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A British Rome in India: Calcutta – Capital for an Empire A British Rome in India: Calcutta – Capital for an Empire , by Michael Mann, Worms, Wernersche Verlagsgesellschaft, 2022, 214 pp., €78.00 (hardback), ISBN: 9783884624111 印度的英伦罗马印度的英式罗马:加尔各答--帝国的首都》(A British Rome in India:加尔各答--帝国的首都》,Michael Mann 著,Worms, Wernersche Verlagsgesellschaft, 2022, 214 pp.
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-09 DOI: 10.1080/14780038.2023.2268340
William Whyte
"A British Rome in India: Calcutta – Capital for an Empire." Cultural and Social History, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2 Additional informationNotes on contributorsWilliam WhyteWilliam Whyte (william.whyte@sjc.ox.ac.uk) is professor of social and architectural history at St John’s College, University of Oxford. His recent books include Unlocking the Church: The Lost Secrets of Victorian Sacred Space (2015) and, as series editor with Dan Hicks, A Cultural History of Objects (2022). He is currently writing The University: A Material History for publication by Harvard University Press.
《英属罗马在印度:加尔各答——帝国的首都》《文化与社会史》,在印刷前,第1-2页。附加信息威廉·怀特威廉·怀特(william.whyte@sjc.ox.ac.uk)是牛津大学圣约翰学院的社会史和建筑史教授。他最近的著作包括:解锁教堂:维多利亚神圣空间丢失的秘密(2015年),以及与丹·希克斯(Dan Hicks)一起担任系列编辑的《文物文化史》(2022年)。他目前正在撰写《大学:物质史》,即将由哈佛大学出版社出版。
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引用次数: 0
Carnival Relocated? Popular Culture and the Carnivalesque in Colonial Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania) 狂欢节搬迁吗?范·迪门斯殖民地的流行文化和狂欢节(塔斯马尼亚)
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-06 DOI: 10.1080/14780038.2023.2262869
Adrian Franklin
AbstractThis article re-evaluates the historical research on the carnivalesque rituals that arrived in Van Diemen’s Land (VDL) with British convicts, their colonial minders and free settlers. The revaluation deploys more theoretically informed understandings of carnivalesque ritual (using Bakhtin, Zemon Davis, le Roy Ladurie, Bristol, Underdown, Durston and others), coupled with more recent historical understandings of carnivalesque ritual in Britain at the time of convict transportation and new evidence on how carnivalesque ritual specific to VDL responded to changes in penal policy and practice. It is argued that carnivalesque rituals persisted as a means for building social solidarity, belonging, cultural-political expression and resilience.KEYWORDS: Carnivalesque ritualsconvictsVan Diemen’s landTasmaniatheatrepubsfestival Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Hindmarsh, “Beer,” Citation1999, 150; Damousi, Depraved, Citation1997, 59–62; Atkinson, “Four Patterns,” Citation1979, 48–50.2. Hindmarsh, “Beer,” Citation1999, 150; Duffield and Bradley, “Representing Convicts,” Citation1997, 113–17.3. Collinson, “Merry England,” Citation2001, 141–6; Durston, “Puritan Rule,” Citation1996, 218; Storch, “Persistence and Change,” Citation1982, 3.4. Johnston, “Awful,” Citation2016, 4.5. Hay, “Crime and Justice,” Citation1980, 45–50; Nicholas, “Convict Workers,” Citation1988, 62–65; McKenzie, Scandal, Citation2004, 1–2.6. Maxwell-Stewart and Quinlan, “Unfree,” Citation2022, 59.7. Durston, “Puritan Rule” Citation1996, 222–233.8. Roberts, “Knotted,” Citation2011, 48–50; Tuffin et al., “Landscapes,” Citation2018, 51; Maxwell-Stewart and Quinlan, “Unfree,” Citation2022, 55–84.9. Zemon Davis, Culture and Society, Citation1978, 1–10.10. Bakhtin, Rabelais, Citation1984, 218.11. Bristol, “Carnival and Theatre,” Citation1983, 640.12. Storch, “Persistence and Change,” Citation1982, 1–5; Roud, The English Year, Citation2008, 