19世纪的法国历史学家朱尔斯·米歇莱(Jules Michelet)称赞农民:“Le paysan n'est pas seulement la party la plus nombreuse de la nation, c'est la plus forte, la plus saine, et, en balance bien Le体格和道德，au total la meilleure.”(注1)在某种程度上，这种情绪反映了对衰落的“社区”的反现代主义担忧。但直到20世纪60年代，法裔加拿大民族主义者也经常把他们国家的核心定位在农村社区。最近的许多关于魁北克乡村历史的作品，其重点是农民文化，重新审视了这些观点，经常重现定义魁北克农村社区可能性的社会划分，并讨论在殖民地发展起来的丰富而顽强的乡村文化。17世纪蒙特利尔的历史跨越了新法兰西殖民地的宗教和商业利益。蒙特利尔成立于1642年，是反宗教改革乌托邦式的实验，很快就揭示了旧世界模式在新世界复制的程度。Louise Dechene的经典著作《17世纪蒙特利尔的居民和商人》奠定了许多殖民社会研究的史学趋势。这本书于1974年以法语出版，但直到最近才被翻译出来，通过详细重建殖民地第二重要城镇的商业和农业运作，重新评估了殖民地社会的性质。德尚的书中充满了对新法国社会和经济的深刻见解，她的作品相对较少受到过去20年历史生产的影响。由于移民数量有限，欧洲人口在这一时期，甚至在整个新法兰西的历史上，都保持着很少的数量。对德钦来说，商人和农民是殖民地最重要的阶级。这两组人的活动相对孤立。皮毛贸易的商人主导了经济交流，忽视了当地的发展，而农民则满足于生存。正是这两个经济部门之间缺乏整合，决定了殖民地的特征和长期生存能力:“它一定居下来，农村就开始表现出熟悉的、不变的魁北克农村社会特征——尽管仓库很近——被其统一的农场和生活方式、稳定的土地所有权、牢固的家庭关系和根深蒂固的惯例所包围。”(283)。《新法兰西草原》(La Prairie en Nouvelle-France)， 1647年至1760年，是对位于圣劳伦斯南岸的一个领主领地的考察，与德尚对蒙特利尔的研究提供了一个有趣的对照。作为一个土地领主，拉普雷里没有像商业城镇那样出现社会经济分裂。Louis Lavallee仔细研究了公证文件，勾勒出社区内团结的线条:La Prairie确实构成了“une unite de vie et de lieu”(263)。Lavallee强调(但并不总是证明)当地人口中的社会共识，“la belle unite habituelement mainue au sein de la communaute”(168)。在不否认农民内部的经济差异的情况下，他们之间有一个大致的平等:“一个大多数的农民，加上你的中等工人，不独立的经济似乎是独立的保证”(262)。作为宗主国，拉普雷里像蒙特利尔一样，被小心翼翼地管理，但直到1730年代才在法律和财政上保持警惕。…
{"title":"[The Patriots & the People: The Rebellion of 1837 in Rural Lower Canada]","authors":"A. Greer, C. Coates","doi":"10.2307/2168364","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2168364","url":null,"abstract":"It may not be obvious why historians of early Quebec are paying so much attention to rural society. Indeed, one of the books under review refers to \"une remarquable banalite\" of the area studied (Lavallee 274). Such candour may do little to attract the attention of historians interested in larger populations and apparently more vital issues. Does the history of rural Quebec matter? At one time, intellectuals argued that the virtue of nations was located in the countryside. The nineteenth-century French historian Jules Michelet lauded the peasant: \"Le paysan n'est pas seulement la partie la plus nombreuse de la nation, c'est la plus forte, la plus saine, et, en balancant bien le physique et le moral, au total la meilleure.\"(f.1) In part, such sentiments reflected anti-modernist concerns about declining \"communitas.\" But French-Canadian nationalists, until the 1960s, often located the heart of their nation among rural communities as well. Much of the recent production on the rural history of Quebec, with its emphasis on peasant culture, revisits such views, often recreating the social divisions that defined possibilities in rural communities in Quebec and discussing the rich and tenacious rural culture that developed in the colony. The history of seventeeth-century Montreal spans the religious and commercial interests fundamental to the colony of New France. Founded in 1642 as the Counter-Reformation utopian experiment Ville-Marie, Montreal soon revealed the extent to which Old World patterns were replicated in the New World. Louise Dechene's now classic account Habitants and Merchants in Seventeenth-Century Montreal set the historiographical trend in which many studies of colonial society locate themselves. Published in French in 1974 but only recently translated, this volume re-evaluates the nature of colonial society by reconstructing in minute detail the workings of commerce and agriculture in the second most important town of the colony. Dechene's book is filled with insights into the society and economy of New France, and relatively little of her work has been shaken by the historical production of the last 20 years. The European population remained small throughout the period, and indeed throughout the history of New France as a whole, given limited immigration. For Dechene, the merchants and the peasants were the most important classes in the colony. The two groups functioned in relative isolation. While merchants in the fur trade dominated economic exchanges and ignored local development, farmers were content with subsistence. It was this lack of integration between the two sectors of the economy that determined the colony's features and long-term viability: \"No sooner was it settled than the countryside began to exhibit the familiar, unchanging features of Quebec rural society -- and this despite the closeness of the warehouses -- encapsulated in its uniform farms and lifestyle, stable land ownership, strong family ties, and entrenched ro","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"32 1","pages":"167"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2168364","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68525391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
