Pub Date : 2022-08-19DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2112279
J. Pettersson
Abstract Since the birth of the formal Swedish development policy in 1962, the overarching goal of Swedish aid has been poverty reduction. While the goal has been up for revision four times (under two social democratic and two conservative governments) it has only been rephrased rather than reformed. In addition, Sweden’s ambition to devote one per cent of its gross national income to development aid each year has been largely upheld since it was first achieved in 1975, save a period of 13 years (1993–2005, under the social democratic rule) where it was abandoned with reference to budgetary pressures. Aid was, however, never less than 0.7 per cent of GNI. Goals and volumes not being altered over time, even under government changes, suggest Swedish development cooperation policy has been formed under consensus. This apparent continuity, however, masks some important differences between political parties’ policy preferences, and the stability may be better explained by large majorities being in favour of current policies than by consensus. I argue that the preconditions for those differing ideational positions to be translated into policy change are today quite favourable, suggesting that a policy paradigm shift, a ‘radical policy change’, may be in the making.
{"title":"Sweden’s Development Policy Since 1990: A Policy Paradigm Shift Waiting to Happen?","authors":"J. Pettersson","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2112279","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2112279","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 Since the birth of the formal Swedish development policy in 1962, the overarching goal of Swedish aid has been poverty reduction. While the goal has been up for revision four times (under two social democratic and two conservative governments) it has only been rephrased rather than reformed. In addition, Sweden’s ambition to devote one per cent of its gross national income to development aid each year has been largely upheld since it was first achieved in 1975, save a period of 13 years (1993–2005, under the social democratic rule) where it was abandoned with reference to budgetary pressures. Aid was, however, never less than 0.7 per cent of GNI. Goals and volumes not being altered over time, even under government changes, suggest Swedish development cooperation policy has been formed under consensus. This apparent continuity, however, masks some important differences between political parties’ policy preferences, and the stability may be better explained by large majorities being in favour of current policies than by consensus. I argue that the preconditions for those differing ideational positions to be translated into policy change are today quite favourable, suggesting that a policy paradigm shift, a ‘radical policy change’, may be in the making.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43439898","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-19DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2112280
L. Laakso, E. Kariuki
Abstract The relevance of political science education and research in the conduct of elections is evident, but their actual roles are not. We zero in, specifically, on the contribution of political science education and research to peaceful polling in Kenya and Zimbabwe. In both countries, electoral violence has accompanied multi-party competition. To get a profile of political science scholarly production and impact, from a comparative perspective, particularly research output on electoral violence, we employ bibliometric analyses covering publications from the whole African continent. Web of Science and Sabinet databases provide a reliable picture of a fair amount of elections expertise in Kenya and Zimbabwe. In order to approach the role of political scientists in the countries’ electoral politics as well as their participation, or lack of it, in public engagement and public decision-making, we have conducted semi-structured interviews of political scientists working in universities there. Our study reveals structural obstacles related to the ethnicization of political power in Kenya and the economic decline in Zimbabwe. Although academic qualifications were respected and the faculty enjoyed freedom to express opinions on political issues, self-censorship and frustration were identified as hampering the ability of scholars to enhance peaceful polling.
{"title":"Political Science Knowledge and Electoral Violence: Experiences From Kenya and Zimbabwe","authors":"L. Laakso, E. Kariuki","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2112280","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2112280","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 The relevance of political science education and research in the conduct of elections is evident, but their actual roles are not. We zero in, specifically, on the contribution of political science education and research to peaceful polling in Kenya and Zimbabwe. In both countries, electoral violence has accompanied multi-party competition. To get a profile of political science scholarly production and impact, from a comparative perspective, particularly research output on electoral violence, we employ bibliometric analyses covering publications from the whole African continent. Web of Science and Sabinet databases provide a reliable picture of a fair amount of elections expertise in Kenya and Zimbabwe. In order to approach the role of political scientists in the countries’ electoral politics as well as their participation, or lack of it, in public engagement and public decision-making, we have conducted semi-structured interviews of political scientists working in universities there. Our study reveals structural obstacles related to the ethnicization of political power in Kenya and the economic decline in Zimbabwe. Although academic qualifications were respected and the faculty enjoyed freedom to express opinions on political issues, self-censorship and frustration were identified as hampering the ability of scholars to enhance peaceful polling.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45414638","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-19DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2112278
Y. Tey, M. Brindal
Abstract The privatization of state-trading enterprises (STEs) is posited as enabling dynamic upgrading. Malaysia has trialled this approach through Padiberas Nasional Berhad (BERNAS) as the lead firm in charge of development in the rice industry. Using published information, this study makes a longitudinal analysis at the structure, conduct, and performance post privatization through the global value chain theory. It shows that the entity has developed from a rice importation monopoly into a virtual monopoly/monopsony in rice value chain stages. In that patronage system, privatization and concentrated market structure have limited upgrading opportunities to their associated partners. Concurrently, it has morphed to a private company. The efficacy of allowing the pillar of national food security to be controlled by a private monopoly needs close examination. Only through that can governments ensure that broader social and development objectives are met, while minimizing the risks associated with both excessive reliance on a particular firm and the abandonment of competition.
