Public opinion on national identity in Canada is changing. Using data from the International Social Science Programme, this essay presents evidence that most Canadians have a strong national identity rooted in universal conceptions that everyone can share, such as citizenship. Data also show, however, that a growing number of Canadians define their national identity narrowly, such as through birthplace and religion. Drawing on research from social psychology, the essay suggests that theories of Canadian identity need to take into account the fact that many Canadians have strong national identities that do not fit cleanly into the civic/ethnic theoretical dichotomy.
{"title":"As Canadian as possible ... under what circumstances?: Public opinion on national identity in Canada outside Quebec.","authors":"Tracey Raney","doi":"10.3138/jcs.43.3.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/jcs.43.3.5","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Public opinion on national identity in Canada is changing. Using data from the International Social Science Programme, this essay presents evidence that most Canadians have a strong national identity rooted in universal conceptions that everyone can share, such as citizenship. Data also show, however, that a growing number of Canadians define their national identity narrowly, such as through birthplace and religion. Drawing on research from social psychology, the essay suggests that theories of Canadian identity need to take into account the fact that many Canadians have strong national identities that do not fit cleanly into the civic/ethnic theoretical dichotomy.</p>","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2009-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"29192361","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Beginning in the late 1980s with the release of Our Common Future by the World Commission on Environment and Development, followed by the development of international accords such as the 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity, international pressure to resolve Indigenous rights issues has been steadily mounting. Successive Canadian governments have been striving increasingly to recognize and incorporate Aboriginal traditional knowledge into resource management planning. Following more than a decade of such efforts, the question of how to achieve such incorporation appropriately remains inadequately answered. This essay contributes to the resolution of this issue by first clarifying some key differences between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal definitions of "traditional knowledge." Then, three Ontario case studies are briefly described that highlight the most and least successful aspects of previous undertakings. Among the lessons learned are the need to value traditional knowledge on a par with Western science while recognizing the particular capabilities of each system, and the requirement that Aboriginal peoples and their knowledge participate on a mutually respectful basis.
{"title":"Linking traditional knowledge and environmental practice in Ontario.","authors":"Deborah McGregor","doi":"10.3138/jcs.43.3.69","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/jcs.43.3.69","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Beginning in the late 1980s with the release of Our Common Future by the World Commission on Environment and Development, followed by the development of international accords such as the 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity, international pressure to resolve Indigenous rights issues has been steadily mounting. Successive Canadian governments have been striving increasingly to recognize and incorporate Aboriginal traditional knowledge into resource management planning. Following more than a decade of such efforts, the question of how to achieve such incorporation appropriately remains inadequately answered. This essay contributes to the resolution of this issue by first clarifying some key differences between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal definitions of \"traditional knowledge.\" Then, three Ontario case studies are briefly described that highlight the most and least successful aspects of previous undertakings. Among the lessons learned are the need to value traditional knowledge on a par with Western science while recognizing the particular capabilities of each system, and the requirement that Aboriginal peoples and their knowledge participate on a mutually respectful basis.</p>","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2009-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"29192362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Miriam Toews resists the conventional narrative of the adolescent leaving the small town, proposing instead that the community deserts Nomi Nickel. Nomi, facing maternal absence and the loss of her mother tongue, attempts to use linguistic and material fragments to connect word and world. Suffering from multiple and inexplicable desertions, she rejects the community's intolerance but values its kindness. Her contradictory responses to Plautdietsch, which is both deserting her and being rejected by her, complicate and challenge the concrete words and signs of adolescent protest and rebellion. Binaries separating word and world, kindness and judgement, margin and centre are challenged and collapsed in the course of Nomi's narrative.
