Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2162435
Eva Nilsson
Abstract This article explores how the state and transnational oil and gas corporations negotiate over socio-economic development in Tanzania. It focuses on how public–private and local–global boundaries are in constant reconfiguration between the actors. The article responds to two shortcomings in previous literature on corporate social responsibility, governments and development. First, state agency and power in the global South have been overlooked when the prevailing focus of research has been on community–business relations. Secondly, when states have been addressed, they have commonly been understood either as deviations from a Weberian, ‘modern’ state or as allied with corporate interests. This article departs from these approaches and analyses state–business relations through a focus on discourses and practices that make and unmake statehood. Building on the ‘negotiating statehood’ framework, the analysis focuses on the actors, repertoires, resources and modes of governance in the negotiation over development. The analysis shows how corporate-driven development becomes deeply entangled in the making of statehood, even if the corporate approach revolves around unmaking and improving statehood.
{"title":"In the Making and Unmaking of Statehood. An Exploration of how the State and Petroleum Corporations Negotiate over the Generation of Socio-economic Development in Tanzania","authors":"Eva Nilsson","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2162435","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2162435","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article explores how the state and transnational oil and gas corporations negotiate over socio-economic development in Tanzania. It focuses on how public–private and local–global boundaries are in constant reconfiguration between the actors. The article responds to two shortcomings in previous literature on corporate social responsibility, governments and development. First, state agency and power in the global South have been overlooked when the prevailing focus of research has been on community–business relations. Secondly, when states have been addressed, they have commonly been understood either as deviations from a Weberian, ‘modern’ state or as allied with corporate interests. This article departs from these approaches and analyses state–business relations through a focus on discourses and practices that make and unmake statehood. Building on the ‘negotiating statehood’ framework, the analysis focuses on the actors, repertoires, resources and modes of governance in the negotiation over development. The analysis shows how corporate-driven development becomes deeply entangled in the making of statehood, even if the corporate approach revolves around unmaking and improving statehood.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48587840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2023.2177564
Tiina Kontinen, Ilona Steiler
Abstract This Introduction to special issue provides a context for the Nordic Development Research Conference 2021 (NorDev21). It introduces the contents of the conference and contributions within the issue revolved around two main themes of (1) Learning, education, Covid-19 pandemic and decolonizing and (2) State, Democracy, and Citizenship.
{"title":"Introduction to Special Issue: Development, Learning and Education. Post-pandemic Considerations? (NorDev21)","authors":"Tiina Kontinen, Ilona Steiler","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2023.2177564","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2023.2177564","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 This Introduction to special issue provides a context for the Nordic Development Research Conference 2021 (NorDev21). It introduces the contents of the conference and contributions within the issue revolved around two main themes of (1) Learning, education, Covid-19 pandemic and decolonizing and (2) State, Democracy, and Citizenship.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42382613","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-04DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2145991
Luke A. Amadi
Abstract Calls for moral economy abound as evidence accumulates of growing social, ecological and racialized failings of mainstream development conceived as a Westerncentric/Eurocentric construct largely driven by the notion of ‘economic growth’ as basis of development. There is now a considerable and diverse literature on contradictions of the mainstream development, including questions of inequality, climate change vulnerability, white racism, modern slavery, child labor, terrorism, new nationalism, decline of multilateralism at post-Brexit Europe and more recently COVID-19 pandemic-which has exacerbated existing poverty and inequality in the Global South. Yet these growing concerns are neglected in mainstream development discourse. Importantly, the broader landscape within which climate change, modern slavery, white racism, ecological and human security is situated is increasingly changing bringing new challenges to the understanding and rational of mainstream development. In view of this context, this article makes a new contribution to the debate on the failures of the mainstream development in post-pandemic world order. Building on post development debate, it argues that there are several disconnects, tensions and contradictions between the economic growth model and more ethical and equitable treatment of development. It proffers a moral economy and what makes it an alternative model and draws new distinctions between development as economic growth, which inhibits an understanding of moral economy that can address more directly the underlying contradictions of mainstream development in an historically asymmetrical global system.
