J. Harrington, Felicitas Kleber, Ulrich Reubold, Jessica Siddins
Abstract The study tests a model of sound change based on how prosodic weakening affects shortening in polysyllabic words. Twenty-nine L1-German speakers produced minimal pairs differing in vowel tensity in both monosyllables /zakt, zaːkt/ and disyllables /zaktə, zaːktə/. The target words were produced in accented and deaccented contexts. The duration ratio between the vowel and the following /kt/ cluster was less for lax than tense vowels and less for disyllables than monosyllables. Under deaccentuation, there was an approximation of tense and lax vowels towards each other but no influence due to the mono- vs. disyllabic difference. On the other hand, Gaussian /a/ vs. /aː/ classifications of these data showed a lesser influence due to the syllable count in deaccented words. Compatibly, when the same speakers as listeners classified synthetic sackt-sagt and sackte-sagte continua, they were shown to compensate for the syllable count differences, but to a lesser extent in a deaccented context. Deaccentuation may therefore provide the conditions for sound change to take place by which /aː/ shortens in polysyllabic words; it may do so because the association between coarticulation and the source that gives rise to it is hidden to a greater extent than in accented contexts.
摘要本研究基于多音节词中韵律弱化对缩短的影响，验证了一个语音变化模型。29名说德语的人在单音节/zakt, za / kt/和双音节/zakt /， za / kt/中都产生了元音强度不同的最小对。目标单词在重音和非重音上下文中产生。弱元音和紧接的/kt/音簇之间的持续时间比弱元音短，双音节比单音节短。在去重音的情况下，紧张元音和松弛元音彼此接近，但由于单音节和双音节的差异，没有影响。另一方面，这些数据的高斯/a/ vs. /a/分类显示，由于去重音单词中的音节数，这些数据的影响较小。同样，当同样的说话者作为听者对合成的sack -sagt和sack -sagte continua进行分类时，他们被证明可以弥补音节数的差异，但在重读的上下文中，这种差异的程度要小一些。因此，去重音可能为多音节单词中的/a / /缩短发音变化提供了条件;这可能是因为协同发音和产生它的来源之间的联系比在重音上下文中隐藏得更大。
{"title":"The relationship between prosodic weakening and sound change: evidence from the German tense/lax vowel contrast","authors":"J. Harrington, Felicitas Kleber, Ulrich Reubold, Jessica Siddins","doi":"10.1515/lp-2015-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lp-2015-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The study tests a model of sound change based on how prosodic weakening affects shortening in polysyllabic words. Twenty-nine L1-German speakers produced minimal pairs differing in vowel tensity in both monosyllables /zakt, zaːkt/ and disyllables /zaktə, zaːktə/. The target words were produced in accented and deaccented contexts. The duration ratio between the vowel and the following /kt/ cluster was less for lax than tense vowels and less for disyllables than monosyllables. Under deaccentuation, there was an approximation of tense and lax vowels towards each other but no influence due to the mono- vs. disyllabic difference. On the other hand, Gaussian /a/ vs. /aː/ classifications of these data showed a lesser influence due to the syllable count in deaccented words. Compatibly, when the same speakers as listeners classified synthetic sackt-sagt and sackte-sagte continua, they were shown to compensate for the syllable count differences, but to a lesser extent in a deaccented context. Deaccentuation may therefore provide the conditions for sound change to take place by which /aː/ shortens in polysyllabic words; it may do so because the association between coarticulation and the source that gives rise to it is hidden to a greater extent than in accented contexts.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":"104 1","pages":"117 - 87"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2015-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/lp-2015-0002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67024936","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This study tests how prosodic boundary strength (i.e., categorical differences between Accentual Phrase, AP, and intermediate phrase, ip, boundaries) per se affects the syntactic parsing of spoken utterances in French. Two forced-choice perception experiments demonstrated that French listeners use prosodic boundary strength (either AP or ip boundaries) at the end of noun phrases (e.g., La nana du sauna ‘The girl who manages the sauna’) to choose whether NPs are likely to be followed by a prepositional phrase (e.g., d’Héléna ‘of Héléna’) or instead by a verb phrase (e.g., déconseille ‘advises against’). Experiment 1 employed fragments extracted from natural speech stimuli, while Experiment 2 made use of resynthesized speech, in which fundamental frequency and durational cues to AP and ip boundaries were independently manipulated. In Experiment 1, results show that listeners prefer PP completions following AP boundaries and VP completions after ip boundaries. Experiment 2 shows that preboundary duration cues consistent with the presence of an AP boundary successfully guide listeners to prefer PP completions, while both fundamental frequency and duration cues consistent with an ip boundary are necessary to induce VP completions. We hence argue that prosodic boundary strength at the right edge of an utterance fragment influences syntactic parsing decisions in French.