{"title":"Fragments and absences: language and loss in Miriam Toews's A complicated kindness.","authors":"Margaret Steffler","doi":"10.3138/jcs.43.3.124","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/jcs.43.3.124","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Miriam Toews resists the conventional narrative of the adolescent leaving the small town, proposing instead that the community deserts Nomi Nickel. Nomi, facing maternal absence and the loss of her mother tongue, attempts to use linguistic and material fragments to connect word and world. Suffering from multiple and inexplicable desertions, she rejects the community's intolerance but values its kindness. Her contradictory responses to Plautdietsch, which is both deserting her and being rejected by her, complicate and challenge the concrete words and signs of adolescent protest and rebellion. Binaries separating word and world, kindness and judgement, margin and centre are challenged and collapsed in the course of Nomi's narrative.</p>","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2009-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"29192364","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Eugene Forsey: Reluctant Intellectual Helen Forsey Eugene A. Forsey: An Intellectual Biography. By Frank Milligan. Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2004. 370 pp. $34.95 (cloth). ISBN 1-55238-118-8. "I am not an intellectual," my father would say with a twinkle, "and sometimes when I contemplate some of those so described, I am rather thankful that I don't feel I deserve the title" (Forsey 199Ob). Sadly, Frank Milligan's "intellectual biography" of Eugene Forsey is itself an example of the kind of work that gave rise to that comment. I am, of course, hardly an unbiased observer. As Eugene Forsey's daughter, I share his wariness, not of the intellect itself, but of the institutional forms it sometimes takes. Too often, those who wear the trappings of expert or academic authority provide a novel twist on an old allegory: the fine clothes are there, certainly, but there is no emperor inside. It gives me no satisfaction to have to pass such harsh judgment on a book written in good faith by someone my father referred to as a friend (Forsey 199Oa, vii). Between 1984 and 1987, in preparation for the PhD dissertation that became this book, Frank Milligan interviewed his eminent subject more than a dozen times (2004, 294), and even welcomed him as a guest at his home in Edmonton. In 1996, I too spent a pleasant afternoon with Dr. Milligan exchanging memories and anecdotes, and when he kindly loaned me a bound copy of his thesis, I looked forward eagerly to reading it. Unfortunately, I was disappointed. Although the author had obviously done a great deal of work, the resulting manuscript was rife with errors of fact, missed points, and misinterpretations, which sometimes, however unwittingly, misrepresented key positions my father held throughout his career. These failings of the thesis, reproduced in their entirety in the book, are central to any assessment of the work. Before going on to that assessment, let me touch on why an "intellectual biography" of Eugene Forsey would seem to promise something of an intellectual treat. From the beginning, the circumstances that shaped my father's life favoured the development of a keen critical mind, a sense of history, strong ethical convictions, and a deep concern for social justice. When his librarian-artist mother lost her husband to a heart attack six months after their son's birth in Newfoundland (not, as Milligan would have it, while she was still pregnant [2004, 2]), she returned to Canada and raised the baby in the home of her father, William Cochrane Bowles, who was chief clerk of votes and proceedings for the House of Commons in Ottawa. Like the Forsey home in Grand Bank, the Bowles household was highly literate, quite religious, and very political. With one grandfather the resident magistrate and port warden of a major Newfoundland outport and the other responsible for the daily business of Canada's Parliament, it is not surprising that an only child would absorb a fascination with public affairs. T
