Pub Date : 2022-09-06DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2112277
Constantine George, C. Msoka, H. Makundi
Abstract Street vending in urban Tanzania is a big sector that touches different activities. This research paper applies the ‘forbearance’ conceptual understanding to investigate the introduction and implementation of small traders’ Identity Cards or simply Wamachinga IDs as an official formalisation strategy. It reports the findings of a qualitative research design undertaken to explain the process of formalisation of street vendors and their trade in Dar es Salaam region. Multiple interpretations of the strategy were noted, such as a technique to collect data for further planning, a revenue collection tactic and an approach to equality between informal and formal traders. The study found that stakeholders embraced the initiative as progress towards gaining business freedom and access to improved earnings while boosting the government's coffers from the so-called informal sector. Additionally, the study found that the initiative had exposed challenges such as the lack of some important personal information in the IDs. It is hence sometimes dismissed as a politically-motivated initiative lacking legality. Moreover, the Local Government Authorities (LGAs) face challenges in managing business waste, business spaces, congestion and collection of some other revenues. Some formal business people/enterprises were reported to recruit young men and buy them Wamachinga IDs to sell items on their behalf. This was noted as a trick for tax evasion, which impedes tax compliance efforts. The study, therefore, recommends a participatory approach to improving the Wamachinga ID initiative alongside related by-laws to address the challenges this ID system faces.
{"title":"Formalisation of Street Vending in Dar es Salaam: Implementation and Enforcement of the Wamachinga Identity Card Initiative","authors":"Constantine George, C. Msoka, H. Makundi","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2112277","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2112277","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Street vending in urban Tanzania is a big sector that touches different activities. This research paper applies the ‘forbearance’ conceptual understanding to investigate the introduction and implementation of small traders’ Identity Cards or simply Wamachinga IDs as an official formalisation strategy. It reports the findings of a qualitative research design undertaken to explain the process of formalisation of street vendors and their trade in Dar es Salaam region. Multiple interpretations of the strategy were noted, such as a technique to collect data for further planning, a revenue collection tactic and an approach to equality between informal and formal traders. The study found that stakeholders embraced the initiative as progress towards gaining business freedom and access to improved earnings while boosting the government's coffers from the so-called informal sector. Additionally, the study found that the initiative had exposed challenges such as the lack of some important personal information in the IDs. It is hence sometimes dismissed as a politically-motivated initiative lacking legality. Moreover, the Local Government Authorities (LGAs) face challenges in managing business waste, business spaces, congestion and collection of some other revenues. Some formal business people/enterprises were reported to recruit young men and buy them Wamachinga IDs to sell items on their behalf. This was noted as a trick for tax evasion, which impedes tax compliance efforts. The study, therefore, recommends a participatory approach to improving the Wamachinga ID initiative alongside related by-laws to address the challenges this ID system faces.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"50 1","pages":"283 - 302"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49630603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2116353
Mari Karhu, J. Lanki
Abstract In contrast to its Nordic neighbours, Finland has failed to fulfil the 0.7 per cent of GNI target for development assistance over the past three decades. This has been the case despite restated commitments ‘to reach 0.7’ by every government since 1993 and Finland’s otherwise progressive role as a Nordic donor. This inconsistency, but also the Finnish aid approach in general, has been charted by only a few academic contributions. In this article, we begin by revisiting the Finnish aid paradigm for background purposes and identify continuities and changes including degrees of change [Hall, P., 1993, ‘Policy paradigms, social learning, and the state: The case of economic policymaking in Britain’, Comparative Politics, Vol. 25, No. 3, pp. 275–296] since the early 1990s. Then we shift our focus to the 0.7 target in the context of domestic political forces [Lancaster, C., 2007, Foreign Aid: Diplomacy, Development, Domestic Politics, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press] that shape Finnish aid. In addition, we provide snapshots of the two most significant changes in Finnish aid that relate to aid volume (centred in 1991 and 2015) and address them through the conceptual lenses of de/politicisation [Wood, M., 2015, ‘Puzzling and powering in policy paradigm shifts: politicisation, depoliticisation and social learning’, Critical Policy Studies, Vol. 9, No. 1, pp. 2–21]. We conclude that some strong underlying continuities can be identified in the Finnish aid paradigm (1993–2021) concerning particularly poverty reduction, the role of aid, foreign and commercial policy self-interests as well as global concerns. The aspirations to reach the 0.7 per cent target are also a part of this continuum. However, domestic political forces related to the Finnish government coalitions and budgetary politics hinder the fulfilment of the self-declared 0.7 target. Furthermore, the largely depoliticised nature of both aid and these dynamics make it difficult to change the course towards true commitment.