摘要本研究考察了韵律边界强度(即重音短语、AP和中间短语、ip、边界之间的范畴差异)本身对法语口语句法分析的影响。两个强迫选择感知实验表明，法语听众在名词短语的末尾使用韵律边界强度(AP或ip边界)(例如，La nana du sauna“管理桑拿的女孩”)来选择NPs是否可能后面跟着介词短语(例如，d ' hsamlsamna ' of hsamlsamna ')，还是后面跟着动词短语(例如，dsameconille“建议反对”)。实验1使用从自然语音刺激中提取的片段，而实验2使用重新合成的语音，其中对AP和ip边界的基频和持续时间线索进行了独立操作。在实验1中，结果显示听者更喜欢AP边界后的PP补全，ip边界后的VP补全。实验2表明，与AP边界一致的边界前持续时间线索成功地引导听者倾向于PP完成，而与ip边界一致的基频和持续时间线索对于诱导VP完成是必要的。因此，我们认为法语话语片段右边缘的韵律边界强度影响句法分析决策。
{"title":"Prosodic boundary strength guides syntactic parsing of French utterances","authors":"Amandine Michelas, Mariapaola D’Imperio","doi":"10.1515/lp-2015-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lp-2015-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study tests how prosodic boundary strength (i.e., categorical differences between Accentual Phrase, AP, and intermediate phrase, ip, boundaries) per se affects the syntactic parsing of spoken utterances in French. Two forced-choice perception experiments demonstrated that French listeners use prosodic boundary strength (either AP or ip boundaries) at the end of noun phrases (e.g., La nana du sauna ‘The girl who manages the sauna’) to choose whether NPs are likely to be followed by a prepositional phrase (e.g., d’Héléna ‘of Héléna’) or instead by a verb phrase (e.g., déconseille ‘advises against’). Experiment 1 employed fragments extracted from natural speech stimuli, while Experiment 2 made use of resynthesized speech, in which fundamental frequency and durational cues to AP and ip boundaries were independently manipulated. In Experiment 1, results show that listeners prefer PP completions following AP boundaries and VP completions after ip boundaries. Experiment 2 shows that preboundary duration cues consistent with the presence of an AP boundary successfully guide listeners to prefer PP completions, while both fundamental frequency and duration cues consistent with an ip boundary are necessary to induce VP completions. We hence argue that prosodic boundary strength at the right edge of an utterance fragment influences syntactic parsing decisions in French.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":"6 1","pages":"119 - 146"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2015-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/lp-2015-0003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67024938","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract A reading experiment was designed to examine the effects of word boundaries and metrical structure on the temporal alignment of the accentual peak and the end of the fall in nuclear rising-falling accents. Participants were speakers of a number of closely related dialects and languages from the coastal area of the Netherlands and North-West Germany, covering Zeelandic Dutch, Hollandic Dutch, West Frisian, Dutch Low Saxon, German Low Saxon, and Northern High German. Our findings suggest that in no variety is the timing of the nuclear peak or the end of the fall systematically affected by the location of the final word boundary or that of the following stress. In most cases, the accentual peak was found to be stably aligned with the beginning of the nuclear accented syllable, while the end of the fall occurred at a fairly constant distance from the preceding F0 peak. These findings do not support a representation of the nuclear fall by a sequence of a high accentual tone and a ‘phrase accent’ that is secondarily associated to a postnuclear stress. In addition, we found substantial cross-linguistic variation in the overall timing of the beginning and end of the fall. One component in this variation is a geographically gradient shift in the alignment of the pitch gesture.