{"title":"Eugene Forsey: Reluctant IntellectualEugene A. Forsey: An Intellectual Biography. By Frank Milligan. Calgary:University of Calgary Press, 2004. 370 pp. $34.95 (cloth). ISBN 1-55238-118-8.","authors":"Helen Forsey","doi":"10.3138/JCS.41.1.218","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.41.1.218","url":null,"abstract":"Eugene Forsey: Reluctant Intellectual Helen Forsey Eugene A. Forsey: An Intellectual Biography. By Frank Milligan. Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2004. 370 pp. $34.95 (cloth). ISBN 1-55238-118-8. \"I am not an intellectual,\" my father would say with a twinkle, \"and sometimes when I contemplate some of those so described, I am rather thankful that I don't feel I deserve the title\" (Forsey 199Ob). Sadly, Frank Milligan's \"intellectual biography\" of Eugene Forsey is itself an example of the kind of work that gave rise to that comment. I am, of course, hardly an unbiased observer. As Eugene Forsey's daughter, I share his wariness, not of the intellect itself, but of the institutional forms it sometimes takes. Too often, those who wear the trappings of expert or academic authority provide a novel twist on an old allegory: the fine clothes are there, certainly, but there is no emperor inside. It gives me no satisfaction to have to pass such harsh judgment on a book written in good faith by someone my father referred to as a friend (Forsey 199Oa, vii). Between 1984 and 1987, in preparation for the PhD dissertation that became this book, Frank Milligan interviewed his eminent subject more than a dozen times (2004, 294), and even welcomed him as a guest at his home in Edmonton. In 1996, I too spent a pleasant afternoon with Dr. Milligan exchanging memories and anecdotes, and when he kindly loaned me a bound copy of his thesis, I looked forward eagerly to reading it. Unfortunately, I was disappointed. Although the author had obviously done a great deal of work, the resulting manuscript was rife with errors of fact, missed points, and misinterpretations, which sometimes, however unwittingly, misrepresented key positions my father held throughout his career. These failings of the thesis, reproduced in their entirety in the book, are central to any assessment of the work. Before going on to that assessment, let me touch on why an \"intellectual biography\" of Eugene Forsey would seem to promise something of an intellectual treat. From the beginning, the circumstances that shaped my father's life favoured the development of a keen critical mind, a sense of history, strong ethical convictions, and a deep concern for social justice. When his librarian-artist mother lost her husband to a heart attack six months after their son's birth in Newfoundland (not, as Milligan would have it, while she was still pregnant [2004, 2]), she returned to Canada and raised the baby in the home of her father, William Cochrane Bowles, who was chief clerk of votes and proceedings for the House of Commons in Ottawa. Like the Forsey home in Grand Bank, the Bowles household was highly literate, quite religious, and very political. With one grandfather the resident magistrate and port warden of a major Newfoundland outport and the other responsible for the daily business of Canada's Parliament, it is not surprising that an only child would absorb a fascination with public affairs. T","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2008-05-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This essay compares how subnational actors adapt their economies to globalization with policies to promote high technology industrial development. It examines this issue by comparing high technology policy in the Alpes-Maritimes (France) and in British Columbia (Canada). It argues that globalization has reduced the ability of the Canadian and French national states to direct industrial policy because of external constraints on budgetary and tariff policies, but that subnational authorities in both countries have increased their participation in economic development. Both regions have adopted high technology policies that respond to their specific political, economic, geographic and demographic constraints. The relative success or failure of their policies depends on institutional, economic and cultural variables. Cet article compare comment des acteurs subnationaux adaptent leurs economies a la globalisation avec des politiques visant A promouvoir le developpement industriel avec des technologies de pointe. Il examine cette question en comparant des politiques de technologie de pointe dans les Alpes-Maritimes (France) et en Colombie-Britannique (Canada). L'auteur avance que la globalisation a reduit la capacite des etats nationaux du Canada et de la France d'orienter les politiques industrielles en raison des restrictions extemes sur les politiques budge taires et tarifaires mais que les autorites subnationales dans les deux pays ont augments leur participation au developpement economique. Les deux regions ont adopte des politiques de technologie de pointe qui tiennent compte de leurs restrictions particuliees en matiere de politique, d'economie, de geographie et de demographie. Le succes ou l'echec relatif de ces politiques depend de variables institutionnelles, economiques et culturelles. Although economists may question the usefulness of public intervention in favour of industrialization, political authorities continue to intervene regularly in the economic affairs of firms and industries to alter national or regional comparative advantage. Industrial development is assumed to create externalities or public