摘要国营贸易企业的私有化被认为能够实现动态升级。马来西亚通过Padiberas Nasional Berhad（BERNAS）作为负责水稻行业发展的领先公司，对这种方法进行了试验。利用已发表的信息，本研究通过全球价值链理论对私有化后的结构、行为和绩效进行了纵向分析。这表明该实体在大米价值链阶段已经从大米进口垄断发展为虚拟垄断/垄断。在这种赞助制度中，私有化和集中的市场结构限制了其相关伙伴的升级机会。与此同时，它已经演变成一家私营公司。允许国家粮食安全支柱由私人垄断控制的效果需要仔细研究。只有这样，政府才能确保实现更广泛的社会和发展目标，同时最大限度地减少过度依赖特定公司和放弃竞争的风险。
{"title":"Animal Spirits of Privatization: Rice Value Chain Upgrading for Malaysia?","authors":"Y. Tey, M. Brindal","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2112278","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2112278","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The privatization of state-trading enterprises (STEs) is posited as enabling dynamic upgrading. Malaysia has trialled this approach through Padiberas Nasional Berhad (BERNAS) as the lead firm in charge of development in the rice industry. Using published information, this study makes a longitudinal analysis at the structure, conduct, and performance post privatization through the global value chain theory. It shows that the entity has developed from a rice importation monopoly into a virtual monopoly/monopsony in rice value chain stages. In that patronage system, privatization and concentrated market structure have limited upgrading opportunities to their associated partners. Concurrently, it has morphed to a private company. The efficacy of allowing the pillar of national food security to be controlled by a private monopoly needs close examination. Only through that can governments ensure that broader social and development objectives are met, while minimizing the risks associated with both excessive reliance on a particular firm and the abandonment of competition.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46135405","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-25DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2099459
N. Choudhary
Abstract Theoretically, much skepticism has emerged insofar as the translation of SDG framework at local level is concerned. Comparatively, much less has been done to investigate the empirical reality of this discourse. Using case study exploration technique situated in two urban areas of India – Mumbai and Sitamarhi, this paper explicates how key contentions of the debate manifest at the ground level. Reflections from Mumbai show that SDG’s reliance on targets and indicators masks extreme inequality underlying so-called ‘extraordinary’ achievements in reducing child stunting. Despite its transformatory claims the operationalization of SDG framework adopts a narrow view on inequality and bypasses related structural processes. At the same time, preoccupation with numbers and targets while implementing nutrition programmes for SDG two in the town of Sitamarhi, distorts the reality and diverts priorities away from systemic issues like infrastructural and institutional gaps. SDG framework’s continued engagement with indicators, targets and numbers, indeed hides multiple axes of inequality in nutrition outcomes, creates fallacious claims of successes and therefore, closes the window for potential improvement. Eventually, both Mumbai and Sitamarhi, despite their development contrast, are faced with similar question – what structural and institutional transformation, must precede the operationalization of SDG two?