{"title":"Beyond Mainstream Development: The Moral Economy Alternative","authors":"Luke A. Amadi","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2145991","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2145991","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Calls for moral economy abound as evidence accumulates of growing social, ecological and racialized failings of mainstream development conceived as a Westerncentric/Eurocentric construct largely driven by the notion of ‘economic growth’ as basis of development. There is now a considerable and diverse literature on contradictions of the mainstream development, including questions of inequality, climate change vulnerability, white racism, modern slavery, child labor, terrorism, new nationalism, decline of multilateralism at post-Brexit Europe and more recently COVID-19 pandemic-which has exacerbated existing poverty and inequality in the Global South. Yet these growing concerns are neglected in mainstream development discourse. Importantly, the broader landscape within which climate change, modern slavery, white racism, ecological and human security is situated is increasingly changing bringing new challenges to the understanding and rational of mainstream development. In view of this context, this article makes a new contribution to the debate on the failures of the mainstream development in post-pandemic world order. Building on post development debate, it argues that there are several disconnects, tensions and contradictions between the economic growth model and more ethical and equitable treatment of development. It proffers a moral economy and what makes it an alternative model and draws new distinctions between development as economic growth, which inhibits an understanding of moral economy that can address more directly the underlying contradictions of mainstream development in an historically asymmetrical global system.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42684726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2145992
H. Melber, J. Bjarnesen, Cristiano Lanzano, Patience Mususa
Abstract Citizenship is a universal legal concept and norm. But its meaning and impact differ. Its codification and implementation are shaped by historical trajectories, political systems and state/government relations with members of society. State policy affects perceptions of citizenship and civic behaviour by those governed. This paper engages with current challenges relating to citizenship in Africa South of the Sahara. It centres on academic and policy discussions on citizenship but also draws on media reports and secondary literature to explore whether promoting and embracing a positive notion of citizenship can be an opportunity for states and governments as well as citizens. Could civic education be considered a worthwhile investment in social stability and a shared identification with the common good? We conclude by making a case for a social contract, which reconciles particularistic identities (such as ethnicity) with citizenship and governance under the rule of law as an investment into enhanced trust in a citizen-state relationship.
{"title":"Citizenship Matters: Explorations into the Citizen-State Relationship in Africa","authors":"H. Melber, J. Bjarnesen, Cristiano Lanzano, Patience Mususa","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2145992","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2145992","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Citizenship is a universal legal concept and norm. But its meaning and impact differ. Its codification and implementation are shaped by historical trajectories, political systems and state/government relations with members of society. State policy affects perceptions of citizenship and civic behaviour by those governed. This paper engages with current challenges relating to citizenship in Africa South of the Sahara. It centres on academic and policy discussions on citizenship but also draws on media reports and secondary literature to explore whether promoting and embracing a positive notion of citizenship can be an opportunity for states and governments as well as citizens. Could civic education be considered a worthwhile investment in social stability and a shared identification with the common good? We conclude by making a case for a social contract, which reconciles particularistic identities (such as ethnicity) with citizenship and governance under the rule of law as an investment into enhanced trust in a citizen-state relationship.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47017485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2140706
Mitsuaki Furukawa
Abstract The purpose of this article is twofold: first, to understand the reality of gender disparities in sport in South Sudan, which has not been fully understood; and second, to examine the effects of sporting event interventions, such as whether they can improve gender disparities in sport. In order to achieve the research objectives, quantitative household surveys, focus group discussions and key informant interviews were conducted with Juba citizens before and after the national sporting event held in Juba in 2020. Regarding the reality of gender disparities in sport in Juba, contrary to expectations, we found that more than 75 per cent of men and more than half of women play sports in Juba. However, a breakdown by sport shows that the sports actually played and participation rates are highly skewed by gender; men for football and women for volleyball. Furthermore, it was found that the national sport event intervention increases the probability of playing sport and the number of days playing sport for women more than for men. These findings suggest that the more sport events can be held, the more gender disparities in sport can be improved in South Sudan. In South Sudan, where patriarchy persists, the results show that increasing women's participation in sport may not only reduce gender disparities, but may also entail a change in the traditional social norm to date that women should focus only on childcare and housework.