R.B. BENNETT: THE CALGARY YEARS. James H. Gray. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991.THE LONER: THREE SKETCHES OF THE PERSONAL LIFE AND IDEAS OF R.B. BENNETT, 1870-1947. P.B. Waite. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992.REACTION AND REFORM: THE POLITICS OF THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY UNDER R.B. BENNETT, 1927-1938. Larry A. Glassford. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992.ABERHART: OUTPOURINGS AND REPLIES. Ed. David R. Elliott. Calgary: Historical Society of Alberta, 1991."JUST CALL ME MITCH": THE LIFE OF MITCHELL F. HEPBURN. John T. Saywell. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991.DUFF PATTULLO OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. Robin Fisher. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991.Over the last two decades, the strictures levelled by the new social historians towards politics and its practitioners has not been without justification; certainly the many Whiggish hagiographies which permeated our national literature throughout the first half of this century left such a poor aftertaste as to mar both the legitimacy and value of political biography as a worthy field of historical inquiry. As yet few have taken seriously Gertrude Himmelfarb's call to redress the imbalance posed by an exclusive presentation towards social history.(f.1) While it is undoubtedly true that the lives and experiences of the masses is crucial to our understanding of the past, there is equal value in studying those individuals (and the political culture surrounding them) who possessed the power to manage and administer the state. This becomes all the more imperative when studying this century's most discordant decade -- the 1930s -- when "ordinary people" were attempting to eke out a living. How, to paraphrase Trevelyan, can we write a true history of the social impact of, in this case, the "Dirty Thirties," with the politicians left out?Thankfully, six recent studies attempt to fill this void. When, in 1985, John Thompson and Alan Seager completed their general study of Canada during the interwar years, there were few biographical studies of depression-era leaders.(f.2) If one discounts the mildly hagiographic output of Beaverbrook and Watkins, R.B. Bennett and the Conservative party had not yet received serious scholarly attention.(f.3) Although Mitch Hepburn of Ontario appeared adequately covered in Neil McKenty's 1967 biography, a more thorough and indepth study awaited, commissioned in the following decade by the Ontario Historical Studies Series.(f.4) As for William Aberhart of Alberta and Duff Pattullo of British Columbia, neither had been taken seriously, at least not until very recently. Now, these four Depression leaders are the subject of six monographs.With the possible exception of the now retired Tory incarnation from Baie Comeau, there has been no Canadian prime minister more unpopular than R.B. Bennett (1930-1935). Perceived by the general public as far too pompous and wealthy to be leading the country through the ravages of a severe depression, Bennett has
