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Lemnos, Cimon, and the Hephaisteion Lemnos、Cimon和Hephaisteion
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2021.40.1.151
J. Mcinerney
This paper presents the case for reading the Hephaisteion as a temple planned and begun by the Philaid family early in the fifth century. It was originally designed to give a house to Hephaestus in Athens after the successful campaign of Miltiades brought the island of Lemnos, traditionally the home of Hephaestus, under Athenian control. Work on the temple was interrupted by the death of Miltiades but resumed in the wake of Cimon’s successful northern ventures. The strong association of Miltiades and Cimon with the strategic islands of the northern Aegean suggests that the correct interpretation of the Hephaisteion’s east frieze is the expulsion of the Pelasgians from Athens. Their punishment is interpreted here as a mythological analogue for the annexation of the Pelasgians’ island, Lemnos. Evidence from the island demonstrates that the Athenian cleruchs on Lemnos were eager to distinguish themselves from the Lemnians. The Pelasgian episode enabled them to demonstrate this, and to emphasize their Athenian identity.
本文介绍了将Hephaisteion解读为一座由菲莱家族在五世纪初规划并开始建造的寺庙的案例。它最初的设计目的是在米尔蒂亚德斯战役成功后,在雅典为赫菲斯托斯建造一座房子,勒姆诺斯岛是赫菲斯托s的传统家园,处于雅典人的控制之下。米尔蒂亚德斯之死中断了这座寺庙的建设,但在西蒙成功的北方冒险之后,这座寺庙又恢复了。Miltiades和Cimon与爱琴海北部战略岛屿的紧密联系表明,对Hephaisteion东雕带的正确解释是将Pelasgian人驱逐出雅典。在这里,他们的惩罚被解释为对佩拉斯人的岛屿莱姆诺斯的吞并的神话模拟。来自该岛的证据表明,莱姆诺斯岛上的雅典神职人员渴望将自己与莱姆尼亚人区分开来。Pelasgian事件使他们能够证明这一点,并强调他们的雅典身份。
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引用次数: 1
Seneca the Elder, the Controuersia Figurata, and the Political Discourse of the Early Empire 老塞内加,《雕像争议》与早期帝国的政治话语
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2021.40.1.118
Matthew Leigh
This paper studies examples of how exponents of Roman declamation could insert into arguments on the trivial, even fantastic, cases known as controuersiae statements of striking relevance to the political culture of the triumviral and early imperial period. This is particularly apparent in the Controuersiae of Seneca the Elder but some traces remain in the Minor Declamations attributed to Quintilian. The boundaries separating Rome itself from the declamatory city referred to by modern scholars as Sophistopolis are significantly blurred even in those instances where the exercise does not turn on a specific event from Roman history, and there is much to be gained from how the declaimers deploy Roman historical examples. Some of the most sophisticated instances of mediated political comment exploit the employment of universalizing sententiae, which have considerable bite when they are related to contemporary Roman discourse and experience. The declamation schools are a forum for thinking through the implications of the transformation of the Roman state and deserve a place within any history of Roman political thought.
