Pub Date : 2020-11-15DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1433
Paul Blokker
The main argument is that the contemporary manifestations of right-wing populism in Europe ought to be understood, at least in part, as reactions to a distinctive form of postwar European society, which I will call here embedded constitutional democracy. The argument is that the populist reaction to embedded constitutional democracy generally takes a conservative form. This conservatism is expressed in rather different ways (ranging from ethnoreligious views to 'illiberal liberal' ones), but at the same time populism displays a shared core of criticisms on liberalism, and in particular regarding the internationalized or global version of liberalism. In the article, I will start with a brief analysis of the emergence of postwar society in the form of embedded constitutional democracy, used as a backcloth for the subsequent discussion of critical views of liberal understandings of the law in conservative populist thinking. I will, then, focus on populists' critical views of liberalism and 'globalism', analyzed in the form of contemporary articulations of (conservative) populism in both East-Central Europe (Hungary and Poland), and Western Europe (France, Italy, the Netherlands). In order to identify ideological affinities and critical positions, I discuss four themes: abstractness and inauthenticity, identity threat, domination, and legal fundamentalism.
{"title":"Populist Understandings of the Law: A Conservative Backlash?","authors":"Paul Blokker","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1433","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1433","url":null,"abstract":"The main argument is that the contemporary manifestations of right-wing populism in Europe ought to be understood, at least in part, as reactions to a distinctive form of postwar European society, which I will call here embedded constitutional democracy. The argument is that the populist reaction to embedded constitutional democracy generally takes a conservative form. This conservatism is expressed in rather different ways (ranging from ethnoreligious views to 'illiberal liberal' ones), but at the same time populism displays a shared core of criticisms on liberalism, and in particular regarding the internationalized or global version of liberalism. In the article, I will start with a brief analysis of the emergence of postwar society in the form of embedded constitutional democracy, used as a backcloth for the subsequent discussion of critical views of liberal understandings of the law in conservative populist thinking. I will, then, focus on populists' critical views of liberalism and 'globalism', analyzed in the form of contemporary articulations of (conservative) populism in both East-Central Europe (Hungary and Poland), and Western Europe (France, Italy, the Netherlands). In order to identify ideological affinities and critical positions, I discuss four themes: abstractness and inauthenticity, identity threat, domination, and legal fundamentalism.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"13 1","pages":"1433-1452"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47641215","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-15DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1244
Miguel A. Martínez, D. Polanska
Here we introduce the special issue of Partecipazione e Conflitto concerning the theme "Squatting and Urban Commons: Creating Alternatives to Neoliberalism". In particular, we present the context and origins of this edition, the rationale behind these theoretical and empirical concerns, and the main contents of the gathered articles.
{"title":"Squatting and Urban Commons: Creating Alternatives to Neoliberalism","authors":"Miguel A. Martínez, D. Polanska","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1244","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1244","url":null,"abstract":"Here we introduce the special issue of Partecipazione e Conflitto concerning the theme \"Squatting and Urban Commons: Creating Alternatives to Neoliberalism\". In particular, we present the context and origins of this edition, the rationale behind these theoretical and empirical concerns, and the main contents of the gathered articles.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"13 1","pages":"1244-1251"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43710877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-15DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1355
D. Polanska, T. Weldon
This study bridges research on squatting and urban commons by studying squatting - when collectively self-organized for community wide social (material and immaterial) benefit and within largely anti-capitalist and anarchist ways - as a practice of commoning. In this paper we analyze the "why" and "how" of such a practice in a Swedish context. A country where the provision of community spaces has historically been satisfied by public authorities within a contradictory hybrid model of corporatist/state capitalism amidst a traditionally well-developed public service sector and strong civil society. Our empirical material consists of 17 semi-structured interviews with squatters, as well as the authors' participant observation at the longest lasting squats in the Swedish capital since 2000. We focus on how the creation of this 'free and voluntary' community led to a 'commoning' of knowledge and skills within squatters' daily lives; and how these practices developed, evolved, and were maintained. Our analysis shows that while the space, most objects in it, and the provisioning of goods there were commoned; the most profound 'commoning' there was immaterial in nature. This commoning centered on the un/intentional sharing, diffusion, and commoning of knowledge, skills, and even emotions and feelings which happened within the mixture of planned and autonomously rotating responsibilities in space.