{"title":"[RB Bennett: The Calgary Years]","authors":"J. H. Gray","doi":"10.5860/choice.29-5307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.29-5307","url":null,"abstract":"R.B. BENNETT: THE CALGARY YEARS. James H. Gray. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991.THE LONER: THREE SKETCHES OF THE PERSONAL LIFE AND IDEAS OF R.B. BENNETT, 1870-1947. P.B. Waite. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992.REACTION AND REFORM: THE POLITICS OF THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY UNDER R.B. BENNETT, 1927-1938. Larry A. Glassford. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992.ABERHART: OUTPOURINGS AND REPLIES. Ed. David R. Elliott. Calgary: Historical Society of Alberta, 1991.\"JUST CALL ME MITCH\": THE LIFE OF MITCHELL F. HEPBURN. John T. Saywell. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991.DUFF PATTULLO OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. Robin Fisher. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991.Over the last two decades, the strictures levelled by the new social historians towards politics and its practitioners has not been without justification; certainly the many Whiggish hagiographies which permeated our national literature throughout the first half of this century left such a poor aftertaste as to mar both the legitimacy and value of political biography as a worthy field of historical inquiry. As yet few have taken seriously Gertrude Himmelfarb's call to redress the imbalance posed by an exclusive presentation towards social history.(f.1) While it is undoubtedly true that the lives and experiences of the masses is crucial to our understanding of the past, there is equal value in studying those individuals (and the political culture surrounding them) who possessed the power to manage and administer the state. This becomes all the more imperative when studying this century's most discordant decade -- the 1930s -- when \"ordinary people\" were attempting to eke out a living. How, to paraphrase Trevelyan, can we write a true history of the social impact of, in this case, the \"Dirty Thirties,\" with the politicians left out?Thankfully, six recent studies attempt to fill this void. When, in 1985, John Thompson and Alan Seager completed their general study of Canada during the interwar years, there were few biographical studies of depression-era leaders.(f.2) If one discounts the mildly hagiographic output of Beaverbrook and Watkins, R.B. Bennett and the Conservative party had not yet received serious scholarly attention.(f.3) Although Mitch Hepburn of Ontario appeared adequately covered in Neil McKenty's 1967 biography, a more thorough and indepth study awaited, commissioned in the following decade by the Ontario Historical Studies Series.(f.4) As for William Aberhart of Alberta and Duff Pattullo of British Columbia, neither had been taken seriously, at least not until very recently. Now, these four Depression leaders are the subject of six monographs.With the possible exception of the now retired Tory incarnation from Baie Comeau, there has been no Canadian prime minister more unpopular than R.B. Bennett (1930-1935). Perceived by the general public as far too pompous and wealthy to be leading the country through the ravages of a severe depression, Bennett has ","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"30 1","pages":"142"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71040189","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
THE WORLD OF WILLIAM NOTMAN: THE NINETEENTH CENTURY THROUGH A MASTER LENS. Eds. Roger Hall, Gordon Dodds and Stanley Triggs. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1993. 232 pp. There is no doubt that The World of William Notman: The Nineteenth Century Through a Master Lens has been targeted for the general, not the scholarly reader. It has nary a footnote, nor a bibliography nor even a selected readings list for those interested in pursuing the topic; the index is of proper names only, without subjects or key words. The acknowledgments, placed at the back of the book, describe in general terms the institutional and archival sources for the research supporting the text, but mention only two other previous publications relevant to Notman, both by Stanley Triggs, who is one of the three authors of this volume.