{"title":"Critiquing the SDG Framework Through the Lens of Goal Two: Empirical Reflections from Two Case Studies in India","authors":"N. Choudhary","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2099459","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2099459","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Theoretically, much skepticism has emerged insofar as the translation of SDG framework at local level is concerned. Comparatively, much less has been done to investigate the empirical reality of this discourse. Using case study exploration technique situated in two urban areas of India – Mumbai and Sitamarhi, this paper explicates how key contentions of the debate manifest at the ground level. Reflections from Mumbai show that SDG’s reliance on targets and indicators masks extreme inequality underlying so-called ‘extraordinary’ achievements in reducing child stunting. Despite its transformatory claims the operationalization of SDG framework adopts a narrow view on inequality and bypasses related structural processes. At the same time, preoccupation with numbers and targets while implementing nutrition programmes for SDG two in the town of Sitamarhi, distorts the reality and diverts priorities away from systemic issues like infrastructural and institutional gaps. SDG framework’s continued engagement with indicators, targets and numbers, indeed hides multiple axes of inequality in nutrition outcomes, creates fallacious claims of successes and therefore, closes the window for potential improvement. Eventually, both Mumbai and Sitamarhi, despite their development contrast, are faced with similar question – what structural and institutional transformation, must precede the operationalization of SDG two?","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48164410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-16DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2096480
E. Tjønneland
Abstract Norway has remained committed to allocating one percent of its Gross National Income in developing aid. Poverty reduction has also stayed as an overarching objective for the aid budget. The commitment to these traditional pillars in Norwegian aid is also accompanied by major changes: reduced focus on partner countries and bilateral aid and an expanding emphasis on supporting global action, the rise of a flourishing number of new thematic priorities and delivery through multilateral channels. This article maps the evolving continuities and changes in Norwegian development aid since the early 1990s. It relies on an analytical framework based on Peter Halls work on paradigm shifts and his distinction between first, second and third order changes. The explanation for the evolving profile of Norwegian aid is found in a combination of domestic driving forces. Based on Matthew Wood’s concepts of puzzling and powering dynamics behind paradigm shifts the article identifies the forces behind evolving aid policies. One is depolitisation behind Norwegian aid – a broad political and popular support and consensus but limited debate leaving much space for foreign policy and self-interest to shape implementation and selection of instruments. A second is linked to a change in the policy arena and the growing dominance of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This has led to a multifaceted and fragmented aid profile allowing various dimensions of development aid policies to be shaped by different interests and priorities. It has not yet reached a stage where we can identify a major break with the past and a radical policy transformation. The new focus on climate issues and migration may have the potential to change that and give self-interests a stronger influence over long-term development aid and its objectives. Changes in coalition politics may have the potential to change the majority behind the one percent target and the commitment to poverty reduction.
{"title":"Norwegian Development Aid: A Paradigm Shift in the Making?","authors":"E. Tjønneland","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2096480","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2096480","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 Norway has remained committed to allocating one percent of its Gross National Income in developing aid. Poverty reduction has also stayed as an overarching objective for the aid budget. The commitment to these traditional pillars in Norwegian aid is also accompanied by major changes: reduced focus on partner countries and bilateral aid and an expanding emphasis on supporting global action, the rise of a flourishing number of new thematic priorities and delivery through multilateral channels. This article maps the evolving continuities and changes in Norwegian development aid since the early 1990s. It relies on an analytical framework based on Peter Halls work on paradigm shifts and his distinction between first, second and third order changes. The explanation for the evolving profile of Norwegian aid is found in a combination of domestic driving forces. Based on Matthew Wood’s concepts of puzzling and powering dynamics behind paradigm shifts the article identifies the forces behind evolving aid policies. One is depolitisation behind Norwegian aid – a broad political and popular support and consensus but limited debate leaving much space for foreign policy and self-interest to shape implementation and selection of instruments. A second is linked to a change in the policy arena and the growing dominance of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This has led to a multifaceted and fragmented aid profile allowing various dimensions of development aid policies to be shaped by different interests and priorities. It has not yet reached a stage where we can identify a major break with the past and a radical policy transformation. The new focus on climate issues and migration may have the potential to change that and give self-interests a stronger influence over long-term development aid and its objectives. Changes in coalition politics may have the potential to change the majority behind the one percent target and the commitment to poverty reduction.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59579071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-08DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2096481
Matthew Sabbi
Abstract Following ongoing debates on rural transformation, developing countries give priority to district capitals for their market viability and geographical centrality to empowering peripheral populations. Critics point out inherent electoral largesse in redistricting projects all the while ignoring hidden incentives from these exercises. Drawing on empirical data and local debates on decision dilemmas over a district capital in rural Ghana, the article raises two key points of interest. Rural district capitals undergird neither economic performance nor political participation of districts. A focus on their mundane governance processes, however, reveals hidden political incentives for local party buildout and individual political advancement. The insights enrich our understanding of in-built preferences in redistricting decisions beyond the widely perceived politico-economic attributes.