20.13. Underdown, “But the Shows,” Citation2011, 7.14. Bakhtin, Rabelais, Citation1984, 7.15. Ibid., 7–8.16. Bristol, “Carnival and Theater,” Citation1983, 651; Stallybrass and White, The Politics, Citation1986, 16.17. Zemon Davis, “Youth Groups,” Citation1971, 43–45; Webb, “Bakhtin,” Citation2005, 122, 132. le Roy Ladurie, “Carnivals in History,” Citation1981, 57.18. Roud, English Year, Citation2008, 17.19. Underdown, “But the Shows,” Citation2011, 22.20. Storch, ‘Persistence and Change’, Citation1982, 3.21. The Austral-Asian Review, “Regatta,” November 27, 1838, 7; The Austral-Asian Review. “Regatta,” November 26, 1839, 4; The Colonial Times, “The Review and the Regatta,” December 17, 1839, 4; The Courier, “Sturm und Drang,” December 1, 1840, 2.22. Hone, The Everyday Book, 1825, 1–5; Dickens, Scenes, Citation1839, 1.23. Dickens, Scenes, Citation1839, 70–83.24. Collinson, “Merry England,” Citation2001, 1–4.25. Maxwell Stewart and Quinlan, “Unfree,” Citation2022, 12–18.26. Boyce, Van Diemen’s, C
摘要本文重新评价了随着英国罪犯、殖民地看守人和自由定居者抵达范·迪门斯地(VDL)的狂欢节仪式的历史研究。重新评估部署了对狂欢节仪式的更有理论依据的理解(使用巴赫金、泽蒙·戴维斯、勒罗伊·拉杜里、布里斯托尔、Underdown、Durston等人),加上对囚犯运输时期英国狂欢节仪式的更近期的历史理解,以及关于VDL特有的狂欢节仪式如何响应刑罚政策和实践变化的新证据。有人认为,狂欢式的仪式作为一种建立社会团结、归属感、文化政治表达和恢复力的手段而持续存在。关键词:狂欢节式仪式;罪犯;范·迪门斯的土地;;;;;Hindmarsh,《啤酒》,Citation1999,第150页;Damousi,《堕落》,Citation1997, 59-62;Atkinson,“四种模式”,引文1979,48 - 50.2。Hindmarsh,《啤酒》,Citation1999,第150页;达菲尔德和布拉德利,<为罪犯辩护>,《引文》1997年第113-17.3页。科林森,《快乐的英格兰》,Citation2001, 141-6;Durston, <清教规则>,《引文》1996,218;Storch,“坚持与改变”,《引文》1982,第3.4页。约翰斯顿,《糟糕》,Citation2016, 4.5。海,《犯罪与司法》,Citation1980,第45-50页;尼古拉斯,“罪犯工人”,Citation1988, 62-65;麦肯齐,丑闻,引文,2004,1-2.6。麦克斯韦-斯图尔特和昆兰,《不自由》,Citation2022, 59.7页。Durston, <清教规则>引文,1996,222-233.8。罗伯茨,《结》,Citation2011, 48-50页;Tuffin et al.,“Landscapes”,Citation2018, 51;麦克斯韦-斯图尔特和昆兰,“不自由”,Citation2022, 55-84.9。Zemon戴维斯、文化、社会、Citation1978 1 - 10.10。巴赫金,拉伯雷,引文,1984,218.11。布里斯托尔,《嘉年华与剧场》,Citation1983, 640.12。Storch,“坚持与改变”,《引文》1982年第1-5期;鲁德,《英语年》,《引文》2008年第20期。Underdown,《But the Shows》,Citation2011, 7.14。巴赫金,拉伯雷,Citation1984, 7.15。出处同上,7 - 8.16。布里斯托尔,《嘉年华与剧场》,Citation1983, 651页;Stallybrass and White,《政治》,Citation1986, 16.17。泽蒙·戴维斯,《青年团体》,Citation1971, 43-45页;韦伯,《巴赫金》,《引文》2005,122,132。勒·罗伊·拉杜里,《历史上的嘉年华》,Citation1981,第57.18页。路,英语年,引文2008,17.19。Underdown,《But the Shows》,Citation2011, 22.20。Storch,“坚持与改变”,Citation1982, 3.21。《南亚评论》,1838年11月27日“赛舟会”第7页;《南亚评论》。“赛舟会”,1839年11月26日,第4页;《殖民时报》,“评论与赛船会”,1839年12月17日,第4页;《信使》,1840年12月1日,第2.22页。Hone,《每日之书》,1825年,第1-5页;狄更斯,《场景》,引文,1839年,1.23页。狄更斯:《场景》,引文,1839,第70-83.24页。柯林森,《快乐的英格兰》,《引文》2001,第1-4.25页。麦克斯韦·斯图尔特和昆兰,“不自由”,Citation2022, 12-18.26。范迪门斯,《引文》,2008,15-72.27。Van Diemen 's,引文,2008,36-72.28。阿特金森,《四种模式》,citation1979,28 - 35;约翰斯顿,《糟糕》,Citation2016,第4名;Tuffin et al.,“Landscapes”,Citation2018, 568-569;麦克斯韦-斯图尔特和昆兰,“不自由”,Citation2022, 55-84.29。麦克斯韦-斯图尔特和昆兰,“不自由”,Citation2022, 75-84.30。Tuffin et al .,“景观”,citation2018,50 - 76.31。出处同上,224 - 225.32。范迪门斯,《引文》,2008,231-235.33。出处同上,137;欣德马什,《啤酒》,1999,第137.34页。劳伦斯,<酿造>,引文出版社。, 3;喀斯喀特女工厂历史遗址,《喀斯喀特》,第35期。范迪门斯,《引文》,2008,136-137.36。麦克斯韦·斯图尔特和昆兰,《女囚犯》,Citation2017,第29页;史密斯、货物、Citation2008;Wapping历史组,Down Wapping, Citation1988, 111-128.37。罗斯,“女人的邻居”,引文1983.38。博伊斯,范迪门斯地以北的Citation2008, 112 - 117;威廉姆森,“信”,Citation1820 1.39。麦克斯韦-斯图尔特和昆兰,“不自由”,Citation2022, 59.40。Wapping历史组,Down Wapping, Citation1988, 123.41。巴赫金,拉伯雷,引文,1984,19 - 26.42。Pretyman,《早期》,citation1970,50;Ward, Australia, Citation1967, 40.43。安德森,《进化》,Citation2020, 727.44。Schmid et al., Drink, Citation2014;Haydock,“消费”,引文,2016,3-5.45。巴赫金,拉伯雷,Citation1984, 10-11;Haydock,“消费”,Citation2016, 3-5;摩尔,《澳大利亚的波西米亚人》,引文,2005,8.46。布雷瑟顿,《嘉年华》引文,1991,324 - 325.47。Hindmarsh,“啤酒”,Citation1999, 155-156;范迪门斯,《中国科学》,2008,35 - 35。欣德马什,<啤酒>,引文1999,第155.49页。参见麦克斯韦-斯图尔特和昆兰的《不自由》,Citation2022, 186.50。皮尔斯,《公共房屋》,Citation2006,第2期;Wapping历史组,Down Wapping, Citation1988, 118-119.51。Reid, < Setting Women >, Citation2003,第8.52页。Boyce, Van Diemen 's, Citation2008, 135.53。