{"title":"In Search of Urban Commons Through Squatting : The Role of Knowledge Sharing in the Creation and Organization of Everyday Utopian Spaces in Sweden","authors":"D. Polanska, T. Weldon","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1355","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1355","url":null,"abstract":"This study bridges research on squatting and urban commons by studying squatting - when collectively self-organized for community wide social (material and immaterial) benefit and within largely anti-capitalist and anarchist ways - as a practice of commoning. In this paper we analyze the \"why\" and \"how\" of such a practice in a Swedish context. A country where the provision of community spaces has historically been satisfied by public authorities within a contradictory hybrid model of corporatist/state capitalism amidst a traditionally well-developed public service sector and strong civil society. Our empirical material consists of 17 semi-structured interviews with squatters, as well as the authors' participant observation at the longest lasting squats in the Swedish capital since 2000. We focus on how the creation of this 'free and voluntary' community led to a 'commoning' of knowledge and skills within squatters' daily lives; and how these practices developed, evolved, and were maintained. Our analysis shows that while the space, most objects in it, and the provisioning of goods there were commoned; the most profound 'commoning' there was immaterial in nature. This commoning centered on the un/intentional sharing, diffusion, and commoning of knowledge, skills, and even emotions and feelings which happened within the mixture of planned and autonomously rotating responsibilities in space.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"13 1","pages":"1355-1372"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48779989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-15DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1269
Roberto González, D. Santiago, Marco Antonio Rodríguez
A number of remarkable examples of self-managed social centres can be found among squatting and autonomous social movements in Mexico; despite sharing some of the traits found in European squatting movements, they also reflect the specificities and characteristics of the Latin American context. This paper aims to describe and compare four of these case studies in Mexico City: Biblioteca Social Reconstruir (BSR, Rebuild Social Library), Escuela de Cultura Popular Martires del 68 (ECPM 68, Martyrs of 68 Popular Culture School), Okupa Che and Chanti Ollin. By examining these four examples in terms of the politics of self-management, it is possible to evaluate the achievements and limitations of this type of urban commons in Mexico from a critical success/failure perspective. Moreover, the different chronology of the four cases allows for an analysis of different stages in the relationship between urban social movements and broad grassroots movements in the country. The methodological approach includes committed ethnography, participant observation and in-depth interviews.
在墨西哥的蹲式和自主式社会运动中，可以找到一些自我管理的社会中心的显著例子；尽管它们具有欧洲深蹲运动的一些特点，但也反映了拉丁美洲环境的特殊性和特点。本文旨在描述和比较墨西哥城的四个案例研究：Biblioteca Social Reconstrucir（BSR，重建社会图书馆）、Escuela de Cultura Popular Martires del 68（ECPM 68，68大众文化学校的烈士）、Okupa Che和Chanti Ollin。通过从自我管理的政治角度审视这四个例子，可以从关键的成功/失败角度评估墨西哥这类城市公地的成就和局限性。此外，四个案例的不同年代可以分析该国城市社会运动和广泛基层运动之间关系的不同阶段。方法论方法包括致力于民族志、参与者观察和深入访谈。
{"title":"Squatted and Self-Managed Social Centres in Mexico City: Four Case Studies from 1978-2020","authors":"Roberto González, D. Santiago, Marco Antonio Rodríguez","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1269","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1269","url":null,"abstract":"A number of remarkable examples of self-managed social centres can be found among squatting and autonomous social movements in Mexico; despite sharing some of the traits found in European squatting movements, they also reflect the specificities and characteristics of the Latin American context. This paper aims to describe and compare four of these case studies in Mexico City: Biblioteca Social Reconstruir (BSR, Rebuild Social Library), Escuela de Cultura Popular Martires del 68 (ECPM 68, Martyrs of 68 Popular Culture School), Okupa Che and Chanti Ollin. By examining these four examples in terms of the politics of self-management, it is possible to evaluate the achievements and limitations of this type of urban commons in Mexico from a critical success/failure perspective. Moreover, the different chronology of the four cases allows for an analysis of different stages in the relationship between urban social movements and broad grassroots movements in the country. The methodological approach includes committed ethnography, participant observation and in-depth interviews.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"13 1","pages":"1269-1289"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46753654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-17DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1042
Cary A. Greenwood
This paper addresses public sector communication by exploring the role of government whistleblowers. It argues for the need to reconnect voices by creating platforms from which whistleblowers can speak without fear of retribution for the betterment of society. The paper presents 13 in-depth interviews with whistleblowers who worked for governmental entities in the United States or who worked as contractors to U.S. government entities. The goal was to understand their stories, including why they blew the whistle, how they blew the whistle, how whistleblowing affected their relationships with their employers, what role public relations executives and practitioners played in their whistleblowing experience, and how public relations executives and practitioners could interact more productively with whistleblowers. Four of the five theories explained some of the dynamics of whistleblowing: Resource dependence perspective explained the role of upper management in relying on wrongdoing; normalization of corruption theory explained attempts to conscript new employees into corrupt practices; justice theory explained the sense of betrayal felt by employees who tried to correct wrongdoing; and relationship management further explained the negative impact of retaliation on the relationships between whistleblowers and their employers. However, evolutionary theory explained all aspects of whistleblowing in terms of Darwinian natural selection.