{"title":"In the Quest for True Commitment: The Finnish Aid Paradigm and the 0.7 Target in Domestic Politics","authors":"Mari Karhu, J. Lanki","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2116353","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2116353","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In contrast to its Nordic neighbours, Finland has failed to fulfil the 0.7 per cent of GNI target for development assistance over the past three decades. This has been the case despite restated commitments ‘to reach 0.7’ by every government since 1993 and Finland’s otherwise progressive role as a Nordic donor. This inconsistency, but also the Finnish aid approach in general, has been charted by only a few academic contributions. In this article, we begin by revisiting the Finnish aid paradigm for background purposes and identify continuities and changes including degrees of change [Hall, P., 1993, ‘Policy paradigms, social learning, and the state: The case of economic policymaking in Britain’, Comparative Politics, Vol. 25, No. 3, pp. 275–296] since the early 1990s. Then we shift our focus to the 0.7 target in the context of domestic political forces [Lancaster, C., 2007, Foreign Aid: Diplomacy, Development, Domestic Politics, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press] that shape Finnish aid. In addition, we provide snapshots of the two most significant changes in Finnish aid that relate to aid volume (centred in 1991 and 2015) and address them through the conceptual lenses of de/politicisation [Wood, M., 2015, ‘Puzzling and powering in policy paradigm shifts: politicisation, depoliticisation and social learning’, Critical Policy Studies, Vol. 9, No. 1, pp. 2–21]. We conclude that some strong underlying continuities can be identified in the Finnish aid paradigm (1993–2021) concerning particularly poverty reduction, the role of aid, foreign and commercial policy self-interests as well as global concerns. The aspirations to reach the 0.7 per cent target are also a part of this continuum. However, domestic political forces related to the Finnish government coalitions and budgetary politics hinder the fulfilment of the self-declared 0.7 target. Furthermore, the largely depoliticised nature of both aid and these dynamics make it difficult to change the course towards true commitment.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"49 1","pages":"435 - 465"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46910077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2080762
Anne Mette Kjær
Abstract For decades, Danish Development Policy was characterized by continuity, backed, as it was, by a relatively stable consensus across the political spectrum. However, this changed in the new Millennium where a paradigm shift in Danish development policy took place. This article characterizes and explains the paradigm shift and identifies its main driving forces. Drawing on Peter Hall’s policy paradigm framework, I identify development policy changes as a first, second, as well as a third order change, which constitutes a fundamental paradigm shift. Aid has been cut by almost a third, and the composition of instruments has changed with reduced allocations to bilateral country programmes, reduced allocations to the poorest and most stable countries, and increased allocations to humanitarian aid and areas of origin of migrants. Other purposes such as e.g. security concerns, global climate mitigation, or reducing migration flows, have to a large extent substituted the longstanding main objective of poverty reduction. International events and tendencies are of course important factors in explaining these significant development policy shifts, but domestic driving forces are equally important and consist mainly in a politicization of development aid enabled by a prior shift in policy-arena, both driven by domestic coalition politics. The politicization happened when a centre-right government was elected in 2001 and enabled a paradigm shift that happened over the 00s and which has been consolidated by the Social democratic minority government since 2019.
