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Bonnie Honig’s A Feminist Theory of Refusal with Kehinde Wiley’s After John Raphael Smith’s “A Bacchante (after Sir Joshua Reynolds)” Bonnie Honig的女权主义拒绝理论与Kehinde Wiley的《继John Raphael Smith之后的酒神曲》(继Joshua Reynolds爵士之后)
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1525/ca.2022.41.2.25
H. Morales
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引用次数: 0
Honig’s Bacchae / Euripides’ Theory of Refusal 霍尼格的Bacchae/Euripides的拒绝理论
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1525/ca.2022.41.2.1
C. Conybeare
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引用次数: 0
Embracing Thetis in Euripides’ Andromache 在欧里庇得斯的《安德罗马赫》中拥抱忒提斯
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/ca.2022.41.1.67
Sarah Olsen
At a crucial moment in Euripides’ Andromache, the title character throws her hands (περὶ χεῖρε βαλοῦσα, 115) around a statue of the goddess Thetis and laments the losses that have brought her to a point of desperation and despair. When Thetis appears at the end of the play, she answers Andromache’s pleas and grants her a renewed life of marriage and motherhood. Yet in her embrace of the statue, Andromache momentarily embodies an alternative impulse: a longing to merge with the stony form of the goddess and to cease from the patterns of nuptial mobility and sexual reproduction that have defined her life thus far. In this article, I argue that we should understand this embrace as “queer”—as a moment of intimate contact between mortal woman and immortal goddess that deeply unsettles the models of sexual and reproductive order that dominate Greek art and literature. While the play ends by redirecting Andromache toward the propagation of the Trojan line, the queer potential of that crucial embrace is taken up by Thetis herself, who re-scripts her own marriage to Peleus in a way that both inverts gendered patterns of movement and rejects the valorization of female fertility. Euripides’ Andromache thus concludes with the restoration of mortal sexual and reproductive order, yet through Andromache’s encounter with Thetis, it also gestures to the queer and startling freedom of a barren future.
在欧里庇得斯的《安德罗马赫》中的一个关键时刻,主人公举起了她的手(περὶ χεῖρεβαλῦσα,115),并哀叹那些让她陷入绝望和绝望的损失。当Thetis出现在剧中的结尾时,她回应了Andromache的请求,并让她重新过上了婚姻和母亲的生活。然而,在她对雕像的拥抱中,安德罗马赫瞬间体现了另一种冲动:渴望与女神的石头形状融合,并停止迄今为止定义她的生活的婚姻流动和性繁殖模式。在这篇文章中,我认为我们应该把这种拥抱理解为“酷儿”——一种凡人女性和不朽女神之间的亲密接触时刻,它深深地扰乱了主导希腊艺术和文学的性秩序和生殖秩序模式。虽然这部剧的结尾是将安德罗马赫转向特洛伊木马的传播,但这一关键拥抱的奇怪潜力被特提斯本人所占据,她重新描述了自己与佩利厄斯的婚姻,既颠覆了性别化的运动模式,又拒绝了女性生育能力的价值化。因此,欧里庇得斯的《安德罗马赫》以恢复致命的性和生殖秩序为结尾,但通过安德罗马赫与特提斯的相遇,它也预示着贫瘠未来的怪异和惊人的自由。
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引用次数: 0
Speaking Wit to Power 用智慧说话
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/ca.2022.41.1.129
Johannes Wietzke
Archimedes’ Sand-Reckoner presents a system for naming extraordinarily large numbers, larger than the number of grains of sand that would fill the cosmos. Curiously, Archimedes addresses the treatise not to another specialist but to King Gelon II of Syracuse. While the treatise has thus been seen as evidence for the dynamics of patronage, difficulties in both Archimedes’ treatment of Gelon and his discussion of astronomical models make it fit incongruously within contemporary court and scientific contexts. This article offers a new reading of the Sand-Reckoner based on a reconsideration of the relationship between author and addressee: deferring assumptions about the historicity of that relationship, it analyzes Gelon’s role in the treatise with respect to both the stylistic features of Archimedes’ prose and a broader tradition of narratives about a variety of cultural actors who engage with kings, speaking not so much truth as wit to power. Such a reading resolves the social and scientific difficulties of the treatise, and develops the literary-experimental qualities of Hellenistic science. In turn, the article proposes a revised approach, sensitive to broader patterns of authorship, to understanding ancient scientific authors’ relationship to royal authority. It concludes, finally, that the royal patronage seemingly exemplified by the Sand-Reckoner had greater significance as a cultural trope than as a social institution.