goods, such as high-skilled jobs, technological progress and spin-offs to other industries. The risks associated with technological investment, however, may be too high for the market to undertake, which is why governments often intervene to promote technological development (Howlett, Netherton and Ramesh 292). Howlett, Netherton and Ramesh argue that we should distinguish between industrial policy and industrial strategy (292). Industrial policy refers to different policy decisions that are designed to alter industrial activity in a country. Industrial strategy is a "collection of interrelated policies directed at industrial development" (Howlett, Netherton and Ramesh 292). Industrial strategy is a much more coherent approach because it enables all the policy actors to have a vision of the desired goals of the strategy. It often involves t
{"title":"High Technology Policy in the Alpes-Maritimes and in British Columbia: Two Cases of Adapting Regional Economies to Globalization","authors":"A. Hoven","doi":"10.3138/JCS.37.4.33","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.37.4.33","url":null,"abstract":"This essay compares how subnational actors adapt their economies to globalization with policies to promote high technology industrial development. It examines this issue by comparing high technology policy in the Alpes-Maritimes (France) and in British Columbia (Canada). It argues that globalization has reduced the ability of the Canadian and French national states to direct industrial policy because of external constraints on budgetary and tariff policies, but that subnational authorities in both countries have increased their participation in economic development. Both regions have adopted high technology policies that respond to their specific political, economic, geographic and demographic constraints. The relative success or failure of their policies depends on institutional, economic and cultural variables. Cet article compare comment des acteurs subnationaux adaptent leurs economies a la globalisation avec des politiques visant A promouvoir le developpement industriel avec des technologies de pointe. Il examine cette question en comparant des politiques de technologie de pointe dans les Alpes-Maritimes (France) et en Colombie-Britannique (Canada). L'auteur avance que la globalisation a reduit la capacite des etats nationaux du Canada et de la France d'orienter les politiques industrielles en raison des restrictions extemes sur les politiques budge taires et tarifaires mais que les autorites subnationales dans les deux pays ont augments leur participation au developpement economique. Les deux regions ont adopte des politiques de technologie de pointe qui tiennent compte de leurs restrictions particuliees en matiere de politique, d'economie, de geographie et de demographie. Le succes ou l'echec relatif de ces politiques depend de variables institutionnelles, economiques et culturelles. Although economists may question the usefulness of public intervention in favour of industrialization, political authorities continue to intervene regularly in the economic affairs of firms and industries to alter national or regional comparative advantage. Industrial development is assumed to create externalities or public goods, such as high-skilled jobs, technological progress and spin-offs to other industries. The risks associated with technological investment, however, may be too high for the market to undertake, which is why governments often intervene to promote technological development (Howlett, Netherton and Ramesh 292). Howlett, Netherton and Ramesh argue that we should distinguish between industrial policy and industrial strategy (292). Industrial policy refers to different policy decisions that are designed to alter industrial activity in a country. Industrial strategy is a \"collection of interrelated policies directed at industrial development\" (Howlett, Netherton and Ramesh 292). Industrial strategy is a much more coherent approach because it enables all the policy actors to have a vision of the desired goals of the strategy. It often involves t","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Introduction This issue of the Journal of Canadian Studies presents a variety of perspectives on how we define differences and distinctions: in places, nations and citizens. We begin with one of the most distinctive places in Canada - its ragged western edge. The prospect of oil and gas development amongst these unique fjords and islands inevitably arouses concerns: that it would endanger this environment, or that the pro-business government in British Columbia would fail to regulate it effectively. J.D. House argues, however, that this region is not so distinctive that it would not benefit from experience elsewhere. On the east coast, two provinces, Newfoundland and Labrador, and Nova Scotia, have lived for decades with