{"title":"The Paradigm Shift of Danish Development Policy (1990–2020)","authors":"Anne Mette Kjær","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2080762","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2080762","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 For decades, Danish Development Policy was characterized by continuity, backed, as it was, by a relatively stable consensus across the political spectrum. However, this changed in the new Millennium where a paradigm shift in Danish development policy took place. This article characterizes and explains the paradigm shift and identifies its main driving forces. Drawing on Peter Hall’s policy paradigm framework, I identify development policy changes as a first, second, as well as a third order change, which constitutes a fundamental paradigm shift. Aid has been cut by almost a third, and the composition of instruments has changed with reduced allocations to bilateral country programmes, reduced allocations to the poorest and most stable countries, and increased allocations to humanitarian aid and areas of origin of migrants. Other purposes such as e.g. security concerns, global climate mitigation, or reducing migration flows, have to a large extent substituted the longstanding main objective of poverty reduction. International events and tendencies are of course important factors in explaining these significant development policy shifts, but domestic driving forces are equally important and consist mainly in a politicization of development aid enabled by a prior shift in policy-arena, both driven by domestic coalition politics. The politicization happened when a centre-right government was elected in 2001 and enabled a paradigm shift that happened over the 00s and which has been consolidated by the Social democratic minority government since 2019.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"49 1","pages":"345 - 371"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47484687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2120414
Anne Mette Kjær, J. Pettersson, E. Tjønneland, Mari Karhu, J. Lanki
Abstract The ‘Nordic exceptionalism’ in development aid is well known and characterized by its generosity and focus on poverty reduction and sustainable development. However, the individual Nordic countries’ development policies differ significantly, as the contributions to this special issue have uncovered. For example, Sweden and Norway have continuously upheld the volume of aid at above 1 per cent of GNI, while Denmark in the new millennium has cut the aid budget by almost one third, and Finland has struggled to surpass 0.45 per cent. Sweden maintains a strong focus on poverty reduction, whereas Norway’s and Finland’s poverty focus has been diluted somewhat by several competing goals, and Denmark’s even more so. This article compares the volumes, instruments, and goals of the four Nordic countries’ development policies. We find that if there ever was such a thing as a Nordic model in development aid, this model has been significantly weakened in the 00s and 10s, when the four countries have grown apart. The main explanations behind these differences, we posit, are the particular domestic political coalitions behind aid policy, which affect the extent to which development policy is politicized.
{"title":"Diverging Like-Mindedness? Development Policy Among the Nordics","authors":"Anne Mette Kjær, J. Pettersson, E. Tjønneland, Mari Karhu, J. Lanki","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2120414","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2120414","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The ‘Nordic exceptionalism’ in development aid is well known and characterized by its generosity and focus on poverty reduction and sustainable development. However, the individual Nordic countries’ development policies differ significantly, as the contributions to this special issue have uncovered. For example, Sweden and Norway have continuously upheld the volume of aid at above 1 per cent of GNI, while Denmark in the new millennium has cut the aid budget by almost one third, and Finland has struggled to surpass 0.45 per cent. Sweden maintains a strong focus on poverty reduction, whereas Norway’s and Finland’s poverty focus has been diluted somewhat by several competing goals, and Denmark’s even more so. This article compares the volumes, instruments, and goals of the four Nordic countries’ development policies. We find that if there ever was such a thing as a Nordic model in development aid, this model has been significantly weakened in the 00s and 10s, when the four countries have grown apart. The main explanations behind these differences, we posit, are the particular domestic political coalitions behind aid policy, which affect the extent to which development policy is politicized.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"49 1","pages":"319 - 344"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44356001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-23DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2112276
Dai Duc Duong, Anh Van Pham
Abstract Based on Capability Approach, this article proposes a framework centred around work capability which refers to a set of working activities that are feasible for an individual to achieve. In this framework, work capability is a fundamental freedom because work is both a means for survival and an end in itself. However, employees’ work capability reduces when they sell labour power for wages. This loss is a deficit in human development but is ignored in the current evaluation of human development. The article suggests adding work capability in measuring human development. In this framework, work capability is operationalized with work opportunity (freedom in getting a job) and work autonomy (freedom in the labour process). The article emphasizes that work capability directly and indirectly contributes to human development. The importance of work capability in shaping human development raises the emergent need for solutions for enhancing people’s work capability.