阿基米德的沙子计算器提出了一个命名非常大的数字的系统,这个数字比填充宇宙的沙子颗粒的数量还要大。奇怪的是,阿基米德并没有把这篇论文交给另一位专家,而是交给了锡拉丘兹国王盖隆二世。尽管这篇论文因此被视为赞助动力学的证据,但阿基米德对盖隆的处理和他对天文模型的讨论都存在困难,这使得它与当代宫廷和科学背景不协调。本文在重新考虑作者和收件人之间关系的基础上,对《沙计》进行了新的解读:推迟了对这种关系的历史性的假设,它从阿基米德散文的风格特征和更广泛的叙事传统两个方面分析了盖隆在这篇论文中的作用,这些叙事传统讲述了各种与国王打交道的文化行动者,与其说是真理,不如说是智慧与权力。这样的阅读解决了论文的社会和科学困难,并发展了希腊化科学的文学实验品质。反过来,这篇文章提出了一种修正的方法,对更广泛的作者模式敏感,以理解古代科学作者与王室权威的关系。最后,它得出结论,似乎以《沙清算者》为例的王室赞助作为一种文化比喻比作为一种社会制度具有更大的意义。
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引用次数: 0
Homer and Ancient Narrative Time 荷马与古代叙事时间
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/ca.2022.41.1.1
A. Kahane
This paper considers the nature of time and temporality in Homer. It argues that any exploration of narrative and time must, as its central tenet, take into account the irreducible plurality and interconnectedness of memory, the event, and experienced time. Drawing on notions of complexity, emergence, and stochastic behavior in science as well as phenomenological traditions in the discussion and analysis of time, temporality, and change, and offering extensive readings of Homer, of Homeric epithets and formulae, and of key passages in the Iliad and Odyssey, the paper argues against chronological notions of linear (“numbered”) time and progression and in favor of a complex, dynamic temporal “geometries” of Homeric temporality. The paper concludes by briefly extending the argument to the wider domain of ancient time in general. Homer is a fundamental point of reference in the ancient world. Thus, Homeric temporality—irreducibly complex—affects the cognition and perception of time throughout the whole of antiquity.
本文考察了荷马的时间性和时间性。它认为,任何对叙事和时间的探索都必须以考虑记忆、事件和经历时间的不可减少的多元性和相互联系为中心原则。借鉴科学中的复杂性、涌现性和随机行为的概念,以及对时间、时间性和变化的讨论和分析中的现象学传统,并广泛阅读荷马、荷马的形容词和公式,以及《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》中的关键段落,本文反对线性(“编号”)时间和进展的时间概念,支持荷马时间性的复杂、动态的时间“几何”。最后,本文简要地将这一论点扩展到更广泛的古代领域。荷马是古代世界的一个基本参照点。因此,荷马时代性——不可还原的复杂性——影响着整个古代对时间的认知和感知。
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引用次数: 0
(Mis)counting Catastrophe in Aeschylus’ Persae 埃斯库罗斯笔下的灾难计数
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/ca.2022.41.1.91
Ben Radcliffe
This article considers how mourning is configured as a site of political and aesthetic conflict in Aeschylus’ Persae. Aeschylus represents the Persian defeat at Salamis as a catastrophe that unsettles the Persians’ habitual modes of visualizing and quantifying the empire’s population as an ordered whole. Drawing on the work of Jacques Rancière and Alain Badiou, I show how characters in Persae construct novel representations of the war dead as social collectivities that do not fit into the hierarchical structures of dynastic rule. I focus on two passages that stage this work in granular detail: the Messenger’s list of dead commanders recited soon after he reports the defeat (302–330) and a second list of the dead sung by the Chorus in dialogue with Xerxes (955–1001). Each passage advances a polemical recount of the dead, at once reevaluating the scale of the disaster and reframing how individuals and collectivities destroyed in the war should be mourned and memorialized. The Messenger and Chorus thereby contest the efforts of the royal family to count the losses at Salamis according to the circumscribed terms of imperial administration. By tracing how the memorialization of the dead galvanizes conflicting efforts to count (or miscount) the community as a whole, Persae raises larger questions about the political affordances of aesthetic form.