{"title":"I Was Just Doing My Job! Evolution, Corruption, and Public Relations in Interviews with Government Whistleblowers","authors":"Cary A. Greenwood","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1042","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses public sector communication by exploring the role of government whistleblowers. It argues for the need to reconnect voices by creating platforms from which whistleblowers can speak without fear of retribution for the betterment of society. The paper presents 13 in-depth interviews with whistleblowers who worked for governmental entities in the United States or who worked as contractors to U.S. government entities. The goal was to understand their stories, including why they blew the whistle, how they blew the whistle, how whistleblowing affected their relationships with their employers, what role public relations executives and practitioners played in their whistleblowing experience, and how public relations executives and practitioners could interact more productively with whistleblowers. Four of the five theories explained some of the dynamics of whistleblowing: Resource dependence perspective explained the role of upper management in relying on wrongdoing; normalization of corruption theory explained attempts to conscript new employees into corrupt practices; justice theory explained the sense of betrayal felt by employees who tried to correct wrongdoing; and relationship management further explained the negative impact of retaliation on the relationships between whistleblowers and their employers. However, evolutionary theory explained all aspects of whistleblowing in terms of Darwinian natural selection.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"13 1","pages":"1042-1061"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43014945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-17DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1085
Stefania Leone, M. Mura
Public communication in digital space is entering a phase of profound change due to the redefinition of the forms of production, dissemination and use of content in institutional networks. This article contributes to research carried out on public communication news flows of SNSs, presenting an analysis focusing on the visual content posted on institutional information channels dedicated to young people and managed by youth policy actors. The content of photos was analyzed in relation to 6 categories of public communication topics, 3 categories of communication aims, 6 categories of visual elements and 10 thematic areas. The empirical basis consists of 702 images taken from 15 accounts of Italian and European youth policy Instagram channels. The results show the main features of institutional flows on Instagram and a comparison with what has emerged from previous research projects relating to Facebook and Twitter. The findings focus on institutional topics and promotional aims and on the weaknesses of the flow of images in terms of social and political issues, engagement, public-service information, semantic autonomy and emotional impact. The limits that emerge from the research identify certain critical questions which indicate a need for further investigation with respect to relationships occurring between public news flows, young people, information requirements and social networks in the public sphere.
{"title":"Institutional Flows of Communication for Young People on Instagram and the Use of Visual Images","authors":"Stefania Leone, M. Mura","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1085","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1085","url":null,"abstract":"Public communication in digital space is entering a phase of profound change due to the redefinition of the forms of production, dissemination and use of content in institutional networks. This article contributes to research carried out on public communication news flows of SNSs, presenting an analysis focusing on the visual content posted on institutional information channels dedicated to young people and managed by youth policy actors. The content of photos was analyzed in relation to 6 categories of public communication topics, 3 categories of communication aims, 6 categories of visual elements and 10 thematic areas. The empirical basis consists of 702 images taken from 15 accounts of Italian and European youth policy Instagram channels. The results show the main features of institutional flows on Instagram and a comparison with what has emerged from previous research projects relating to Facebook and Twitter. The findings focus on institutional topics and promotional aims and on the weaknesses of the flow of images in terms of social and political issues, engagement, public-service information, semantic autonomy and emotional impact. The limits that emerge from the research identify certain critical questions which indicate a need for further investigation with respect to relationships occurring between public news flows, young people, information requirements and social networks in the public sphere.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"13 1","pages":"1085-1109"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1085","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49612030","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-17DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1110
Myoung‐Gi Chon, Hyelim Lee, Jeong-Nam Kim
Voluntary citizen attention and actions are key to successful public-sector communication. We investigated the conditions which increase such attention and actions using the situational theory of problem solving (STOPS) and government-citizen relationships (GCRs). Using three national issues consisting of an environmental issue, a social issue, and a political issue from South Korea (N=275), this study examined three hypotheses regarding public engagement effect (the effect of GCRs on political conversations on national issues), government empowerment effect (the effects of GCRs and issue-specific trust toward government on constraint recognition), and public serenity effect (the effect of issue-specific trust on problem recognition and involvement recognition). We found significant public engagement and government empowerment effects and partially significant public serenity effect. The results of the public serenity investigation found that issue-specific trust toward government was significant with problem recognition but insignificant with involvement recognition. Consequently, the findings illustrate strategic values in government-citizen relationships on public engagement, empowerment, and serenity to enable participatory democracy.