{"title":"The timing of nuclear falls: Evidence from Dutch, West Frisian, Dutch Low Saxon, German Low Saxon, and High German","authors":"J. Peters, Judith Hanssen, C. Gussenhoven","doi":"10.1515/lp-2015-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lp-2015-0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A reading experiment was designed to examine the effects of word boundaries and metrical structure on the temporal alignment of the accentual peak and the end of the fall in nuclear rising-falling accents. Participants were speakers of a number of closely related dialects and languages from the coastal area of the Netherlands and North-West Germany, covering Zeelandic Dutch, Hollandic Dutch, West Frisian, Dutch Low Saxon, German Low Saxon, and Northern High German. Our findings suggest that in no variety is the timing of the nuclear peak or the end of the fall systematically affected by the location of the final word boundary or that of the following stress. In most cases, the accentual peak was found to be stably aligned with the beginning of the nuclear accented syllable, while the end of the fall occurred at a fairly constant distance from the preceding F0 peak. These findings do not support a representation of the nuclear fall by a sequence of a high accentual tone and a ‘phrase accent’ that is secondarily associated to a postnuclear stress. In addition, we found substantial cross-linguistic variation in the overall timing of the beginning and end of the fall. One component in this variation is a geographically gradient shift in the alignment of the pitch gesture.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":"6 1","pages":"1 - 52"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2015-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/lp-2015-0004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67024987","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In this study we analyzed temporal alignment between F0 turning points and acoustic landmarks in rising (L+¡H*) and falling (H+L*) nuclear pitch accents in Peninsular Spanish wh-questions. In the research design we devised two experimental factors based on nuclear syllable configuration: syllable structure (open vs. closed) and stress position (penultimate vs. ultimate). Regarding leading tone alignment, the L point of L+¡H* displayed close synchrony with the start of the nuclear syllable, whereas the H point of H+L* was more variable within the pretonic syllable. These findings provide only partial (i.e., accent-specific) confirmation for the syllable onset anchoring hypothesis. Regarding starred tone alignment, both accents showed the same result: syllable structure did not affect alignment in words with penultimate stress. Although these findings support the principle of segmental anchoring in nuclear position, we propose that anchoring landmarks for tonal targets may constitute entire segments themselves. All in all, this work contributes to the study of intonational phonology by documenting that patterns of temporal alignment are specific to individual pitch accent specifications.
{"title":"Syllable structure and word stress effects in Peninsular Spanish nuclear accents","authors":"Nicholas Henriksen","doi":"10.1515/lp-2015-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lp-2015-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this study we analyzed temporal alignment between F0 turning points and acoustic landmarks in rising (L+¡H*) and falling (H+L*) nuclear pitch accents in Peninsular Spanish wh-questions. In the research design we devised two experimental factors based on nuclear syllable configuration: syllable structure (open vs. closed) and stress position (penultimate vs. ultimate). Regarding leading tone alignment, the L point of L+¡H* displayed close synchrony with the start of the nuclear syllable, whereas the H point of H+L* was more variable within the pretonic syllable. These findings provide only partial (i.e., accent-specific) confirmation for the syllable onset anchoring hypothesis. Regarding starred tone alignment, both accents showed the same result: syllable structure did not affect alignment in words with penultimate stress. Although these findings support the principle of segmental anchoring in nuclear position, we propose that anchoring landmarks for tonal targets may constitute entire segments themselves. All in all, this work contributes to the study of intonational phonology by documenting that patterns of temporal alignment are specific to individual pitch accent specifications.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":"6 1","pages":"53 - 86"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2015-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/lp-2015-0001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67024934","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In this study, we investigated segment lengthening in spontaneous Japanese based on a quantitative analysis of a large-scale corpus, focusing on the following three locations at which lengthening frequently occurs: the final segments of (i) clause-initial preface tokens (fillers and conjunctions), (ii) clause-initial wa-marked topic phrases, and (iii) clause-final particles. Two cognitive factors, namely clause complexity and boundary depth, were precisely analyzed using statistical models that also accounted for several phonological and syntactic factors. The results showed that in addition to the reliably strong effects of some phonological factors such as the presence of a following pause and the presence of boundary pitch movement, the effects of two cognitive factors were also evident. The way in which lengthening is related to the cognitive factors, however, varies significantly by location and token type. Lengthening of clause-final particles was affected by boundary depth, while lengthening of the topic marker wa of clause-initial topic phrases was influenced by clause complexity. Lengthening of the filler e was affected by both factors. A significant interaction between the two factors was also observed for the filler ano. We discuss the implications of these results as well as agendas for improving the current analysis.