本文研究了罗马宣言的倡导者如何将琐碎的,甚至是奇妙的,被称为争议性陈述的案例插入到与三头统治和早期帝国时期政治文化显著相关的争论中。这在老塞内加的《论战》中特别明显,但在昆提利安的《小宣言》中仍有一些痕迹。罗马本身与被现代学者称为诡辩城的城市之间的界限明显模糊,即使在没有涉及罗马历史特定事件的情况下也是如此,而且从申辩者如何运用罗马历史实例中可以获得很多东西。一些最复杂的调解政治评论的例子利用了普遍化句子的使用,当它们与当代罗马话语和经验相关时,它们具有相当大的影响力。宣言学派是思考罗马国家转型含义的论坛,在任何罗马政治思想史中都应该占有一席之地。
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引用次数: 0
Crafting Curses in Classical Athens 在古典雅典制作诅咒
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2021.40.1.76
Jessica L. Lamont
This article presents a remarkable cache of five Attic curse tablets, four of which are published here for the first time. Excavated in situ in a pyre-grave outside the Athenian Long Walls, the texts employ very similar versions of a single binding curse. After situating the cache in its archaeological context, all texts are edited with a full epigraphic commentary. A discussion then follows, in which the most striking features of the texts are highlighted: in addition to the peculiar “first four-year period” (πρώτη πενθετηρίς) that the curses were meant to outlast, and the unparalleled term κυνωτόν, these texts are unusual in that they preserve over a full line of dactylic hexameter. The metrical formulae, combined with the presence of deictic language, may suggest that parts of the archetype curse underpinning these texts once circulated orally, in performative ritual contexts. The cache affords a singular glimpse into the process of curse-creation around 400 BCE, especially the ways in which a curse-writer could customize a fixed template spell to suit a client’s needs and circumstances. These tablets illuminate the shadowy process behind the creation of Athenian curse tablets, and the growing traffic in “magic” by the end of the fifth century BCE.
这篇文章展示了5个阿提卡诅咒碑,其中4个是第一次在这里发表。在雅典长墙外的一个火葬冢中出土的文本,使用了非常相似的单一绑定诅咒版本。在其考古背景下定位缓存后,所有文本都带有完整的铭文注释。然后进行讨论,其中突出了文本的最显著特征:除了特殊的“第一个四年期”(πρώτη πενθετηρ ς),诅咒意味着要持续下去,以及无与伦比的术语κ ν νωτόν,这些文本是不寻常的,因为它们保留了整行短格六步诗。格律公式与指示语的存在相结合,可能表明支撑这些文本的部分原型诅咒曾经在表演仪式背景下口头流传。该缓存提供了对公元前400年左右的诅咒创建过程的独特一瞥,特别是诅咒作者可以定制固定模板咒语以适应客户需求和环境的方式。这些石碑揭示了雅典诅咒石碑背后的神秘过程,以及公元前五世纪末“魔法”的日益增长。
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引用次数: 1
Touched by the Past 被过去感动
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2021.40.1.1
Richard Ellis
Recent work on trauma, especially in the field of Holocaust studies, has tackled the question of how the “generation after” relates, and relates to, the trauma of its immediate ancestors as it navigates between the poles of remembrance and appropriation. Other studies have shifted focus towards the effects of trauma upon narration, in part through critiquing the prevailing psycho-analytic model of trauma as an unrepresentable event that evades/forecloses language. Aeschylus’ Suppliants, with its chorus of fifty female Danaids who react to their traumatic present by recourse to tales of the traumatic past of their ancestor Io and her son Epaphos (“Touch”), offers a productive stage for testing the applicability of these theoretical frames to the genre of ancient Greek tragedy. The Danaids’ turn to the past explores the agency of an ancestral trauma that reaches into their present, and in doing so highlights the unsteady inheritance of trauma both for those who relate and for those who witness these acts of testimony. The act of supplication itself is defined in part by physical contact between the suppliant and the supplicandus, yet this ritual emphasis on touch is amplified by the play’s consistent focus upon a series of real and hypothesized touches, from the traumatic to the salvific. Through this engagement with the haptic context of trauma and traumatic recall, Aeschylus’ play proposes an enlarged aetiology of touch—across cognitive, affective, and physical registers—for the ritual of supplication itself.