(f.1) The archival sources listed indicate that the authors concentrated almost entirely on the details of the Notman firm's history at the expense of the wider context within which the firm flourished. The bulk of the book, which is introduced by 64 pages of undemanding text (set, as carefully noted, in a digitized version of the 19th-century typeface "Walbaum") is made up of superb reproductions in 300-line duotone on lavish acid-free paper, a joy to the fingertips. The chapters introducing the photographs review much that is already known about Notman's Canadian activities, and are followed by a new and interesting survey of his photographic work in the United States. The captions are generally simple, one-line identifications of the content of the plates, with no indication of the original size or media of the photographs; hence, for example, we have no idea whether the many full-page warm, dark plates are from carte-de-visite or whole plate albumen prints, or from carbon or platinum prints, or from modern prints made from original or copy negatives. Nor can we tell to what extent that warm tone may imitate or distort the originals. For the general reader, these are quibbles; the wealth of pictures allow a real visual wallow in the past. Yet that indulgence is soon disturbed by the little uneasinesses that, even for the general reader, begin to wear away at the ostensibly harmless nostalgia. For example, it might perhaps be understandable that the caption for Plate 12, showing 10 young Victorian women in astonishingly short dresses and carrying gym equipment, should be identified only as "Mr. Barnjum's Gymnastic Group, Montreal, 1870" if their individual names had not been recorded for posterity. But given that an historian (Hall) and an archivist (Dodds) collaborated with a photo historian (Triggs) on this book, it is unfortunate that they overlooked an oddity in the caption. The women merit only 13 words, all of them about their clothes, while an additional 62 words are expended on Mr. Barnjum's biography, an individual who does not even appear in the photograph. Why are we told that Mr. Barnjum saw action in the Fenian raids and rose to the r
威廉·诺特曼的世界:大师镜头下的十九世纪。Eds。罗杰·霍尔，戈登·多兹和斯坦利·特里格斯。多伦多:McClelland and Stewart出版社，1993。毫无疑问，《威廉·诺特曼的世界:大师视角下的十九世纪》是为普通读者而非学术读者而写的。它没有脚注，没有参考书目，甚至没有为那些对这个话题感兴趣的人提供的阅读书目;索引只有专有名称，没有主题或关键词。致谢,放置在书的后面,在一般条款描述研究的机构和档案资源支持文本,但提到另外两个之前的出版物Notman相关,通过斯坦利区格,谁是这本书的三个作者之一。(f.1)表明,作者列出的档案来源几乎完全集中在Notman公司历史上的细节的更广泛的公司蓬勃发展的大环境。这本书的大部分是由64页简单的文字介绍的(正如仔细指出的那样，是用19世纪“Walbaum”字体的数字化版本设置的)，由300行双色的精美复制品组成，用奢华的无酸纸，让人手心愉悦。介绍这些照片的章节回顾了很多已经知道的关于诺特曼在加拿大的活动，然后是他在美国的摄影作品的一个新的和有趣的调查。图片说明文字一般是简单的单行文字，说明照片的内容，没有说明照片的原始尺寸或媒体;因此，例如，我们不知道许多整版的暖色暗版是来自免烫版还是全版白蛋白照片，还是来自碳或白金照片，还是来自原始底片或复制底片的现代照片。我们也不知道这种暖色调在多大程度上模仿或扭曲了原作。对一般读者来说，这些都是诡辩;丰富的图片可以让我们在视觉上真正沉浸在过去。然而，这种放纵很快就会被小小的不安所扰乱，即使对普通读者来说，这种不安也开始被表面上无害的怀旧所消磨。例如，如果没有为后人记录下她们的名字，那么12号盘的标题或许是可以理解的，上面有10名维多利亚时代的年轻女性，她们穿着短得惊人的裙子，拿着健身器材，标题应该只被标识为“巴恩朱姆先生的体操团体，蒙特利尔，1870年”。但考虑到一位历史学家(霍尔)和一位档案管理员(多兹)与一位照片历史学家(特里格斯)合作撰写了这本书，不幸的是，他们忽视了标题中的一个奇怪之处。这些女人只值得用13个字来形容，而且都是关于她们的穿着，而巴恩朱姆的传记则用了62个字，而他甚至没有出现在照片中。为什么我们被告知巴恩朱姆先生参加了芬尼亚人的突袭行动并晋升为少校，但却不被告知此时在蒙特利尔妇女进行集体体育锻炼和比赛的机会，也不被告知这个特殊团体的活动或他们携带的装备的使用情况?然后是第55页，“1887年，阿尔伯塔省卡尔加里附近，携带特拉瓦的克里印第安人。”图片的说明文字并没有注明摄影师在图片上提供的东西:克里族男女的名字(无论准确与否)都是克里族的英文翻译。但是，也许反对对少数图像进行这种匿名化处理仅仅是一种诡辩。毕竟，文中清楚地赞扬了诺特曼的遗产——大约40万张照片——的范围，并指出了保存在蒙特利尔麦考德博物馆诺特曼摄影档案中对大多数照片的名字和日期的仔细记录的价值。然而，在仔细准确地描述这一遗产时，下面这句话却令人深感不安:“维多利亚时代和二十世纪早期的加拿大被清晰地描绘了出来:从杂乱的街道到田园风光，从印第安人在草原上失去的生活到蒙特利尔‘一平方英里’的城市和城市的优雅，从大西洋码头上汗流浃漓的装卸工人到强壮的铁路测量师，他们计划把钢铁推进不列颠哥伦比亚省的‘山海’”(16)。…
{"title":"Not The World of William NotmanThe world of William Notman: The Nineteenth Century through a master lens. Eds. Roger Hall, Gordon Dodds and Stanley Triggs. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1993. 232 pp.","authors":"L. Koltun","doi":"10.3138/JCS.30.1.125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.30.1.125","url":null,"abstract":"THE WORLD OF WILLIAM NOTMAN: THE NINETEENTH CENTURY THROUGH A MASTER LENS. Eds. Roger Hall, Gordon Dodds and Stanley Triggs. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1993. 232 pp. There is no doubt that The World of William Notman: The Nineteenth Century Through a Master Lens has been targeted for the general, not the scholarly reader. It has nary a footnote, nor a bibliography nor even a selected readings list for those interested in pursuing the topic; the index is of proper names only, without subjects or key words. The acknowledgments, placed at the back of the book, describe in general terms the institutional and archival sources for the research supporting the text, but mention only two other previous publications relevant to Notman, both by Stanley Triggs, who is one of the three authors of this volume.