{"title":"Some phonological, syntactic, and cognitive factors behind phrase-final lengthening in spontaneous Japanese: A corpus-based study","authors":"Yasuharu Den","doi":"10.1515/lp-2015-0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lp-2015-0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this study, we investigated segment lengthening in spontaneous Japanese based on a quantitative analysis of a large-scale corpus, focusing on the following three locations at which lengthening frequently occurs: the final segments of (i) clause-initial preface tokens (fillers and conjunctions), (ii) clause-initial wa-marked topic phrases, and (iii) clause-final particles. Two cognitive factors, namely clause complexity and boundary depth, were precisely analyzed using statistical models that also accounted for several phonological and syntactic factors. The results showed that in addition to the reliably strong effects of some phonological factors such as the presence of a following pause and the presence of boundary pitch movement, the effects of two cognitive factors were also evident. The way in which lengthening is related to the cognitive factors, however, varies significantly by location and token type. Lengthening of clause-final particles was affected by boundary depth, while lengthening of the topic marker wa of clause-initial topic phrases was influenced by clause complexity. Lengthening of the filler e was affected by both factors. A significant interaction between the two factors was also observed for the filler ano. We discuss the implications of these results as well as agendas for improving the current analysis.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":"6 1","pages":"337 - 379"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/lp-2015-0011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67025003","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
J. Stuart-Smith, Morgan Sonderegger, Tamara Rathcke, R. Macdonald
Abstract While voice onset time (VOT) is known to be sensitive to a range of phonetic and linguistic factors, much less is known about VOT in spontaneous speech, since most studies consider stops in single words, in sentences, and/or in read speech. Scottish English is typically said to show less aspirated voiceless stops than other varieties of English, but there is also variation, ranging from unaspirated stops in vernacular speakers to more aspirated stops in Scottish Standard English; change in the vernacular has also been suggested. This paper presents results from a study which used a fast, semi-automated procedure for analyzing positive VOT, and applied it to stressed syllable-initial stops from a real- and apparent-time corpus of naturally-occurring spontaneous Glaswegian vernacular speech. We confirm significant effects on VOT for place of articulation and local speaking rate, and trends for vowel height and lexical frequency. With respect to time, our results are not consistent with previous work reporting generally shorter VOT in elderly speakers, since our results from models which control for local speech rate show lengthening over real-time in the elderly speakers in our sample. Overall, our findings suggest that VOT in both voiceless and voiced stops is lengthening over the course of the twentieth century in this variety of Scottish English. They also support observations from other studies, both from Scotland and beyond, indicating that gradient shifts along the VOT continuum reflect subtle sociolinguistic control.
{"title":"The private life of stops: VOT in a real-time corpus of spontaneous Glaswegian","authors":"J. Stuart-Smith, Morgan Sonderegger, Tamara Rathcke, R. Macdonald","doi":"10.1515/lp-2015-0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lp-2015-0015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract While voice onset time (VOT) is known to be sensitive to a range of phonetic and linguistic factors, much less is known about VOT in spontaneous speech, since most studies consider stops in single words, in sentences, and/or in read speech. Scottish English is typically said to show less aspirated voiceless stops than other varieties of English, but there is also variation, ranging from unaspirated stops in vernacular speakers to more aspirated stops in Scottish Standard English; change in the vernacular has also been suggested. This paper presents results from a study which used a fast, semi-automated procedure for analyzing positive VOT, and applied it to stressed syllable-initial stops from a real- and apparent-time corpus of naturally-occurring spontaneous Glaswegian vernacular speech. We confirm significant effects on VOT for place of articulation and local speaking rate, and trends for vowel height and lexical frequency. With respect to time, our results are not consistent with previous work reporting generally shorter VOT in elderly speakers, since our results from models which control for local speech rate show lengthening over real-time in the elderly speakers in our sample. Overall, our findings suggest that VOT in both voiceless and voiced stops is lengthening over the course of the twentieth century in this variety of Scottish English. They also support observations from other studies, both from Scotland and beyond, indicating that gradient shifts along the VOT continuum reflect subtle sociolinguistic control.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":"6 1","pages":"505 - 549"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/lp-2015-0015","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67025052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The duration and occasional deletion rate of consonants differ from one language to another. What causes a language to preserve and lengthen some consonants but shorten and delete others? I show that the typology of consonant duration and occasional deletion in American English is affected by consonants’ informativity – their average local predictability. Informativity can explain why usually-predictable segments such as American English /t/ are likely to be reduced even when they are locally unpredictable, but usually-predictable segments are preserved even when they are redundant. I use four corpus studies to demonstrate that higher informativity leads to longer duration and reduced likelihood to delete even when other important factors such as the phonetic features, frequency, and local predictability of consonants are controlled for. The role of informativity in the duration and deletion rates of consonants can bridge the gap between phonetic performance and the actuation of phonological processes.