本文探讨了在埃斯库罗斯的《佩尔塞》中,哀悼是如何被配置为一个政治和美学冲突的场所的。埃斯库罗斯将波斯在萨拉米斯的战败描述为一场灾难,这场灾难扰乱了波斯人将帝国人口作为一个有序整体进行可视化和量化的习惯模式。根据雅克·兰齐埃和阿兰·巴迪乌的作品,我展示了佩尔塞笔下的人物是如何将战争亡灵塑造成不符合王朝统治等级结构的社会集体的。我专注于两段详细介绍这部作品的段落:信使在报告失败后不久背诵的死亡指挥官名单(302–330),以及合唱团在与薛西斯的对话中演唱的第二份死亡名单(955–1001)。每一段都对死者进行了激烈的叙述,同时重新评估了灾难的规模,并重新定义了在战争中被摧毁的个人和集体应该如何哀悼和纪念。信使和合唱团因此对王室根据帝国管理的限制条款计算萨拉米斯损失的努力提出质疑。通过追踪对死者的纪念如何激发对整个社区进行计数(或错误计数)的相互冲突的努力,佩尔塞提出了关于美学形式的政治可供性的更大问题。
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引用次数: 0
Pardon the Interruption 原谅打扰
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/ca.2022.41.1.51
P. Miller
The Timaeus is a muthos that attempts to imagine a logos of the cosmos. Like the demiurge, readers are to be mimetic artists, poets (Tim. 28c3), who move constantly between the intelligible essences and their likenesses in the world of appearance, experience, and becoming, occupying a third register that is neither and both (28a6–b2). The cosmology of the Timaeus is both a likely story and an allegory of its own failure. It takes place within the nonspace of the khōra, a realm accessible only through bastard reasoning that we can perceive only as if in a dream. The Timaeus is an unfinalizable logos in which each moment of positing is also a moment of irony and interrogation, of simultaneous acceptance and active separation, of choric space.
《蒂迈奥》是一部试图想象宇宙逻各斯的格言。就像造物主一样,读者是模仿的艺术家,诗人(提摩太书28c3),他们在表象、经验和形成的世界中不断地在可理解的本质和他们的相似性之间移动,占据着既非也非的第三域(28a6-b2)。《蒂迈奥》的宇宙论既是一个可能的故事,也是它自身失败的寓言。它发生在khōra的非空间中,一个只有通过私生子推理才能进入的领域,我们只能像在梦中一样感知。《蒂迈奥》是一个无法完成的逻各斯其中每一个设定的时刻都是讽刺和质问的时刻,同时是接受和主动分离的时刻,是合唱空间的时刻。
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引用次数: 0
Textual Jealousies in Chariton’s Callirhoe 查里顿书法中的文本嫉妒
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/ca.2022.41.1.180
D. F. Elmer
Chariton’s novel, Chaereas and Callirhoe, is intensely interested not only in the emotional experience of the protagonists but also in the emotional effect the narrative has on readers. Among the many emotions depicted within the text, one stands out for its architectonic function: jealousy. Jealousy articulates the plot and propels it forward. Jealousy is also represented as a fundamentally “readerly” emotion: scenes of reading focus on the potential of written texts (letters) to stir jealous emotions. Similarly, scenes of embedded narration focus on the jealous reactions of narratees. The plot achieves closure when Chaereas learns to manage his jealousy as narratee and narrator. His experience, however, has implications also for Chariton and his readers. The text’s representation of jealousy as a narrative and textual force speaks both to the experience of writing in a culture that prizes the imitation of prestigious models and to the experience of reading a text that self-consciously hybridizes those models.