最近关于创伤的工作,特别是在大屠杀研究领域,解决了“后一代”在纪念和挪用两极之间穿行时如何与直系祖先的创伤联系在一起的问题。其他研究已经将重点转移到创伤对叙事的影响上,部分是通过批评主流的创伤心理分析模型,认为它是一个逃避/阻止语言的不可代表的事件。埃斯库罗斯的《Suppliants》由50名女性达乃狄人合唱,她们通过讲述祖先伊欧和她的儿子埃帕索斯(“Touch”)的创伤过去来应对自己的创伤,为测试这些理论框架对古希腊悲剧类型的适用性提供了一个富有成效的舞台。达奈兹人对过去的转向探索了祖先创伤进入他们现在的机制,并在这样做的过程中突出了创伤的不稳定继承,无论是对那些与之相关的人还是对那些见证这些证词的人来说。恳求行为本身在一定程度上是由恳求者和恳求者之间的身体接触来定义的,然而,这种对触摸的仪式性强调被该剧一贯关注的一系列真实和假设的触摸所放大,从创伤到救赎。通过这种对创伤和创伤回忆的触觉语境的参与,埃斯库罗斯的戏剧为祈祷仪式本身提出了一个扩大的触摸病因——跨越认知、情感和身体记录。
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引用次数: 0
Minor Characters in Homer’s Iliad 荷马《伊利亚特》中的次要人物
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-22 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2020.39.2.284
J. L. Ready
This article focuses on those Iliadic characters who fall in battle to the poem’s major heroes. Homer has various ways to make these characters minor, such as through processes of obscuring or typification or by focusing on a specific body part. By making a character minor, the poet signals that we need not attend to him. After he makes a character minor, the poet can suggest that in the process of being made minor a character paradoxically ends up diverting attention from another character, or he can portray minorness as marked by an inability to divert attention from another. The poet can present in one episode these two different visions of minorness and can make one character depict another as minor by using the tactics deployed by the narrator. This study accentuates the narratological complexities that arise in the poet’s depiction of minor characters. That complexity shapes our understanding of the Iliad’s concern with the distribution of narrative attention among all its characters.
这篇文章的重点是那些在战斗中败给诗歌中的主要英雄的伊利亚文字。荷马有各种方法使这些人物变得次要,比如通过模糊或典型化的过程,或者通过关注特定的身体部位。诗人通过使一个人物变得次要,表明我们不必关心他。在他将一个角色变为次要角色后,诗人可以提出,在变为次要的过程中,一个角色矛盾地最终转移了另一个角色的注意力,或者他可以将次要角色描绘为无法转移另一个人物的注意力。诗人可以在一集中呈现这两种不同的小人物形象,并可以通过叙述者的策略使一个角色将另一个角色描绘成小人物。这项研究强调了在诗人对次要人物的描绘中出现的叙事学复杂性。这种复杂性塑造了我们对《伊利亚特》关注的理解,即叙事注意力在所有人物中的分布。
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引用次数: 0
Vérités et Mensonges 真相与谎言
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-22 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2020.39.2.188
Erik Gunderson
This is a survey of some of the problems surrounding imperial panegyric. It includes discussions of both the theory and practice of imperial praise. The evidence is derived from readings of Cicero, Quintilian, Pliny, the Panegyrici Latini, Menander Rhetor, and Julian the Apostate. Of particular interest is insincere speech that would be appreciated as insincere. What sort of hermeneutic process is best suited to texts that are politically consequential and yet relatively disconnected from any obligation to offer a faithful representation of concrete reality? We first look at epideictic as a genre. The next topic is imperial praise and its situation “beyond belief” as well as the self-positioning of a political subject who delivers such praise. This leads to a meditation on the exculpatory fictions that these speakers might tell themselves about their act. A cynical philosophy of Caesarism, its arbitrariness, and its constructedness abets these fictions. Julian the Apostate receives the most attention: he wrote about Caesars, he delivered extant panegyrics, and he is also the man addressed by still another panegyric. And in the end we find ourselves to be in a position to appreciate the way that power feeds off of insincerity and grows stronger in its presence.