{"title":"The effect of National Sports Events on Women and Gender in Sports in Juba, South Sudan","authors":"Mitsuaki Furukawa","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2140706","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2140706","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The purpose of this article is twofold: first, to understand the reality of gender disparities in sport in South Sudan, which has not been fully understood; and second, to examine the effects of sporting event interventions, such as whether they can improve gender disparities in sport. In order to achieve the research objectives, quantitative household surveys, focus group discussions and key informant interviews were conducted with Juba citizens before and after the national sporting event held in Juba in 2020. Regarding the reality of gender disparities in sport in Juba, contrary to expectations, we found that more than 75 per cent of men and more than half of women play sports in Juba. However, a breakdown by sport shows that the sports actually played and participation rates are highly skewed by gender; men for football and women for volleyball. Furthermore, it was found that the national sport event intervention increases the probability of playing sport and the number of days playing sport for women more than for men. These findings suggest that the more sport events can be held, the more gender disparities in sport can be improved in South Sudan. In South Sudan, where patriarchy persists, the results show that increasing women's participation in sport may not only reduce gender disparities, but may also entail a change in the traditional social norm to date that women should focus only on childcare and housework.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48020252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-06DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2112277
Constantine George, C. Msoka, H. Makundi
Abstract Street vending in urban Tanzania is a big sector that touches different activities. This research paper applies the ‘forbearance’ conceptual understanding to investigate the introduction and implementation of small traders’ Identity Cards or simply Wamachinga IDs as an official formalisation strategy. It reports the findings of a qualitative research design undertaken to explain the process of formalisation of street vendors and their trade in Dar es Salaam region. Multiple interpretations of the strategy were noted, such as a technique to collect data for further planning, a revenue collection tactic and an approach to equality between informal and formal traders. The study found that stakeholders embraced the initiative as progress towards gaining business freedom and access to improved earnings while boosting the government's coffers from the so-called informal sector. Additionally, the study found that the initiative had exposed challenges such as the lack of some important personal information in the IDs. It is hence sometimes dismissed as a politically-motivated initiative lacking legality. Moreover, the Local Government Authorities (LGAs) face challenges in managing business waste, business spaces, congestion and collection of some other revenues. Some formal business people/enterprises were reported to recruit young men and buy them Wamachinga IDs to sell items on their behalf. This was noted as a trick for tax evasion, which impedes tax compliance efforts. The study, therefore, recommends a participatory approach to improving the Wamachinga ID initiative alongside related by-laws to address the challenges this ID system faces.
{"title":"Formalisation of Street Vending in Dar es Salaam: Implementation and Enforcement of the Wamachinga Identity Card Initiative","authors":"Constantine George, C. Msoka, H. Makundi","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2112277","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2112277","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Street vending in urban Tanzania is a big sector that touches different activities. This research paper applies the ‘forbearance’ conceptual understanding to investigate the introduction and implementation of small traders’ Identity Cards or simply Wamachinga IDs as an official formalisation strategy. It reports the findings of a qualitative research design undertaken to explain the process of formalisation of street vendors and their trade in Dar es Salaam region. Multiple interpretations of the strategy were noted, such as a technique to collect data for further planning, a revenue collection tactic and an approach to equality between informal and formal traders. The study found that stakeholders embraced the initiative as progress towards gaining business freedom and access to improved earnings while boosting the government's coffers from the so-called informal sector. Additionally, the study found that the initiative had exposed challenges such as the lack of some important personal information in the IDs. It is hence sometimes dismissed as a politically-motivated initiative lacking legality. Moreover, the Local Government Authorities (LGAs) face challenges in managing business waste, business spaces, congestion and collection of some other revenues. Some formal business people/enterprises were reported to recruit young men and buy them Wamachinga IDs to sell items on their behalf. This was noted as a trick for tax evasion, which impedes tax compliance efforts. The study, therefore, recommends a participatory approach to improving the Wamachinga ID initiative alongside related by-laws to address the challenges this ID system faces.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49630603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2116353
Mari Karhu, J. Lanki
Abstract In contrast to its Nordic neighbours, Finland has failed to fulfil the 0.7 per cent of GNI target for development assistance over the past three decades. This has been the case despite restated commitments ‘to reach 0.7’ by every government since 1993 and Finland’s otherwise progressive role as a Nordic donor. This inconsistency, but also the Finnish aid approach in general, has been charted by only a few academic contributions. In this article, we begin by revisiting the Finnish aid paradigm for background purposes and identify continuities and changes including degrees of change [Hall, P., 1993, ‘Policy paradigms, social learning, and the state: The case of economic policymaking in Britain’, Comparative Politics, Vol. 25, No. 3, pp. 275–296] since the early 1990s. Then we shift our focus to the 0.7 target in the context of domestic political forces [Lancaster, C., 2007, Foreign Aid: Diplomacy, Development, Domestic Politics, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press] that shape Finnish aid. In addition, we provide snapshots of the two most significant changes in Finnish aid that relate to aid volume (centred in 1991 and 2015) and address them through the conceptual lenses of de/politicisation [Wood, M., 2015, ‘Puzzling and powering in policy paradigm shifts: politicisation, depoliticisation and social learning’, Critical Policy Studies, Vol. 9, No. 1, pp. 2–21]. We conclude that some strong underlying continuities can be identified in the Finnish aid paradigm (1993–2021) concerning particularly poverty reduction, the role of aid, foreign and commercial policy self-interests as well as global concerns. The aspirations to reach the 0.7 per cent target are also a part of this continuum. However, domestic political forces related to the Finnish government coalitions and budgetary politics hinder the fulfilment of the self-declared 0.7 target. Furthermore, the largely depoliticised nature of both aid and these dynamics make it difficult to change the course towards true commitment.