{"title":"Advancing a Capability Approach to Work as a Central Dimension of Human Development","authors":"Dai Duc Duong, Anh Van Pham","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2112276","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2112276","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Based on Capability Approach, this article proposes a framework centred around work capability which refers to a set of working activities that are feasible for an individual to achieve. In this framework, work capability is a fundamental freedom because work is both a means for survival and an end in itself. However, employees’ work capability reduces when they sell labour power for wages. This loss is a deficit in human development but is ignored in the current evaluation of human development. The article suggests adding work capability in measuring human development. In this framework, work capability is operationalized with work opportunity (freedom in getting a job) and work autonomy (freedom in the labour process). The article emphasizes that work capability directly and indirectly contributes to human development. The importance of work capability in shaping human development raises the emergent need for solutions for enhancing people’s work capability.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"50 1","pages":"239 - 260"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45663228","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-19DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2112279
J. Pettersson
Abstract Since the birth of the formal Swedish development policy in 1962, the overarching goal of Swedish aid has been poverty reduction. While the goal has been up for revision four times (under two social democratic and two conservative governments) it has only been rephrased rather than reformed. In addition, Sweden’s ambition to devote one per cent of its gross national income to development aid each year has been largely upheld since it was first achieved in 1975, save a period of 13 years (1993–2005, under the social democratic rule) where it was abandoned with reference to budgetary pressures. Aid was, however, never less than 0.7 per cent of GNI. Goals and volumes not being altered over time, even under government changes, suggest Swedish development cooperation policy has been formed under consensus. This apparent continuity, however, masks some important differences between political parties’ policy preferences, and the stability may be better explained by large majorities being in favour of current policies than by consensus. I argue that the preconditions for those differing ideational positions to be translated into policy change are today quite favourable, suggesting that a policy paradigm shift, a ‘radical policy change’, may be in the making.
{"title":"Sweden’s Development Policy Since 1990: A Policy Paradigm Shift Waiting to Happen?","authors":"J. Pettersson","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2112279","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2112279","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 Since the birth of the formal Swedish development policy in 1962, the overarching goal of Swedish aid has been poverty reduction. While the goal has been up for revision four times (under two social democratic and two conservative governments) it has only been rephrased rather than reformed. In addition, Sweden’s ambition to devote one per cent of its gross national income to development aid each year has been largely upheld since it was first achieved in 1975, save a period of 13 years (1993–2005, under the social democratic rule) where it was abandoned with reference to budgetary pressures. Aid was, however, never less than 0.7 per cent of GNI. Goals and volumes not being altered over time, even under government changes, suggest Swedish development cooperation policy has been formed under consensus. This apparent continuity, however, masks some important differences between political parties’ policy preferences, and the stability may be better explained by large majorities being in favour of current policies than by consensus. I argue that the preconditions for those differing ideational positions to be translated into policy change are today quite favourable, suggesting that a policy paradigm shift, a ‘radical policy change’, may be in the making.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"49 1","pages":"399 - 433"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43439898","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-19DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2112280
L. Laakso, E. Kariuki
Abstract The relevance of political science education and research in the conduct of elections is evident, but their actual roles are not. We zero in, specifically, on the contribution of political science education and research to peaceful polling in Kenya and Zimbabwe. In both countries, electoral violence has accompanied multi-party competition. To get a profile of political science scholarly production and impact, from a comparative perspective, particularly research output on electoral violence, we employ bibliometric analyses covering publications from the whole African continent. Web of Science and Sabinet databases provide a reliable picture of a fair amount of elections expertise in Kenya and Zimbabwe. In order to approach the role of political scientists in the countries’ electoral politics as well as their participation, or lack of it, in public engagement and public decision-making, we have conducted semi-structured interviews of political scientists working in universities there. Our study reveals structural obstacles related to the ethnicization of political power in Kenya and the economic decline in Zimbabwe. Although academic qualifications were respected and the faculty enjoyed freedom to express opinions on political issues, self-censorship and frustration were identified as hampering the ability of scholars to enhance peaceful polling.