(f.1) The archival sources listed indicate that the authors concentrated almost entirely on the details of the Notman firm's history at the expense of the wider context within which the firm flourished. The bulk of the book, which is introduced by 64 pages of undemanding text (set, as carefully noted, in a digitized version of the 19th-century typeface \"Walbaum\") is made up of superb reproductions in 300-line duotone on lavish acid-free paper, a joy to the fingertips. The chapters introducing the photographs review much that is already known about Notman's Canadian activities, and are followed by a new and interesting survey of his photographic work in the United States. The captions are generally simple, one-line identifications of the content of the plates, with no indication of the original size or media of the photographs; hence, for example, we have no idea whether the many full-page warm, dark plates are from carte-de-visite or whole plate albumen prints, or from carbon or platinum prints, or from modern prints made from original or copy negatives. Nor can we tell to what extent that warm tone may imitate or distort the originals. For the general reader, these are quibbles; the wealth of pictures allow a real visual wallow in the past. Yet that indulgence is soon disturbed by the little uneasinesses that, even for the general reader, begin to wear away at the ostensibly harmless nostalgia. For example, it might perhaps be understandable that the caption for Plate 12, showing 10 young Victorian women in astonishingly short dresses and carrying gym equipment, should be identified only as \"Mr. Barnjum's Gymnastic Group, Montreal, 1870\" if their individual names had not been recorded for posterity. But given that an historian (Hall) and an archivist (Dodds) collaborated with a photo historian (Triggs) on this book, it is unfortunate that they overlooked an oddity in the caption. The women merit only 13 words, all of them about their clothes, while an additional 62 words are expended on Mr. Barnjum's biography, an individual who does not even appear in the photograph. Why are we told that Mr. Barnjum saw action in the Fenian raids and rose to the r","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"30 1","pages":"125-133"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
If there was, as the American oral historian Studs Terkel wrote, a "good war," certainly it was the battle against Nazism.(f.1) The popular images still reverberate: the "V" for victory sign, those wonderful swing bands and, of course, the idea that everyone pulled together to defeat an unquestioned evil. When thoughts turn to Canada's home front similar memories dominate; undoubtedly gouging and black marketing do not step to the forefront. Indeed, because of the relatively paltry privations people had to endure in Canada compared to Europe, it should have been easy for citizens to respect government entreaties to cut back. In Britain, where civilians dealt with three ounces of beef per week and where new clothes were practically unknown, the "spiv" who hung around docks and diverted goods to the underground economy was more understandable.(f.2) Thus, one cannot help but be struck, when reading Canada's wartime daily press, that side by side with all the patriotic pledges appear countless stories about a multitude unwilling to make small sacrifices, and who exploited circumstances in the most mercenary manner to garner hefty tax - free returns.IWith the scope of the war expanding tremendously after mid 1940, Canada's military expenditures grew tremendously, from $60 million in 1939 to $2.5 billion three years later. Unemployment evaporated, and total wages nearly doubled between 1938 and 1942. Increased demand, combined with the diversion of supplies from civilian to military requirements, threatened to create profiteering and destructive inflation. Indeed, from late August 1939 to October 1941, the Consumer Price Index (CPI) rose by 17.8 percent.