{"title":"Emplacing Funsi: Antinomies of a District Capital and Transformation in Rural Ghana","authors":"Matthew Sabbi","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2096481","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2096481","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Following ongoing debates on rural transformation, developing countries give priority to district capitals for their market viability and geographical centrality to empowering peripheral populations. Critics point out inherent electoral largesse in redistricting projects all the while ignoring hidden incentives from these exercises. Drawing on empirical data and local debates on decision dilemmas over a district capital in rural Ghana, the article raises two key points of interest. Rural district capitals undergird neither economic performance nor political participation of districts. A focus on their mundane governance processes, however, reveals hidden political incentives for local party buildout and individual political advancement. The insights enrich our understanding of in-built preferences in redistricting decisions beyond the widely perceived politico-economic attributes.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43820504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-08DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2097124
Diosey Ramon Lugo-Morin
Abstract Global economic dynamics have marginalized many territories, and these have attributes that can generate development possibilities in the context of their territorial capacities. Asymmetries within and outside the territories can be overcome if there is an exchange of ideas between social actors, i.e. a dialogue of knowledge. Based on this logic, this study aims to value the dialogue of knowledge as a dynamic tool of institutional resilience to promote development in its different expressions. Institutional resilience can be understood as the adaptive capacity of a system of beliefs, values and traditions in a specific territory to generate changes driven by historically inherited cultural expressions, which in most cases creates environments that produce individual and collective well-being. It is concluded that the dialogue of knowledge is a tool capable of promoting new knowledge among its participants and promoting development in the territories, allowing for a recovery of resilient food systems.
{"title":"Restoring the Food Systems Resilience Through the Dialogue of Knowledge: A Case Study from Mexico","authors":"Diosey Ramon Lugo-Morin","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2097124","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2097124","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 Global economic dynamics have marginalized many territories, and these have attributes that can generate development possibilities in the context of their territorial capacities. Asymmetries within and outside the territories can be overcome if there is an exchange of ideas between social actors, i.e. a dialogue of knowledge. Based on this logic, this study aims to value the dialogue of knowledge as a dynamic tool of institutional resilience to promote development in its different expressions. Institutional resilience can be understood as the adaptive capacity of a system of beliefs, values and traditions in a specific territory to generate changes driven by historically inherited cultural expressions, which in most cases creates environments that produce individual and collective well-being. It is concluded that the dialogue of knowledge is a tool capable of promoting new knowledge among its participants and promoting development in the territories, allowing for a recovery of resilient food systems.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48998049","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-08DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2096479
Axel Fredholm, J. Sandberg, Olle Frödin
ABSTRACT Within the migration-development nexus, cooperation with immigrant organizations is often considered useful by governments and aid agencies. Due to acquaintance with home-country conditions and capacity to transfer remittances, migrants are increasingly viewed as contributors to aid and development. The Swedish government has a similar approach and views migrants and their associations as an asset. At the same time, research on home-country activities among Swedish immigrant organizations (SIOs) is scarce and little is known about their contributions. Based on qualitative and quantitative data on publicly funded SIOs, we explore the alignment between their activities and the Swedish policy goals of humanitarian aid and development cooperation. While few activities align directly, other activities align indirectly since they mainly reflect sectoral targets of the policy goals. We also find few cases of formalized and systematic collaboration with Swedish aid financiers. In comparison with cooperation practices in other European contexts, this suggests deficits in terms of professionalization of SIOs, marginalization in development cooperation and lack of opportunity structures for SIOs. Few SIOs are also engaged in home-country development and humanitarian assistance. A possible explanation is the institutional role that immigrant organizations historically have been granted in the Swedish context. If these deficits are addressed, SIOs could potentially enhance the Swedish approach to aid and development assistance.