{"title":"Political Science Knowledge and Electoral Violence: Experiences From Kenya and Zimbabwe","authors":"L. Laakso, E. Kariuki","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2112280","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2112280","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 The relevance of political science education and research in the conduct of elections is evident, but their actual roles are not. We zero in, specifically, on the contribution of political science education and research to peaceful polling in Kenya and Zimbabwe. In both countries, electoral violence has accompanied multi-party competition. To get a profile of political science scholarly production and impact, from a comparative perspective, particularly research output on electoral violence, we employ bibliometric analyses covering publications from the whole African continent. Web of Science and Sabinet databases provide a reliable picture of a fair amount of elections expertise in Kenya and Zimbabwe. In order to approach the role of political scientists in the countries’ electoral politics as well as their participation, or lack of it, in public engagement and public decision-making, we have conducted semi-structured interviews of political scientists working in universities there. Our study reveals structural obstacles related to the ethnicization of political power in Kenya and the economic decline in Zimbabwe. Although academic qualifications were respected and the faculty enjoyed freedom to express opinions on political issues, self-censorship and frustration were identified as hampering the ability of scholars to enhance peaceful polling.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"50 1","pages":"59 - 81"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45414638","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-19DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2112278
Y. Tey, M. Brindal
Abstract The privatization of state-trading enterprises (STEs) is posited as enabling dynamic upgrading. Malaysia has trialled this approach through Padiberas Nasional Berhad (BERNAS) as the lead firm in charge of development in the rice industry. Using published information, this study makes a longitudinal analysis at the structure, conduct, and performance post privatization through the global value chain theory. It shows that the entity has developed from a rice importation monopoly into a virtual monopoly/monopsony in rice value chain stages. In that patronage system, privatization and concentrated market structure have limited upgrading opportunities to their associated partners. Concurrently, it has morphed to a private company. The efficacy of allowing the pillar of national food security to be controlled by a private monopoly needs close examination. Only through that can governments ensure that broader social and development objectives are met, while minimizing the risks associated with both excessive reliance on a particular firm and the abandonment of competition.
摘要国营贸易企业的私有化被认为能够实现动态升级。马来西亚通过Padiberas Nasional Berhad（BERNAS）作为负责水稻行业发展的领先公司，对这种方法进行了试验。利用已发表的信息，本研究通过全球价值链理论对私有化后的结构、行为和绩效进行了纵向分析。这表明该实体在大米价值链阶段已经从大米进口垄断发展为虚拟垄断/垄断。在这种赞助制度中，私有化和集中的市场结构限制了其相关伙伴的升级机会。与此同时，它已经演变成一家私营公司。允许国家粮食安全支柱由私人垄断控制的效果需要仔细研究。只有这样，政府才能确保实现更广泛的社会和发展目标，同时最大限度地减少过度依赖特定公司和放弃竞争的风险。
{"title":"Animal Spirits of Privatization: Rice Value Chain Upgrading for Malaysia?","authors":"Y. Tey, M. Brindal","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2112278","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2112278","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The privatization of state-trading enterprises (STEs) is posited as enabling dynamic upgrading. Malaysia has trialled this approach through Padiberas Nasional Berhad (BERNAS) as the lead firm in charge of development in the rice industry. Using published information, this study makes a longitudinal analysis at the structure, conduct, and performance post privatization through the global value chain theory. It shows that the entity has developed from a rice importation monopoly into a virtual monopoly/monopsony in rice value chain stages. In that patronage system, privatization and concentrated market structure have limited upgrading opportunities to their associated partners. Concurrently, it has morphed to a private company. The efficacy of allowing the pillar of national food security to be controlled by a private monopoly needs close examination. Only through that can governments ensure that broader social and development objectives are met, while minimizing the risks associated with both excessive reliance on a particular firm and the abandonment of competition.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"50 1","pages":"327 - 349"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46135405","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-25DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2099459
N. Choudhary
Abstract Theoretically, much skepticism has emerged insofar as the translation of SDG framework at local level is concerned. Comparatively, much less has been done to investigate the empirical reality of this discourse. Using case study exploration technique situated in two urban areas of India – Mumbai and Sitamarhi, this paper explicates how key contentions of the debate manifest at the ground level. Reflections from Mumbai show that SDG’s reliance on targets and indicators masks extreme inequality underlying so-called ‘extraordinary’ achievements in reducing child stunting. Despite its transformatory claims the operationalization of SDG framework adopts a narrow view on inequality and bypasses related structural processes. At the same time, preoccupation with numbers and targets while implementing nutrition programmes for SDG two in the town of Sitamarhi, distorts the reality and diverts priorities away from systemic issues like infrastructural and institutional gaps. SDG framework’s continued engagement with indicators, targets and numbers, indeed hides multiple axes of inequality in nutrition outcomes, creates fallacious claims of successes and therefore, closes the window for potential improvement. Eventually, both Mumbai and Sitamarhi, despite their development contrast, are faced with similar question – what structural and institutional transformation, must precede the operationalization of SDG two?