{"title":"In the Quest for True Commitment: The Finnish Aid Paradigm and the 0.7 Target in Domestic Politics","authors":"Mari Karhu, J. Lanki","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2116353","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2116353","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In contrast to its Nordic neighbours, Finland has failed to fulfil the 0.7 per cent of GNI target for development assistance over the past three decades. This has been the case despite restated commitments ‘to reach 0.7’ by every government since 1993 and Finland’s otherwise progressive role as a Nordic donor. This inconsistency, but also the Finnish aid approach in general, has been charted by only a few academic contributions. In this article, we begin by revisiting the Finnish aid paradigm for background purposes and identify continuities and changes including degrees of change [Hall, P., 1993, ‘Policy paradigms, social learning, and the state: The case of economic policymaking in Britain’, Comparative Politics, Vol. 25, No. 3, pp. 275–296] since the early 1990s. Then we shift our focus to the 0.7 target in the context of domestic political forces [Lancaster, C., 2007, Foreign Aid: Diplomacy, Development, Domestic Politics, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press] that shape Finnish aid. In addition, we provide snapshots of the two most significant changes in Finnish aid that relate to aid volume (centred in 1991 and 2015) and address them through the conceptual lenses of de/politicisation [Wood, M., 2015, ‘Puzzling and powering in policy paradigm shifts: politicisation, depoliticisation and social learning’, Critical Policy Studies, Vol. 9, No. 1, pp. 2–21]. We conclude that some strong underlying continuities can be identified in the Finnish aid paradigm (1993–2021) concerning particularly poverty reduction, the role of aid, foreign and commercial policy self-interests as well as global concerns. The aspirations to reach the 0.7 per cent target are also a part of this continuum. However, domestic political forces related to the Finnish government coalitions and budgetary politics hinder the fulfilment of the self-declared 0.7 target. Furthermore, the largely depoliticised nature of both aid and these dynamics make it difficult to change the course towards true commitment.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46910077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2080762
Anne Mette Kjær
Abstract For decades, Danish Development Policy was characterized by continuity, backed, as it was, by a relatively stable consensus across the political spectrum. However, this changed in the new Millennium where a paradigm shift in Danish development policy took place. This article characterizes and explains the paradigm shift and identifies its main driving forces. Drawing on Peter Hall’s policy paradigm framework, I identify development policy changes as a first, second, as well as a third order change, which constitutes a fundamental paradigm shift. Aid has been cut by almost a third, and the composition of instruments has changed with reduced allocations to bilateral country programmes, reduced allocations to the poorest and most stable countries, and increased allocations to humanitarian aid and areas of origin of migrants. Other purposes such as e.g. security concerns, global climate mitigation, or reducing migration flows, have to a large extent substituted the longstanding main objective of poverty reduction. International events and tendencies are of course important factors in explaining these significant development policy shifts, but domestic driving forces are equally important and consist mainly in a politicization of development aid enabled by a prior shift in policy-arena, both driven by domestic coalition politics. The politicization happened when a centre-right government was elected in 2001 and enabled a paradigm shift that happened over the 00s and which has been consolidated by the Social democratic minority government since 2019.