Chariton的小说《Chaereas and Callirhoe》不仅对主人公的情感体验感兴趣,而且对叙事对读者的情感影响感兴趣。在文本中描绘的许多情感中,有一种以其建筑功能而突出:嫉妒。嫉妒表达了情节并推动它向前发展。嫉妒也表现为一种基本的“阅读”情绪:阅读场景关注书面文本(信件)激发嫉妒情绪的潜力。类似地,嵌入叙事的场景集中在叙述者的嫉妒反应上。当Chaereas作为叙述者和叙述者学会控制自己的嫉妒时,情节就结束了。然而,他的经历对查里顿和他的读者也有影响。文本将嫉妒表现为一种叙事和文本力量,这既反映了在一种重视模仿著名模特的文化中写作的体验,也反映了阅读自觉地将这些模特混合在一起的文本的体验。
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引用次数: 0
Roman Climate Awareness in Pliny the Elder’s Natural History 老普林尼自然史中的罗马气候意识
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1525/ca.2021.40.2.249
Jane Millar
This article examines the past and potential contributions of Pliny the Elder’s Natural History (NH) on the subject of Roman perceptions and experiences of environmental change. It asks in particular how classicists, archaeologists, and environmental historians can responsibly use the NH as a source on ancient climate. First, it briefly reviews relevant topics in the paleoclimatology of the Roman world, a rapidly advancing discipline enabling the identification of ancient climate changes with increasing precision and confidence (I). The article then turns to the reliability of Pliny as an authority on ancient climate by examining his accuracy, objectivity, and use of source material in literary and historical context, including his rhetorical goals, which have gone understudied until quite recently (II). A close reading of passages on environmental and climate change follows, highlighting areas in which Pliny’s observations are at odds with his source material. The examples discussed demonstrate the importance of phenology (III) and meteorology (IV) in Pliny’s encyclopedic account of the natural world, one characterized by anthropocentrism, pragmatism, and an emphasis on local knowledge. The evidence for ancient climate change is plentiful but not conclusive on the details and timing, and further studies will continue to refine local records. Rather than presenting a synthetic reconstruction based on Pliny’s observations, I argue that his encyclopedia offers an untapped resource on ancient climate and weather, not only by providing evidence of climate change, but also by recommending increased attention to seasonality, agricultural communities, and the lived experience of agricultural labor in order to better understand the effects of climate change on ancient populations.
本文考察了老普林尼的《自然史》(NH)在罗马人对环境变化的看法和经历方面的过去和潜在贡献。它特别询问古典主义者、考古学家和环境历史学家如何负责任地利用NH作为古代气候的来源。首先,它简要回顾了罗马世界古气候学的相关主题,这是一门快速发展的学科,能够越来越精确和自信地识别古代气候变化(I)。然后,文章通过考察普林尼在文学和历史背景下对原始材料的准确性、客观性和使用,包括他的修辞目标,来探讨他作为古代气候权威的可靠性,直到最近,这些目标还没有得到充分的研究(II)。以下是关于环境和气候变化的文章,重点介绍了普林尼的观察结果与原始材料不一致的地方。所讨论的例子表明了在普林尼对自然世界的百科全书式描述中,酚学(III)和气象学(IV)的重要性,其特点是人类中心主义、实用主义和对当地知识的重视。古代气候变化的证据很多,但在细节和时间上还没有定论,进一步的研究将继续完善当地的记录。我认为,他的百科全书不仅提供了气候变化的证据,而且建议人们更多地关注季节性、农业社区、,以及农业劳动力的生活经历,以便更好地了解气候变化对古代人口的影响。
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引用次数: 2
The Materiality of Monetary Value in Martial’s Epigrams 尚武铭文中货币价值的物质性
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1525/ca.2021.40.2.316
Elliott Piros
This paper examines representations of money in the epigrams of Martial. I argue that Martial’s poetics are deeply influenced by some of money’s economic functions, even if many of these functions are approached through networks of amicitia. By engaging with the indeterminacy of what can be called exchange value, Martial identifies an aesthetic dimension that becomes central to his humor. The form of value described by his paradoxical poetics of cash implies a category of matter that is at once sensuous and abstract, autonomous and dependent upon other modes of valuation. I focus on the sensuality of this abstract matter, its failure to become entirely impersonal, and on Martial’s habit of using deictic language to gesture to its presence. Such an aestheticization of monetary value differs from more familiar techniques of using vivid language to flesh out moral or satirical attitudes to wealth or the ways in which it is acquired. It instead approaches the instability of money as an object of inspiration in its own right, one that supports the epigrammatist’s habit of taking up postures throughout his corpus of poems, and of maintaining a degree of detachment between his voice and its pronouncements.
本文考察了《尚武》警句中金钱的表现形式。我认为,尚武的诗学深受金钱的一些经济功能的影响,即使其中许多功能是通过友谊网络来实现的。通过处理所谓交换价值的不确定性,尚武确定了一个美学维度,这成为他幽默的核心。他关于现金的悖论诗学所描述的价值形式意味着一种物质类别,它既是感性的,又是抽象的,是自主的,并依赖于其他估价模式。我关注的是这个抽象事物的感性,它没有变得完全没有人情味,以及尚武使用指示语言来表示它存在的习惯。这种货币价值的审美化不同于人们更熟悉的技巧,即使用生动的语言来充实对财富或财富获取方式的道德或讽刺态度。相反,它本身就将金钱的不稳定性作为一种灵感对象,这支持了这位警句学家在整个诗歌语料库中采取姿势的习惯,并在他的声音和声明之间保持一定程度的超然。
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引用次数: 0
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CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY
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