{"title":"Critiquing the SDG Framework Through the Lens of Goal Two: Empirical Reflections from Two Case Studies in India","authors":"N. Choudhary","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2099459","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2099459","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Theoretically, much skepticism has emerged insofar as the translation of SDG framework at local level is concerned. Comparatively, much less has been done to investigate the empirical reality of this discourse. Using case study exploration technique situated in two urban areas of India – Mumbai and Sitamarhi, this paper explicates how key contentions of the debate manifest at the ground level. Reflections from Mumbai show that SDG’s reliance on targets and indicators masks extreme inequality underlying so-called ‘extraordinary’ achievements in reducing child stunting. Despite its transformatory claims the operationalization of SDG framework adopts a narrow view on inequality and bypasses related structural processes. At the same time, preoccupation with numbers and targets while implementing nutrition programmes for SDG two in the town of Sitamarhi, distorts the reality and diverts priorities away from systemic issues like infrastructural and institutional gaps. SDG framework’s continued engagement with indicators, targets and numbers, indeed hides multiple axes of inequality in nutrition outcomes, creates fallacious claims of successes and therefore, closes the window for potential improvement. Eventually, both Mumbai and Sitamarhi, despite their development contrast, are faced with similar question – what structural and institutional transformation, must precede the operationalization of SDG two?","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":"50 1","pages":"261 - 281"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48164410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-16DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2096480
E. Tjønneland
Abstract Norway has remained committed to allocating one percent of its Gross National Income in developing aid. Poverty reduction has also stayed as an overarching objective for the aid budget. The commitment to these traditional pillars in Norwegian aid is also accompanied by major changes: reduced focus on partner countries and bilateral aid and an expanding emphasis on supporting global action, the rise of a flourishing number of new thematic priorities and delivery through multilateral channels. This article maps the evolving continuities and changes in Norwegian development aid since the early 1990s. It relies on an analytical framework based on Peter Halls work on paradigm shifts and his distinction between first, second and third order changes. The explanation for the evolving profile of Norwegian aid is found in a combination of domestic driving forces. Based on Matthew Wood’s concepts of puzzling and powering dynamics behind paradigm shifts the article identifies the forces behind evolving aid policies. One is depolitisation behind Norwegian aid – a broad political and popular support and consensus but limited debate leaving much space for foreign policy and self-interest to shape implementation and selection of instruments. A second is linked to a change in the policy arena and the growing dominance of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This has led to a multifaceted and fragmented aid profile allowing various dimensions of development aid policies to be shaped by different interests and priorities. It has not yet reached a stage where we can identify a major break with the past and a radical policy transformation. The new focus on climate issues and migration may have the potential to change that and give self-interests a stronger influence over long-term development aid and its objectives. Changes in coalition politics may have the potential to change the majority behind the one percent target and the commitment to poverty reduction.
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