{"title":"Values of Government Public Relations for a Rocky Road to Participatory Democracy: Testing Public Engagement, Empowerment, and Serenity Hypotheses in Public Sector Communication","authors":"Myoung‐Gi Chon, Hyelim Lee, Jeong-Nam Kim","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1110","url":null,"abstract":"Voluntary citizen attention and actions are key to successful public-sector communication. We investigated the conditions which increase such attention and actions using the situational theory of problem solving (STOPS) and government-citizen relationships (GCRs). Using three national issues consisting of an environmental issue, a social issue, and a political issue from South Korea (N=275), this study examined three hypotheses regarding public engagement effect (the effect of GCRs on political conversations on national issues), government empowerment effect (the effects of GCRs and issue-specific trust toward government on constraint recognition), and public serenity effect (the effect of issue-specific trust on problem recognition and involvement recognition). We found significant public engagement and government empowerment effects and partially significant public serenity effect. The results of the public serenity investigation found that issue-specific trust toward government was significant with problem recognition but insignificant with involvement recognition. Consequently, the findings illustrate strategic values in government-citizen relationships on public engagement, empowerment, and serenity to enable participatory democracy.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"13 1","pages":"1110-1131"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1110","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66334872","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-17DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1232
M. Bernardi
{"title":"Davide Arcidiacono and Mike Duggan (2019), Sharing Mobilities. Questioning Our Right to the City in the Collaborative Economy, London-New York: Routledge.","authors":"M. Bernardi","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1232","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1232","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"13 1","pages":"1232-1243"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45316456","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-17DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1022
Marta Natalia Lukacovic
Emotion is theorized as profoundly related to ethics and moral decision-making, which makes it relevant for communication towards peace efforts. This experimental study examined the effects of conflict-sensitive framing in news stories and online user-generated comments (a form of UGC – user-generated content) that reflected on the events of political violence such as terrorism, as well as civil and international wars. The results showed an association of conflict-sensitive journalism (peace journalism) and negative emotions; decreasing hope and increasing anger and fear. However, the conflict-sensitive UGC showed some positive emotional effects. Empirical results provide an important context and useful evidence to enrich the normative discussions regarding peace journalism. Furthermore, this study is on the frontline of exploring conflict sensitivity in the environment of digital media and UGC. Such research is vital in specifying the potentials and limitations of conflict-sensitive communication in peacemaking and peacebuilding efforts.
{"title":"Framing Events of Political Violence within Peace Journalism and Internet User-Generated Comments: Effects on Readers' Emotions and Contemplation of Broader Implications","authors":"Marta Natalia Lukacovic","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1022","url":null,"abstract":"Emotion is theorized as profoundly related to ethics and moral decision-making, which makes it relevant for communication towards peace efforts. This experimental study examined the effects of conflict-sensitive framing in news stories and online user-generated comments (a form of UGC – user-generated content) that reflected on the events of political violence such as terrorism, as well as civil and international wars. The results showed an association of conflict-sensitive journalism (peace journalism) and negative emotions; decreasing hope and increasing anger and fear. However, the conflict-sensitive UGC showed some positive emotional effects. Empirical results provide an important context and useful evidence to enrich the normative discussions regarding peace journalism. Furthermore, this study is on the frontline of exploring conflict sensitivity in the environment of digital media and UGC. Such research is vital in specifying the potentials and limitations of conflict-sensitive communication in peacemaking and peacebuilding efforts.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"13 1","pages":"1022-1041"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1022","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49372035","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-17DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1180
T. Chock, Se Jung Kim
During the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, U.S. conservative news downplayed the threat of the virus. Perceived risks of COVID-19 are an important factor in influencing citizens' willingness to comply with risk prevention measures. An online survey (N=269) of U.S. residents was conducted March 30 - April 1, 2020. We found that those who used partisan conservative news sources as their primary source of information about the virus were significantly less likely to view it as a threat, compared to those who cited Far Left, Center Left, and Center Right news sources. Politically conservative Far Right news audiences reported significantly lower estimates of their own COVID-19 risk, as well as that of their age group peers, the average person in the U.S., and the average senior citizen in the U.S.
{"title":"U.S Audiences' Perceptions of Covid-19 and Conservative News Frames","authors":"T. Chock, Se Jung Kim","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1180","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1180","url":null,"abstract":"During the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, U.S. conservative news downplayed the threat of the virus. Perceived risks of COVID-19 are an important factor in influencing citizens' willingness to comply with risk prevention measures. An online survey (N=269) of U.S. residents was conducted March 30 - April 1, 2020. We found that those who used partisan conservative news sources as their primary source of information about the virus were significantly less likely to view it as a threat, compared to those who cited Far Left, Center Left, and Center Right news sources. Politically conservative Far Right news audiences reported significantly lower estimates of their own COVID-19 risk, as well as that of their age group peers, the average person in the U.S., and the average senior citizen in the U.S.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"13 1","pages":"1180-1189"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1285/I20356609V13I2P1180","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48505963","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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