{"title":"The Migration-Development Nexus Revisited: Immigrant Organizations and the Swedish Policy Framework for Development and Humanitarian Assistance","authors":"Axel Fredholm, J. Sandberg, Olle Frödin","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2096479","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2096479","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Within the migration-development nexus, cooperation with immigrant organizations is often considered useful by governments and aid agencies. Due to acquaintance with home-country conditions and capacity to transfer remittances, migrants are increasingly viewed as contributors to aid and development. The Swedish government has a similar approach and views migrants and their associations as an asset. At the same time, research on home-country activities among Swedish immigrant organizations (SIOs) is scarce and little is known about their contributions. Based on qualitative and quantitative data on publicly funded SIOs, we explore the alignment between their activities and the Swedish policy goals of humanitarian aid and development cooperation. While few activities align directly, other activities align indirectly since they mainly reflect sectoral targets of the policy goals. We also find few cases of formalized and systematic collaboration with Swedish aid financiers. In comparison with cooperation practices in other European contexts, this suggests deficits in terms of professionalization of SIOs, marginalization in development cooperation and lack of opportunity structures for SIOs. Few SIOs are also engaged in home-country development and humanitarian assistance. A possible explanation is the institutional role that immigrant organizations historically have been granted in the Swedish context. If these deficits are addressed, SIOs could potentially enhance the Swedish approach to aid and development assistance.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46768674","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-05DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2096482
Melisew Dejene Lemma, Tesfaye Semela Kukem, S. Vercillo, Logan Cochrane
Abstract Social protection programmes do not generally account for gendered power dynamics. Oftentimes, they target women only as beneficiaries, which can intensify gendered disparities. This case study uses a mixed methods research approach to conduct a gender analysis of the Productive Safety Net Programme in Ethiopia. We find the programme has progressive gender equity goals, but these are not well implemented. Since special provisions for women are neglected in the case study sites, they do not challenge unequal social norms nor recognize unequal roles and responsibilities. Alongside implementing the gendered provisions, we recommend further research into the ways that the programme can challenge discriminatory social norms.
{"title":"Norms, Equity and Social Protection: A Gender Analysis of the Productive Safety Net Programme in Ethiopia","authors":"Melisew Dejene Lemma, Tesfaye Semela Kukem, S. Vercillo, Logan Cochrane","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2096482","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2096482","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Social protection programmes do not generally account for gendered power dynamics. Oftentimes, they target women only as beneficiaries, which can intensify gendered disparities. This case study uses a mixed methods research approach to conduct a gender analysis of the Productive Safety Net Programme in Ethiopia. We find the programme has progressive gender equity goals, but these are not well implemented. Since special provisions for women are neglected in the case study sites, they do not challenge unequal social norms nor recognize unequal roles and responsibilities. Alongside implementing the gendered provisions, we recommend further research into the ways that the programme can challenge discriminatory social norms.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42675855","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-26DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2022.2085167
C. Nnaeme
Abstract South Africa has an extensive social grant program reaching over 45 percent of the population and which has mitigated high poverty in the post-apartheid epoch. Yet the impacts on urban poor community economic activities are yet to be duly appreciated. As the major capital injection into the local economy amidst a high rate of poverty and unemployment, the fund serves as the catalyst that enables both beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries to participate in economic activities. A qualitative study was carried out in Soweto to explore linkages between social grants and participation in local economic activities. The findings show a strong nexus between social grants and participation in local economic activities. The key relevance of this study rests on its evidence-based suggestion of the positive impact of social grants on post-COVID-19 economic recovery, especially in poor urban communities such as Soweto.
{"title":"‘The community comes to life’: How Social Grants Enable Participation in the Local Economy and Possible Effect on Post-COVID-19 Economic Recovery in Soweto South Africa","authors":"C. Nnaeme","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2022.2085167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2085167","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 South Africa has an extensive social grant program reaching over 45 percent of the population and which has mitigated high poverty in the post-apartheid epoch. Yet the impacts on urban poor community economic activities are yet to be duly appreciated. As the major capital injection into the local economy amidst a high rate of poverty and unemployment, the fund serves as the catalyst that enables both beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries to participate in economic activities. A qualitative study was carried out in Soweto to explore linkages between social grants and participation in local economic activities. The findings show a strong nexus between social grants and participation in local economic activities. The key relevance of this study rests on its evidence-based suggestion of the positive impact of social grants on post-COVID-19 economic recovery, especially in poor urban communities such as Soweto.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44973416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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