(f.3)A Wartime Prices and Trade Board (WPTB) had been created on 3 September 1939 to control such trends. By mid 1940, it had set maximum rates for basic commodities such as wheat and had established a division to control rent. In August 1941 it passed from the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Labour to that of Finance; called in to replace the low - key Hector Mackinnon as chairman was Donald Gordon, an outspoken and charismatic mandarin from the Bank of Canada. That November, he implemented a comprehensive freeze. Prices were not to exceed the highest level charged during a four - week base period between 15 September and 11 October, while wages were pegged at levels prevailing on 15 November. A cost - of - living bonus amounting to one percent of wages for each one point increase in the CPI, with a maximum of 25 cents per week, could be granted by the National War Labour Board. Statistics suggest that the program was successful: for over the next four years total inflation amounted to 2.8 percent.(f.4)Dollar - a - year men from the business community were recruited to run WPTB departments. The thinking was that such people could plan most effectively and win compliance from fellow capitalists. Citizens also helped, having remembered or heard of high inflation during the Great War, and being eager to d
如果像美国口述历史学家斯图兹·特克尔(Studs Terkel)所写的那样，有一场“美好的战争”，那肯定是反对纳粹主义的战争。(f.1)那些流行的形象至今仍在回响:代表胜利的“V”字手势，那些美妙的摇摆乐队，当然还有大家团结起来打败一个毫无疑问的恶魔的想法。当思绪转向加拿大本土时，类似的记忆占据了主导地位;毫无疑问，欺诈和黑市并没有走到前列。的确，由于与欧洲相比，人们在加拿大不得不忍受的贫困相对微不足道，公民应该很容易尊重政府削减开支的请求。在英国，平民每周要处理三盎司的牛肉，几乎不知道新衣服，那些在码头附近闲逛、把货物转移到地下经济的“spiv”就更容易理解了。因此，当阅读加拿大战时的日报时，人们不能不感到震惊，在所有爱国承诺的同时，出现了无数关于群众不愿做出小小的牺牲的故事。他们以最唯利是图的方式利用环境，获得巨额免税回报。1940年中期以后，随着战争范围的急剧扩大，加拿大的军费开支也急剧增加，从1939年的6000万美元增加到三年后的25亿美元。失业消失了，工资总额在1938年至1942年间几乎翻了一番。需求增加，再加上供应从民用转向军用，可能造成暴利和破坏性的通货膨胀。事实上，从1939年8月下旬到1941年10月，消费者价格指数(CPI)上升了17.8%。(f.3) 1939年9月3日成立了战时价格和贸易委员会(WPTB)来控制这种趋势。到1940年中期，它已经为小麦等基本商品设定了最高税率，并成立了一个部门来控制租金。1941年8月，由劳动部管辖转到财政部管辖。加拿大央行(Bank of Canada)任命唐纳德•戈登(Donald Gordon)接替低调的赫克托尔•麦金农(Hector Mackinnon)担任主席，他是一位直言不讳、魅力十足的官员。同年11月，他实施了全面冻结。物价不得超过9月15日至10月11日四周基准期间的最高水平，而工资则与11月15日的普遍水平挂钩。国民战争劳工局可以给予生活费用奖金，每增加一个点，就相当于工资的百分之一，每周最多25美分。统计数据表明，这个计划是成功的:在接下来的四年里，总通货膨胀率达到了2.8%。(f.4)从商界招募年薪一美元的人来管理WPTB部门。他们的想法是，这样的人可以最有效地规划，并赢得其他资本家的服从。公民们也提供了帮助，他们记得或听说过第一次世界大战期间的高通货膨胀，并渴望表现出他们的爱国主义。例如，有2 000名妇女自愿与消费者分会合作，“列出基准期支付的价格”，并指出任何成本上升或质量下降的情况。一位前雇员写道:“(新闻)分部的总部订阅了38份日报和21份周报。”(f.6)加拿大公众舆论研究所的调查得到了仔细的研究，WPTB也委托自己进行了一些民意调查。75万美元的广告预算(1943年)允许分发数百万份小册子、海报和其他宣传材料。国家电影局(NFB)和战争信息局(WIB)也提供了援助。就WPTB而言，WIB的一个更有用的举措是“谣言诊所”，其工作是发现并反驳在一般流通中可能具有破坏性的小道消息。毫无疑问，这种努力在整个战争期间和和平时期的重新转换过程中，在保持对控制计划的支持方面发挥了重要作用。…
{"title":"One For All or All For One: Government Controls, Black Marketing and the Limits of Patriotism, 1939-47","authors":"Jeff Keshen","doi":"10.3138/JCS.29.4.111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.29.4.111","url":null,"abstract":"If there was, as the American oral historian Studs Terkel wrote, a \"good war,\" certainly it was the battle against Nazism.(f.1) The popular images still reverberate: the \"V\" for victory sign, those wonderful swing bands and, of course, the idea that everyone pulled together to defeat an unquestioned evil. When thoughts turn to Canada's home front similar memories dominate; undoubtedly gouging and black marketing do not step to the forefront. Indeed, because of the relatively paltry privations people had to endure in Canada compared to Europe, it should have been easy for citizens to respect government entreaties to cut back. In Britain, where civilians dealt with three ounces of beef per week and where new clothes were practically unknown, the \"spiv\" who hung around docks and diverted goods to the underground economy was more understandable.