offshore development. They have encountered major challenges adjusting to economic and social changes, while protecting the environment and the workers from harm - but they have also found ways to address these, balancing market forces, political priorities and the interests of local communities. British Columbia, according to House, now has an opportunity to learn from this experience, and to create the most progressive possible regime for offshore development. Regional economic development efforts often focus not on natural resources, but on attracting corporate investment. The challenge is in defining what, beyond oil or other tangible commodities, makes a region distinctive, and therefore attractive to corporations prepared, in an era of globalization, to invest anywhere. Adrian van den Hoven examines this challenge through a detailed comparison of economic development in the Alpes-Maritimes region of France and in British Columbia. In both places the hoped-for outcome was the formation of "clusters" of economic activity, particularly in high-technology industries. With this aim, governments emphasized regional advantages - transportation networks, educational facilities, lifestyle - in order to build the next Silicon Valley, or, at least, a more diversified local economy. Van den Hoven's account is especially interesting because of the contrast between the success of the Alpes-Maritimes region and the more modest record in British Columbia; however, his account goes beyond identifying success and failure by exploring the subtle factors that shape a region's distinctive economic identity: market forces, policies and the character of communities and the natural environment. Claire Campbell engages in her own exploration of regional identity, examining the cultural and historical meanings of Ontario's Georgian Bay. She traces how this region gained its distinctive identity, as defined by visitors who drew on ideas of Romantic nature - all sublime sunsets and virgin groves - and how this identity, infused with an appreciation for the place itself, was disseminated through art, literature and tales of cottage life, becoming an icon, rendered in rock and pine, of northern Ontario, and ultimately, of Canada. …
这一期的《加拿大研究杂志》就我们如何定义地方、国家和公民的差异和区别提出了各种各样的观点。我们从加拿大最具特色的地方之一开始——它崎岖不平的西部边缘。在这些独特的峡湾和岛屿上进行石油和天然气开发的前景不可避免地引起了人们的关注:它会危及环境，或者不列颠哥伦比亚省亲商业的政府无法有效地监管它。然而，J.D. House认为，这个地区并不是那么独特，不会从其他地区的经验中受益。在东海岸，纽芬兰和拉布拉多以及新斯科舍省这两个省几十年来一直从事海上开发。他们在适应经济和社会变化的同时，在保护环境和工人免受伤害方面遇到了重大挑战，但他们也找到了解决这些问题的方法，平衡了市场力量、政治优先事项和当地社区的利益。根据House的说法，不列颠哥伦比亚省现在有机会从这一经验中学习，并为海上开发创造最先进的制度。区域经济发展的重点往往不是自然资源，而是吸引企业投资。挑战在于，除了石油或其他有形商品之外，如何界定一个地区的独特之处，从而吸引准备在全球化时代到任何地方投资的企业。Adrian van den Hoven通过对法国阿尔卑斯-滨海地区和不列颠哥伦比亚省经济发展的详细比较，研究了这一挑战。在这两个地方，人们希望的结果是形成经济活动的“集群”，特别是在高科技行业。为此，各国政府强调区域优势——交通网络、教育设施、生活方式——以建立下一个硅谷，或者至少是一个更多元化的地方经济。范登霍文的叙述特别有趣，因为阿尔卑斯-滨海地区的成功与不列颠哥伦比亚省较为温和的记录之间的对比;然而，他的叙述超越了对成功和失败的界定，而是探索了塑造一个地区独特经济特征的微妙因素:市场力量、政策、社区特征和自然环境。克莱尔坎贝尔从事她自己的地区认同的探索，研究安大略省的格鲁吉亚湾的文化和历史意义。她追溯了这个地区是如何获得其独特的身份的，正如游客们所定义的那样，他们描绘了浪漫的自然——所有壮丽的日落和处女树林——以及这种身份是如何融入对这个地方本身的欣赏，通过艺术、文学和乡村生活的故事传播开来，成为安大略省北部，最终是加拿大的一个标志，呈现在岩石和松树上。…
{"title":"Different Places and Distinctive People","authors":"S. Bocking","doi":"10.3138/JCS.37.4.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.37.4.5","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction This issue of the Journal of Canadian Studies presents a variety of perspectives on how we define differences and distinctions: in places, nations and citizens. We begin with one of the most distinctive places in Canada - its ragged western edge. The prospect of oil and gas development amongst these unique fjords and islands inevitably arouses concerns: that it would endanger this environment, or that the pro-business government in British Columbia would fail to regulate it effectively. J.D. House argues, however, that this region is not so distinctive that it would not benefit from experience elsewhere. On the east coast, two provinces, Newfoundland and Labrador, and Nova Scotia, have lived for decades with offshore development. They have encountered major challenges adjusting to economic and social changes, while protecting the environment and the workers from harm - but they have also found ways to address these, balancing market forces, political priorities and the interests of local communities. British Columbia, according to House, now has an opportunity to learn from this experience, and to create the most progressive possible regime for offshore development. Regional economic development efforts often focus not on natural resources, but on attracting corporate investment. The challenge is in defining what, beyond oil or other tangible commodities, makes a region distinctive, and therefore attractive to corporations prepared, in an era of globalization, to invest anywhere. Adrian van den Hoven examines this challenge through a detailed comparison