{"title":"Informativity affects consonant duration and deletion rates","authors":"Uriel Cohen Priva","doi":"10.1515/lp-2015-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lp-2015-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The duration and occasional deletion rate of consonants differ from one language to another. What causes a language to preserve and lengthen some consonants but shorten and delete others? I show that the typology of consonant duration and occasional deletion in American English is affected by consonants’ informativity – their average local predictability. Informativity can explain why usually-predictable segments such as American English /t/ are likely to be reduced even when they are locally unpredictable, but usually-predictable segments are preserved even when they are redundant. I use four corpus studies to demonstrate that higher informativity leads to longer duration and reduced likelihood to delete even when other important factors such as the phonetic features, frequency, and local predictability of consonants are controlled for. The role of informativity in the duration and deletion rates of consonants can bridge the gap between phonetic performance and the actuation of phonological processes.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":"6 1","pages":"243 - 278"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/lp-2015-0008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67024995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Words produced to infants exhibit phonetic modifications relative to speech to adult interlocutors, such as longer, more canonical segments and prosodic enhancement. Meanwhile, within speech directed towards adults, phonetic variation is conditioned by word properties: lower word frequency and higher phonological neighborhood density (ND) correlate with increased hyperarticulation and degree of coarticulation. Both of these types of findings have interpretations that recruit listener-directed motivations, suggesting that talkers modify their speech in an effort to enhance the perceptibility of the speech signal. In that vein, the present study examines lexically-conditioned variation in infant-directed speech. Specifically, we predict that the adult-reported age at which a word was learned – lexical age-of-acquisition (AoA) – conditions phonetic variation in infant-directed speech. This prediction is indeed borne out in spontaneous infant-directed speech: later-acquired words are produced with more hyperarticulated vowels and a greater degree of nasal coarticulation. Meanwhile, ND predicts phonetic variation in data from spontaneous adult-directed speech, while AoA does not independently influence production. The patterns of findings in the current study support the stance that evaluation of the need for clarity is tuned to the listener. Lexical difficulty is evaluated by AoA in infant-directed speech, while ND is most relevant in adult-directed speech.
{"title":"Lexically conditioned phonetic variation in motherese: age-of-acquisition and other word-specific factors in infant- and adult-directed speech","authors":"Georgia Zellou, Rebecca Scarborough","doi":"10.1515/lp-2015-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lp-2015-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Words produced to infants exhibit phonetic modifications relative to speech to adult interlocutors, such as longer, more canonical segments and prosodic enhancement. Meanwhile, within speech directed towards adults, phonetic variation is conditioned by word properties: lower word frequency and higher phonological neighborhood density (ND) correlate with increased hyperarticulation and degree of coarticulation. Both of these types of findings have interpretations that recruit listener-directed motivations, suggesting that talkers modify their speech in an effort to enhance the perceptibility of the speech signal. In that vein, the present study examines lexically-conditioned variation in infant-directed speech. Specifically, we predict that the adult-reported age at which a word was learned – lexical age-of-acquisition (AoA) – conditions phonetic variation in infant-directed speech. This prediction is indeed borne out in spontaneous infant-directed speech: later-acquired words are produced with more hyperarticulated vowels and a greater degree of nasal coarticulation. Meanwhile, ND predicts phonetic variation in data from spontaneous adult-directed speech, while AoA does not independently influence production. The patterns of findings in the current study support the stance that evaluation of the need for clarity is tuned to the listener. Lexical difficulty is evaluated by AoA in infant-directed speech, while ND is most relevant in adult-directed speech.