(f.2) Thus, one cannot help but be struck, when reading Canada's wartime daily press, that side by side with all the patriotic pledges appear countless stories about a multitude unwilling to make small sacrifices, and who exploited circumstances in the most mercenary manner to garner hefty tax - free returns.IWith the scope of the war expanding tremendously after mid 1940, Canada's military expenditures grew tremendously, from $60 million in 1939 to $2.5 billion three years later. Unemployment evaporated, and total wages nearly doubled between 1938 and 1942. Increased demand, combined with the diversion of supplies from civilian to military requirements, threatened to create profiteering and destructive inflation. Indeed, from late August 1939 to October 1941, the Consumer Price Index (CPI) rose by 17.8 percent.(f.3)A Wartime Prices and Trade Board (WPTB) had been created on 3 September 1939 to control such trends. By mid 1940, it had set maximum rates for basic commodities such as wheat and had established a division to control rent. In August 1941 it passed from the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Labour to that of Finance; called in to replace the low - key Hector Mackinnon as chairman was Donald Gordon, an outspoken and charismatic mandarin from the Bank of Canada. That November, he implemented a comprehensive freeze. Prices were not to exceed the highest level charged during a four - week base period between 15 September and 11 October, while wages were pegged at levels prevailing on 15 November. A cost - of - living bonus amounting to one percent of wages for each one point increase in the CPI, with a maximum of 25 cents per week, could be granted by the National War Labour Board. Statistics suggest that the program was successful: for over the next four years total inflation amounted to 2.8 percent.(f.4)Dollar - a - year men from the business community were recruited to run WPTB departments. The thinking was that such people could plan most effectively and win compliance from fellow capitalists. Citizens also helped, having remembered or heard of high inflation during the Great War, and being eager to d","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"29 1","pages":"111-143"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69363922","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the middle of the Great Depression, a number of state institutions in Ontario (the legislature, the judiciary, the Attorney - General's office) felt called upon to administer two sets of "problem" families. One was the Dionnes, the other those competing in the Toronto Stork Derby. The former "group" was perceived by the Hepburn government as two distinct families: the Quintuplets on the one hand, and their five siblings and parents on the other. In 1934, the Ontario government declared itself the true parent of the newborn Quintuplets and made a complete physical as well as legal separation between them and their kin. Eventually the Quints were legally and physically reunited with the other Dionnes, at a time when their fame and fortune had in any case been rather exhausted, and control over their trust fund was no longer a source of wages to many retainers and of tourist revenue to the province. A close analysis of the government documents on the Dionne case reveals that the Quintuplets were not dealt with as children in need of state protection: the Children's Aid Society was not involved.(f.1) Rather, they were managed as natural resources or scenic wonders requiring nationalization. In other words, the guardianship of the five little girls had very little to do with child welfare or family policy; rather, it became an aspect of provincial economic policy. Just as the "natural beauty" of Niagara Falls has been sold to tourists and exploited by Ontario Hydro, so too the apparently priceless Quintuplets were economically exploited by their legal father, the government of Ontario.The unusual degree of government intervention in the Dionne case stands in contrast to the more laissez - faire position taken by the same government in another regulatory dilemma, namely the so - called Toronto Stork Derby of 1926 - 38. The Stork Derby was occasioned by an eccentric lawyer's will leaving a very large amount of money to the Toronto woman giving birth to the largest number of children over the subsequent 10 years. Immediately after the will was probated, in December of 1926, the Conservative government at Queen's Park attempted to declare the Stork Derby clause invalid on the grounds that it was "disgusting" and