of economic development in the Alpes-Maritimes region of France and in British Columbia. In both places the hoped-for outcome was the formation of \"clusters\" of economic activity, particularly in high-technology industries. With this aim, governments emphasized regional advantages - transportation networks, educational facilities, lifestyle - in order to build the next Silicon Valley, or, at least, a more diversified local economy. Van den Hoven's account is especially interesting because of the contrast between the success of the Alpes-Maritimes region and the more modest record in British Columbia; however, his account goes beyond identifying success and failure by exploring the subtle factors that shape a region's distinctive economic identity: market forces, policies and the character of communities and the natural environment. Claire Campbell engages in her own exploration of regional identity, examining the cultural and historical meanings of Ontario's Georgian Bay. She traces how this region gained its distinctive identity, as defined by visitors who drew on ideas of Romantic nature - all sublime sunsets and virgin groves - and how this identity, infused with an appreciation for the place itself, was disseminated through art, literature and tales of cottage life, becoming an icon, rendered in rock and pine, of northern Ontario, and ultimately, of Canada. …","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The increasingly complex problems that advanced societies like ours face cannot be solved by outdated dichotomies between knowledges and interests. Instead a pluralist and pragmatist approach is needed, and two cases are explored: pollution from Canadian pulp and paper mills and hearings on siting nuclear reactors in seismically sensitive zones in the United States. Both suggest the need for pluralism - recognizing the diverse knowledges and interests involved. Integrating those knowledges and interests (pragmatism) helps determine a solution space from which to select specific solutions for the problem. The pluralist and pragmatist approaches are, finally, shown to be preferable to vague notions of muddling through and to two forms of dichotomies between knowledges and interests. Les problemes de plus en plus complexes que doivent affronter des civilisations de pointe comme la notre ne peuvent pas, on allegue, etre resolus avec des dichotomies desuetes entre les connaissances et les interets. Une demarche pluraliste et pragmatique est plutot recommandee et deux cas sont examines : la pollution provenant des usines de pates et papiers canadiennes et les audiences americaines sur le placement de reacteurs nucleaires dans des zones sensibles du point de vue seismique. Les deux cas suggerent un besoin de pluralisme en reconnaissant les divers interets et connaissances impliques. Le fait d'integrer ces connaissances et interets (pragmatisme) aide a identifier un cadre de solutions dans lequel on peut choisir des solutions precises au probleme. La demarche pluraliste et pragmatique est finalement identifiee comme preferable a de vagues notions de s'en sortir tant bien que mal et a deux formes de dichotomies entre les connaissances et les interets. How can there be this kind of advocacy when the subject is supposed to be a matter of scientific fact? Isn't there only one set of "facts," one reality? Aren't we scientists and engineers trained to perceive that reality? Or are there several realities out there, each differing, depending on our individual - or is it professional - background or motives, our personal or collective politics? Richard Meehan, The Atom and the Fault Meehan's comments embody a common worry, namely that one's interests may distort one's beliefs. Underlying that view is often another assumption, that gaining knowledge requires detachment from one's interest. In this essay, I contend that both views are mistaken. They needlessly polarize complex problems by reducing them to simplistic dichotomies. They transform solvable problems into irresolvable dilemmas. In contrast, a pluralist and pragmatic approach to complex social problems is far more promising. To explain this approach two complex problems are explored: pollution from Canadian pulp and paper mills and the building of new reactors in seismically sensitive zones of California. The hearings of the US Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) in the late 1970s on the building of such