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":"6 1","pages":"305 - 336"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/lp-2015-0010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67025001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This special issue is a collection of selected papers from the 14th Conference on Laboratory Phonology, which was held at NINJAL (National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics) in Tachikawa, Tokyo, on July 25–27, 2014. The conference was sponsored by NINJAL with cooperation from four academic societies related to language and speech in Japan: the Acoustical Society of Japan, the Linguistic Society of Japan, the Phonetic Society of Japan, and the Phonological Society of Japan. The general theme of the conference was “Laboratory phonology beyond the laboratory: Quantitative analyses of speech produced outside the phonetics laboratory”. The papers selected for this special issue were drawn from the conference thematic session on corpus-based approaches, and present corpus studies of spontaneous speech, endangered languages, and L1 phonology/prosody. Seven articles were selected and reviewed for inclusion in the present volume. Mazuka et al. and Zellou and Scarborough analyzed corpora of infant-directed speech. Mazuka et al.’s analysis is based on a corpus of Japanese mothers’ spontaneous speech directed to their infant children and on a comparison with adult-directed speech and read speech. They use the corpus to demonstrate that a phonologically-informed analysis of infant-directed speech can reveal specific ways in which segmental and supra-segmental aspects of phonology are modulated dynamically to accommodate the specific communicative needs of speakers and hearers. Zellou and Scarborough, on the other hand, compare two corpora of English utterances, infant-directed in one and adult-directed in the other, and explore the extent to which age-of-acquisition and neighborhood density predict phonetic variability in the two sets of data. The papers by Den and Hasegawa-Johnson et al. deal with issues of statistical modeling. Using a large-scale corpus of spontaneous Japanese, i.e., the
本特刊是2014年7月25日至27日在东京立川国立日本语言与语言学研究所举行的第14届实验室音韵学会议的论文选集。本次会议由日本声学学会、日本语言学会、日本音标学会和日本音韵学会这四个与语言和语音相关的学会合作主办。会议的总主题是“实验室之外的实验室音韵学:语音学实验室之外产生的语音的定量分析”。本特刊所选的论文来自于基于语料库方法的会议专题会议，并介绍了自发语音、濒危语言和第一语言音韵的语料库研究。选出并审查了七篇文章，列入本卷。Mazuka et al.和Zellou and Scarborough分析了婴儿指向语的语料库。Mazuka等人的分析是基于日本母亲对其婴儿的自发言语语料库，并与成人指导言语和阅读言语进行比较。他们使用语料库来证明，对婴儿指向性言语的音韵学分析可以揭示音韵学的片段和超片段方面被动态调节以适应说话者和听者特定交际需求的具体方式。另一方面，Zellou和Scarborough比较了两个英语语料库，一个是婴儿指向的语料库，另一个是成人指向的语料库，并探讨了习得年龄和邻里密度在多大程度上预测了两组数据中的语音变化。Den和Hasegawa-Johnson等人的论文涉及统计建模问题。使用大规模的自发日语语料库，即
{"title":"Corpus-based approaches to the phonological analysis of speech","authors":"Haruo Kubozono, K. Maekawa, T. Vance","doi":"10.1515/lp-2015-1000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lp-2015-1000","url":null,"abstract":"This special issue is a collection of selected papers from the 14th Conference on Laboratory Phonology, which was held at NINJAL (National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics) in Tachikawa, Tokyo, on July 25–27, 2014. The conference was sponsored by NINJAL with cooperation from four academic societies related to language and speech in Japan: the Acoustical Society of Japan, the Linguistic Society of Japan, the Phonetic Society of Japan, and the Phonological Society of Japan. The general theme of the conference was “Laboratory phonology beyond the laboratory: Quantitative analyses of speech produced outside the phonetics laboratory”. The papers selected for this special issue were drawn from the conference thematic session on corpus-based approaches, and present corpus studies of spontaneous speech, endangered languages, and L1 phonology/prosody. Seven articles were selected and reviewed for inclusion in the present volume. Mazuka et al. and Zellou and Scarborough analyzed corpora of infant-directed speech. Mazuka et al.’s analysis is based on a corpus of Japanese mothers’ spontaneous speech directed to their infant children and on a comparison with adult-directed speech and read speech. They use the corpus to demonstrate that a phonologically-informed analysis of infant-directed speech can reveal specific ways in which segmental and supra-segmental aspects of phonology are modulated dynamically to accommodate the specific communicative needs of speakers and