这是一个关于帝国panegyric的一些问题的调查。它包括对帝国礼赞理论和实践的讨论。证据来源于对西塞罗、昆蒂利安、普林尼、帕内格里奇·拉蒂尼、梅南德·瑞德和使徒朱利安的解读。特别令人感兴趣的是不真诚的演讲,人们会认为它不真诚。什么样的解释学过程最适合那些具有政治意义但与提供具体现实的忠实代表的义务相对脱节的文本?我们首先将外延视为一种类型。下一个话题是帝国赞美及其“难以置信”的状况,以及发表这种赞美的政治主体的自我定位。这导致人们对这些演讲者可能会告诉自己的行为的开脱罪责的虚构进行思考。凯撒主义的愤世嫉俗的哲学、它的任意性和它的建构性助长了这些小说。使徒朱利安最受关注:他写了关于凯撒的文章,发表了现存的赞美诗,他也是另一位赞美诗作者所称呼的人。最终,我们发现自己能够欣赏权力来源于虚伪,并在其存在下变得更加强大的方式。
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引用次数: 0
Opening Spaces 开放空间
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-22 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2020.39.2.330
Naomi A. Weiss
This paper explores the construction of dramatic space in the prologues of classical Greek drama. Drawing from theater scholarship on the phenomenology of space, I show how tragedians and comedians alike experimented with how to shape their audience’s understanding of a play’s setting. I focus on opening scenes in plays by Sophocles and Aristophanes where a character sees with and for the audience, and demonstrate how these moments of staged spectatorship are not necessarily straightforward or seamless; they can facilitate the viewing of dramatic space but also, by laying it bare, reveal its complications. Sometimes there are multiple representational possibilities for physical space within and around the theater; sometimes physical and fictional space are to be seen simultaneously; sometimes the representational gap between physical and fictional space is kept open for a surprisingly long time. Such exposure of the process of theatrical representation, I argue, can draw the audience in as a co-participant in a drama’s production.
本文探讨了希腊古典戏剧序言中戏剧空间的建构。从空间现象学的戏剧学术中,我展示了悲剧演员和喜剧演员是如何实验如何塑造观众对戏剧背景的理解的。我专注于索福克勒斯和阿里斯托芬戏剧中的开场场景,在这些场景中,一个角色与观众一起并为观众观看,并展示了这些舞台观众的时刻不一定是直接或无缝的;它们可以方便观看戏剧性的空间,但也可以通过裸露来揭示其复杂性。有时,剧院内部和周围的物理空间有多种代表性的可能性;有时物理空间和虚构空间是同时出现的;有时,物理空间和虚构空间之间的代表性差距会持续很长一段时间。我认为,这种戏剧表现过程的曝光可以吸引观众作为戏剧制作的共同参与者。
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引用次数: 2
Aretaeus and the Ekphrasis of Agony 阿雷泰厄斯和痛苦的措辞
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-22 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2020.39.2.153
Maud W. Gleason
As an imperial Greek author of both cultural and stylistic interest, Aretaeus deserves to be more widely read. His most riveting disease descriptions bring before our eyes the spectacle of the human body in extreme states of suffering and dehumanization. These descriptions achieve a degree of visual immediacy and emotional impact unparalleled among ancient medical writers. This essay considers them as examples of ekphrastic rhetoric, designed to create enargeia. To intensify immediacy and impact, Aretaeus deploys a set of techniques that invite the reader’s active engagement with the spectacle he describes. This engagement has the potential to generate a corporeal response that destabilizes the boundary between the body of the reader and the body in the text. The modern concept of “empathy” is perhaps too anodyne to convey the complexity of the response involved.