{"title":"Pluralism, pragmatism and social problems","authors":"Vincent di Norcia","doi":"10.3138/JCS.37.3.239","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.37.3.239","url":null,"abstract":"The increasingly complex problems that advanced societies like ours face cannot be solved by outdated dichotomies between knowledges and interests. Instead a pluralist and pragmatist approach is needed, and two cases are explored: pollution from Canadian pulp and paper mills and hearings on siting nuclear reactors in seismically sensitive zones in the United States. Both suggest the need for pluralism - recognizing the diverse knowledges and interests involved. Integrating those knowledges and interests (pragmatism) helps determine a solution space from which to select specific solutions for the problem. The pluralist and pragmatist approaches are, finally, shown to be preferable to vague notions of muddling through and to two forms of dichotomies between knowledges and interests. Les problemes de plus en plus complexes que doivent affronter des civilisations de pointe comme la notre ne peuvent pas, on allegue, etre resolus avec des dichotomies desuetes entre les connaissances et les interets. Une demarche pluraliste et pragmatique est plutot recommandee et deux cas sont examines : la pollution provenant des usines de pates et papiers canadiennes et les audiences americaines sur le placement de reacteurs nucleaires dans des zones sensibles du point de vue seismique. Les deux cas suggerent un besoin de pluralisme en reconnaissant les divers interets et connaissances impliques. Le fait d'integrer ces connaissances et interets (pragmatisme) aide a identifier un cadre de solutions dans lequel on peut choisir des solutions precises au probleme. La demarche pluraliste et pragmatique est finalement identifiee comme preferable a de vagues notions de s'en sortir tant bien que mal et a deux formes de dichotomies entre les connaissances et les interets. How can there be this kind of advocacy when the subject is supposed to be a matter of scientific fact? Isn't there only one set of \"facts,\" one reality? Aren't we scientists and engineers trained to perceive that reality? Or are there several realities out there, each differing, depending on our individual - or is it professional - background or motives, our personal or collective politics? Richard Meehan, The Atom and the Fault Meehan's comments embody a common worry, namely that one's interests may distort one's beliefs. Underlying that view is often another assumption, that gaining knowledge requires detachment from one's interest. In this essay, I contend that both views are mistaken. They needlessly polarize complex problems by reducing them to simplistic dichotomies. They transform solvable problems into irresolvable dilemmas. In contrast, a pluralist and pragmatic approach to complex social problems is far more promising. To explain this approach two complex problems are explored: pollution from Canadian pulp and paper mills and the building of new reactors in seismically sensitive zones of California. The hearings of the US Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) in the late 1970s on the building of such","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2002-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364405","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Annual Index Annuel: Volume 36 - 2001 2002","authors":"","doi":"10.3138/jcs.37.1.245","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/jcs.37.1.245","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2002-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Canadian Studies News and Notes","authors":"","doi":"10.3138/jcs.36.4.202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/jcs.36.4.202","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2002-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this text, the author explores the difficulties of integrating diversity into the pan-Canadian women's movement. She outlines how hard it was for Canadian feminists to understand the "differend" (unassimilable difference) between themselves and nationalist Quebecoises. Gradually English-Canadian feminists learned that their claim to represent Canadian women was illegitimate because feminist Quebecoises intended to represent themselves. She concludes that it has become normal for the Quebec and English-Canadian movements to disagree on issues, although this disagreement does not preclude ad hoc coalitions. Moreover, women's movements in Canada and Quebec are now jealous of their autonomy and are fragmented, precluding the emergence of a political perspective based on "unity-in-difference." Dans cet article, Micheline de Seve explore la difficulty d'integrer la diversity dans le mouvement des femmes pan-canadien. Elle souligne combien les feministes "Canadian" ont eu de mal A comprendre le "differend" (ecart infranchissable) les separant des Quebecoises nationalistes. Comprendre la situation, un processus graduel, impliquait que les feministes canadiennes-anglaises abandonnent la pretention de representer legitimement les femmes du Canada des lors que les feministes quebecoises entendaient se representer elles-memes. Elle conclut qu'il est devenu "normal" pour les feministes au Quebec et au Canada de diverger d'orientation, ce qui n'empeche