hearers. Zellou and Scarborough, on the other hand, compare two corpora of English utterances, infant-directed in one and adult-directed in the other, and explore the extent to which age-of-acquisition and neighborhood density predict phonetic variability in the two sets of data. The papers by Den and Hasegawa-Johnson et al. deal with issues of statistical modeling. Using a large-scale corpus of spontaneous Japanese, i.e., the","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":"6 1","pages":"279 - 280"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/lp-2015-1000","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67025054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Determining the factors involved in the non-native perception of the pitch patterns of tones is complicated by the fact that all languages use pitch to various extents, whether linguistic (e.g., intonation) or non-linguistic (e.g., singing). Moreover, many languages use pitch to distinguish lexical items with varying degrees of functional load and differences in inventory of such pitch patterns. The current study attempts to understand what factors determine accurate naïve (= non-learner) perception of non-native tones, in order to establish the baseline for acquisition of a tonal L2. We examine the perception of Thai tones (i.e., three level tones, two contour tones) by speakers of languages on a spectrum of lexically contrastive pitch usage: Mandarin (lexical tone), Japanese (lexical pitch accent), English (lexical stress), and Korean (no lexically contrastive pitch). Results suggest that the importance of lexically contrastive pitch in the L1 influences non-native tone perception so that not all non-tonal language speakers possess the same level of tonal sensitivity, resulting in a hierarchy of perceptual accuracy. Referencing the Feature Hypothesis (McAllister et al. 2002), we propose the Functional Pitch Hypothesis to model our findings: the degree to which linguistic pitch differentiates lexical items in the L1 shapes the naïve perception of a non-native lexically contrastive pitch system, e.g., tones.
所有语言，无论是语言(如语调)还是非语言(如歌唱)，都在不同程度上使用音高，这使得确定非母语音调模式感知所涉及的因素变得复杂。此外，许多语言使用音高来区分具有不同程度功能负荷和音高模式清单差异的词汇项。目前的研究试图了解哪些因素决定了对非母语音调的准确naïve(=非学习者)感知，以便为语调的第二语言习得建立基线。我们研究了泰语音调(即三个水平音调，两个轮廓音调)在词汇对比音高使用谱上的感知:普通话(词汇音调)，日语(词汇音高重音)，英语(词汇重音)和韩语(没有词汇对比音高)。结果表明，在母语中，词汇对比音高的重要性影响着非本族语的声调感知，因此并非所有的非本族语使用者都具有相同的声调敏感水平，从而导致感知准确性的等级。参考特征假说(McAllister et al. 2002)，我们提出了功能音高假说来模拟我们的发现:语言音高区分L1词汇项目的程度决定了naïve对非母语词汇对比音高系统(例如音调)的感知。
{"title":"Lexical function of pitch in the first language shapes cross-linguistic perception of Thai tones","authors":"Vance Schaefer, Isabelle Darcy","doi":"10.1515/lp-2014-0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lp-2014-0016","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Determining the factors involved in the non-native perception of the pitch patterns of tones is complicated by the fact that all languages use pitch to various extents, whether linguistic (e.g., intonation) or non-linguistic (e.g., singing). Moreover, many languages use pitch to distinguish lexical items with varying degrees of functional load and differences in inventory of such pitch patterns. The current study attempts to understand what factors determine accurate naïve (= non-learner) perception of non-native tones, in order to establish the baseline for acquisition of a tonal L2. We examine the perception of Thai tones (i.e., three level tones, two contour tones) by speakers of languages on a spectrum of lexically contrastive pitch usage: Mandarin (lexical tone), Japanese (lexical pitch accent), English (lexical stress), and Korean (no lexically contrastive pitch). Results suggest that the importance of lexically contrastive pitch in the L1 influences non-native tone perception so that not all non-tonal language speakers possess the same level of tonal sensitivity, resulting in a hierarchy of perceptual accuracy. Referencing the Feature Hypothesis (McAllister et al. 2002), we propose the Functional Pitch Hypothesis to model our findings: the degree to which linguistic pitch differentiates lexical items in the L1 shapes the naïve perception of a non-native lexically contrastive pitch system, e.g., tones.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":"5 1","pages":"489 - 522"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2014-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/lp-2014-0016","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67024932","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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