against the public interest. However a public outcry, mostly from women's groups, managed to reverse the government's decision: both Premier George Henry's government and the subsequent Hepburn government let the various mothers and other potential heirs fight the case out in the courts, with little political interference. The courts, concerned with safeguarding the principle of the autonomy of property owners, decided to uphold the will against the claims of distant relatives, but only after resolving tricky issues regarding the moral and legal status of both children and mothers.A comparison of these two cases raises some interesting questions about the role of the state in the administration of reproduction. The relationship between the stat
{"title":"Families, Private Property, and the State: The Dionnes and the Toronto Stork Derby","authors":"Mariana Valverde","doi":"10.3138/JCS.29.4.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.29.4.15","url":null,"abstract":"In the middle of the Great Depression, a number of state institutions in Ontario (the legislature, the judiciary, the Attorney - General's office) felt called upon to administer two sets of \"problem\" families. One was the Dionnes, the other those competing in the Toronto Stork Derby. The former \"group\" was perceived by the Hepburn government as two distinct families: the Quintuplets on the one hand, and their five siblings and parents on the other. In 1934, the Ontario government declared itself the true parent of the newborn Quintuplets and made a complete physical as well as legal separation between them and their kin. Eventually the Quints were legally and physically reunited with the other Dionnes, at a time when their fame and fortune had in any case been rather exhausted, and control over their trust fund was no longer a source of wages to many retainers and of tourist revenue to the province. A close analysis of the government documents on the Dionne case reveals that the Quintuplets were not dealt with as children in need of state protection: the Children's Aid Society was not involved.(f.1) Rather, they were managed as natural resources or scenic wonders requiring nationalization. In other words, the guardianship of the five little girls had very little to do with child welfare or family policy; rather, it became an aspect of provincial economic policy. Just as the \"natural beauty\" of Niagara Falls has been sold to tourists and exploited by Ontario Hydro, so too the apparently priceless Quintuplets were economically exploited by their legal father, the government of Ontario.The unusual degree of government intervention in the Dionne case stands in contrast to the more laissez - faire position taken by the same government in another regulatory dilemma, namely the so - called Toronto Stork Derby of 1926 - 38. The Stork Derby was occasioned by an eccentric lawyer's will leaving a very large amount of money to the Toronto woman giving birth to the largest number of children over the subsequent 10 years. Immediately after the will was probated, in December of 1926, the Conservative government at Queen's Park attempted to declare the Stork Derby clause invalid on the grounds that it was \"disgusting\" and against the public interest. However a public outcry, mostly from women's groups, managed to reverse the government's decision: both Premier George Henry's government and the subsequent Hepburn government let the various mothers and other potential heirs fight the case out in the courts, with little political interference. The courts, concerned with safeguarding the principle of the autonomy of property owners, decided to uphold the will against the claims of distant relatives, but only after resolving tricky issues regarding the moral and legal status of both children and mothers.A comparison of these two cases raises some interesting questions about the role of the state in the administration of reproduction. The relationship between the stat","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"29 1","pages":"15-35"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69363947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：