nullement les coalitions ad hoc. Cependant, la fragmentation des groupes de femmes, maintenant jaloux de leur autonomie, au Canada comme au Quebec, interdit l'emergence d'une perspective politique basee sur "l'unite-dans-la-difference." Feminism and nationalism are clearly opposed if one thinks of them as forms of overvalorisation of ethnicity that justify appropriation of women's reproductive genetic abilities in the service of a specific community's physical survival or growth. Women's options as free individuals can be accommodated only if we forego an essentialist approach to a nation's identity and adopt a constructionist concept of a nation as a living, cultural entity, able to integrate new elements that come from outside. Given essentialist nationalism's history, this conversion to modernity is needed to emancipate women from conscription to motherhood. Feminism and nationalism therefore can become compatible if and only if a modern concept of nation-building is adopted. The nation must be open to immigration, thereby giving the physical components of a community fluidity. Such a national community would be grounded in allegiance to common values and shared cultural visions. Feminists are women who collectively and consciously organised to better their situation and to gain equality with men. As citizens, feminists may identify with a cultural and political space whose communication and cultural devices they master. Their specific cultural location enhances and multiplies their personal abilities. Dra
{"title":"Women's national and gendered identity : The case of Canada","authors":"M. Sève","doi":"10.3138/JCS.35.2.61","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.35.2.61","url":null,"abstract":"In this text, the author explores the difficulties of integrating diversity into the pan-Canadian women's movement. She outlines how hard it was for Canadian feminists to understand the \"differend\" (unassimilable difference) between themselves and nationalist Quebecoises. Gradually English-Canadian feminists learned that their claim to represent Canadian women was illegitimate because feminist Quebecoises intended to represent themselves. She concludes that it has become normal for the Quebec and English-Canadian movements to disagree on issues, although this disagreement does not preclude ad hoc coalitions. Moreover, women's movements in Canada and Quebec are now jealous of their autonomy and are fragmented, precluding the emergence of a political perspective based on \"unity-in-difference.\" Dans cet article, Micheline de Seve explore la difficulty d'integrer la diversity dans le mouvement des femmes pan-canadien. Elle souligne combien les feministes \"Canadian\" ont eu de mal A comprendre le \"differend\" (ecart infranchissable) les separant des Quebecoises nationalistes. Comprendre la situation, un processus graduel, impliquait que les feministes canadiennes-anglaises abandonnent la pretention de representer legitimement les femmes du Canada des lors que les feministes quebecoises entendaient se representer elles-memes. Elle conclut qu'il est devenu \"normal\" pour les feministes au Quebec et au Canada de diverger d'orientation, ce qui n'empeche nullement les coalitions ad hoc. Cependant, la fragmentation des groupes de femmes, maintenant jaloux de leur autonomie, au Canada comme au Quebec, interdit l'emergence d'une perspective politique basee sur \"l'unite-dans-la-difference.\" Feminism and nationalism are clearly opposed if one thinks of them as forms of overvalorisation of ethnicity that justify appropriation of women's reproductive genetic abilities in the service of a specific community's physical survival or growth. Women's options as free individuals can be accommodated only if we forego an essentialist approach to a nation's identity and adopt a constructionist concept of a nation as a living, cultural entity, able to integrate new elements that come from outside. Given essentialist nationalism's history, this conversion to modernity is needed to emancipate women from conscription to motherhood. Feminism and nationalism therefore can become compatible if and only if a modern concept of nation-building is adopted. The nation must be open to immigration, thereby giving the physical components of a community fluidity. Such a national community would be grounded in allegiance to common values and shared cultural visions. Feminists are women who collectively and consciously organised to better their situation and to gain equality with men. As citizens, feminists may identify with a cultural and political space whose communication and cultural devices they master. Their specific cultural location enhances and multiplies their personal abilities. Dra","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2000-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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