作为一位具有文化和文体双重兴趣的希腊帝国作家,阿雷塔乌斯值得更广泛地阅读。他对疾病最引人入胜的描述使我们看到了人体处于极度痛苦和非人化状态的景象。这些描述达到了某种程度的视觉即时性和情感影响,这在古代医学作家中是无与伦比的。这篇文章将它们视为ekphrastic修辞的例子,旨在创造enargeia。为了增强即时性和影响力,阿雷塔乌斯运用了一套技巧,邀请读者积极参与他所描述的奇观。这种参与有可能产生一种物质反应,破坏读者身体和文本中身体之间的边界。“同理心”的现代概念可能过于温和,无法传达所涉及的反应的复杂性。
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引用次数: 0
Augustus, Tiberius, and the End of the Roman Triumph 奥古斯都、提比略与罗马胜利的终结
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/ca.2020.39.1.1
H. Flower
The triumph was the most prestigious accolade a politician and general could receive in republican Rome. After a brief review of the role played by the triumph in republican political culture, this article analyzes the severe limits Augustus placed on triumphal parades after 19 BC, which then became very rare celebrations. It is argued that Augustus aimed at and almost succeeded in eliminating traditional triumphal celebrations completely during his lifetime, by using a combination of refusing them for himself and his relatives and of rewarding his legates who fought under his auspices with ornamenta triumphalia and an honorific statue in the Forum of Augustus. Subsequently, the elimination of the triumph would have been one natural result of the limit placed on further imperial expansion recommended by Augustus in his will, a policy his successors chose not to follow. Tiberius, however, was unwilling to conform to this new order and retired from public life to Rhodes the year after celebrating a triumph in 7 BC, the first such celebration since 19 BC. Tiberius' two triumphs and the senate's repeated offers of further triumphs to Augustus himself represented a different vision of the role triumphal celebration should take in a restored res publica and an ongoing challenge to the princeps.
在共和时期的罗马,这场胜利是政治家和将军所能获得的最高荣誉。在简要回顾了胜利在共和政治文化中所扮演的角色之后,本文分析了奥古斯都在公元前19年之后对凯旋游行的严格限制,这后来成为非常罕见的庆祝活动。有人认为,奥古斯都试图在他的一生中完全消除传统的凯旋庆祝活动,并且几乎成功了,他拒绝为自己和他的亲属举行凯旋庆祝活动,并在奥古斯都广场上用凯旋装饰和尊敬的雕像奖励他的使臣。随后,奥古斯都在他的遗嘱中建议限制进一步的帝国扩张,而他的继任者选择不遵循这一政策,这将是消除胜利的一个自然结果。然而,提比略不愿意遵从这个新秩序,在公元前7年庆祝胜利后的第二年,他退出了公共生活,来到了罗德岛,这是自公元前19年以来的第一次这样的庆祝活动。提比略的两次胜利和元老院一再向奥古斯都本人提出的进一步胜利代表了一种不同的角色,即胜利庆典应该在一个恢复的公共国家中扮演的角色,以及对元首的持续挑战。
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引用次数: 4
Relationality, Fidelity, and the Event in Sappho 关系、忠诚与萨福的事件
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/ca.2020.39.1.29
A. Matlock
This article considers the conceptual significance of relationality in Sappho. It argues that Sappho’s poetry reconstitutes systems of relation by making evident exceptions to their explanatory capacity. These exceptions can be profitably understood through the rubric of the “event.” Drawing in particular on the relational function of prepositions and Alain Badiou’s philosophical work on the event, the article examines how “thinking prepositionally” alongside Sappho reveals both the relations that make up the situational world of her poetry as well as those evental moments of non-relation through which that world is impossibly transformed. The article concludes with considerations of Sapphic fidelity—that is, how Sappho’s poetry realizes the transformative potential of the event—and the poet’s articulation of the event through figures of preeminence and comparison.
本文探讨了《萨福》中关系性的概念意义。它认为萨福的诗歌通过对其解释能力的明显例外来重建关系体系。这些例外可以通过“事件”的标题来理解。特别是根据介词的关系功能和阿兰·巴迪乌关于事件的哲学著作,这篇文章探讨了与萨福一起的“介词思维”如何揭示构成她诗歌情境世界的关系,以及那些非关系的事件时刻,通过这些时刻,这个世界不可能被改变。文章最后考虑了萨斐的忠实性,即萨斐的诗歌如何实现这一事件的变革潜力,以及诗人通过卓越和比较的形象对这一事件进行的阐述。
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引用次数: 2
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CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY
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