{"title":"The Paradigm Shift of Danish Development Policy (1990–2020)","authors":"Anne Mette Kjær","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2080762","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2080762","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 For decades, Danish Development Policy was characterized by continuity, backed, as it was, by a relatively stable consensus across the political spectrum. However, this changed in the new Millennium where a paradigm shift in Danish development policy took place. This article characterizes and explains the paradigm shift and identifies its main driving forces. Drawing on Peter Hall’s policy paradigm framework, I identify development policy changes as a first, second, as well as a third order change, which constitutes a fundamental paradigm shift. Aid has been cut by almost a third, and the composition of instruments has changed with reduced allocations to bilateral country programmes, reduced allocations to the poorest and most stable countries, and increased allocations to humanitarian aid and areas of origin of migrants. Other purposes such as e.g. security concerns, global climate mitigation, or reducing migration flows, have to a large extent substituted the longstanding main objective of poverty reduction. International events and tendencies are of course important factors in explaining these significant development policy shifts, but domestic driving forces are equally important and consist mainly in a politicization of development aid enabled by a prior shift in policy-arena, both driven by domestic coalition politics. The politicization happened when a centre-right government was elected in 2001 and enabled a paradigm shift that happened over the 00s and which has been consolidated by the Social democratic minority government since 2019.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47484687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2120414
Anne Mette Kjær, J. Pettersson, E. Tjønneland, Mari Karhu, J. Lanki
Abstract The ‘Nordic exceptionalism’ in development aid is well known and characterized by its generosity and focus on poverty reduction and sustainable development. However, the individual Nordic countries’ development policies differ significantly, as the contributions to this special issue have uncovered. For example, Sweden and Norway have continuously upheld the volume of aid at above 1 per cent of GNI, while Denmark in the new millennium has cut the aid budget by almost one third, and Finland has struggled to surpass 0.45 per cent. Sweden maintains a strong focus on poverty reduction, whereas Norway’s and Finland’s poverty focus has been diluted somewhat by several competing goals, and Denmark’s even more so. This article compares the volumes, instruments, and goals of the four Nordic countries’ development policies. We find that if there ever was such a thing as a Nordic model in development aid, this model has been significantly weakened in the 00s and 10s, when the four countries have grown apart. The main explanations behind these differences, we posit, are the particular domestic political coalitions behind aid policy, which affect the extent to which development policy is politicized.
{"title":"Diverging Like-Mindedness? Development Policy Among the Nordics","authors":"Anne Mette Kjær, J. Pettersson, E. Tjønneland, Mari Karhu, J. Lanki","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2120414","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2120414","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The ‘Nordic exceptionalism’ in development aid is well known and characterized by its generosity and focus on poverty reduction and sustainable development. However, the individual Nordic countries’ development policies differ significantly, as the contributions to this special issue have uncovered. For example, Sweden and Norway have continuously upheld the volume of aid at above 1 per cent of GNI, while Denmark in the new millennium has cut the aid budget by almost one third, and Finland has struggled to surpass 0.45 per cent. Sweden maintains a strong focus on poverty reduction, whereas Norway’s and Finland’s poverty focus has been diluted somewhat by several competing goals, and Denmark’s even more so. This article compares the volumes, instruments, and goals of the four Nordic countries’ development policies. We find that if there ever was such a thing as a Nordic model in development aid, this model has been significantly weakened in the 00s and 10s, when the four countries have grown apart. The main explanations behind these differences, we posit, are the particular domestic political coalitions behind aid policy, which affect the extent to which development policy is politicized.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44356001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-23DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2112276
Dai Duc Duong, Anh Van Pham
Abstract Based on Capability Approach, this article proposes a framework centred around work capability which refers to a set of working activities that are feasible for an individual to achieve. In this framework, work capability is a fundamental freedom because work is both a means for survival and an end in itself. However, employees’ work capability reduces when they sell labour power for wages. This loss is a deficit in human development but is ignored in the current evaluation of human development. The article suggests adding work capability in measuring human development. In this framework, work capability is operationalized with work opportunity (freedom in getting a job) and work autonomy (freedom in the labour process). The article emphasizes that work capability directly and indirectly contributes to human development. The importance of work capability in shaping human development raises the emergent need for solutions for enhancing people’s work capability.
{"title":"Advancing a Capability Approach to Work as a Central Dimension of Human Development","authors":"Dai Duc Duong, Anh Van Pham","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2112276","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2112276","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Based on Capability Approach, this article proposes a framework centred around work capability which refers to a set of working activities that are feasible for an individual to achieve. In this framework, work capability is a fundamental freedom because work is both a means for survival and an end in itself. However, employees’ work capability reduces when they sell labour power for wages. This loss is a deficit in human development but is ignored in the current evaluation of human development. The article suggests adding work capability in measuring human development. In this framework, work capability is operationalized with work opportunity (freedom in getting a job) and work autonomy (freedom in the labour process). The article emphasizes that work capability directly and indirectly contributes to human development. The importance of work capability in shaping human development raises the emergent need for solutions for enhancing people’s work capability.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45663228","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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