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引用次数: 0
Communicating Beyond Death: Examining Suicide Letters from England (1757–1849) and Brazil (1920–1929) 超越死亡的交流:英国(1757-1849)和巴西(1920-1929)遗书研究
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-23 DOI: 10.1080/14780038.2023.2253569
Ella Sbaraini, Pedro Frederico Falk
This article explores the ways in which people imagined their suicide letters to be tools of posthumous communication, in both eighteenth- and nineteenth-century London, and early twentieth-century Pernambuco. In examining letters from two places with very different religious traditions; at times of very divergent legal approaches to suicide; and at important points of change, this article seeks to examine both the commonalities and cultural specificities of these letters. Using 67 English and 39 Brazilian letters, it explores the suicide letter as a form of writing. It shows that, although death literally destroyed the possibility of interpersonal exchange, its imminence could make for particularly honest epistolary expressions of emotion. It also argues that, for some writers, death was envisaged as a divide which could be breached.
这篇文章探讨了在18世纪和19世纪的伦敦,以及20世纪初的伯南布哥,人们是如何把他们的遗书想象成死后交流的工具的。在研究来自两个有着不同宗教传统的地方的信件时;在对自杀的法律态度非常不同的时候;在重要的变化点上,本文试图研究这些信件的共性和文化特殊性。它使用67个英文字母和39个巴西字母,探索了作为一种写作形式的遗书。它表明,尽管死亡确实摧毁了人际交流的可能性,但它的迫切性可以使情感的书信表达变得特别诚实。它还认为,对一些作家来说,死亡被设想为一种可以被打破的鸿沟。
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引用次数: 0
Spectres Across the Atlantic, c.1820-1940: Communicating with the Dead Over Space and Time 《穿越大西洋的幽灵》,约1820-1940年:穿越时空与亡灵交流
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/14780038.2023.2258606
Clodagh Tait
In Irish tradition it was believed that both the living and the dead might in certain circumstances appear at a distance from their bodies. This article considers occasions where such supernatural visitations happened close to the moment of the death. Deathbed apparitions or ‘crisis apparitions’ were reported widely in Europe and America, but have not been much explored by historians. In crisis apparition stories, the dying or just-dead person visited a neighbour, friend or close relative and a key feature was that the percipient would declare what they had seen, even before confirmation had arrived of the death. Accounts dating from between about the 1820s and 1940s provide the basis for an exploration of the crisis apparition both as reported in Ireland and among Irish people abroad. That many crisis apparitions communicated across the Atlantic reflects the anxieties of ‘exiles’ and their friends and families about death far from home, and this article also considers their role in bridging gaps in conventional communications. Accounts of supernatural leave-taking also travelled across time, offering insights about how storytelling assisted the processing of grief and the handing down of the dead over generations that are relevant to other contexts far beyond Ireland’s shores.
在爱尔兰传统中,人们相信生者和死者在某些情况下都可能与他们的身体保持一定距离。这篇文章考虑的场合,这种超自然的访问发生在接近死亡的时刻。临终幽灵或“危机幽灵”在欧洲和美国被广泛报道,但历史学家并没有对此进行过多的研究。在危机幽灵故事中,濒死或刚刚死去的人去拜访邻居、朋友或近亲,一个关键特征是,感知者甚至在确认死亡到来之前就会宣布他们所看到的。从19世纪20年代到20世纪40年代之间的记录为探索爱尔兰和海外爱尔兰人之间的危机幽灵提供了基础。许多跨越大西洋的危机幽灵反映了“流亡者”及其朋友和家人对远离家乡的死亡的焦虑,本文也考虑了它们在弥合传统通信差距方面的作用。关于超自然的告别的描述也跨越了时间,提供了关于讲故事如何帮助处理悲伤和将死者代代相传的见解,这些都与爱尔兰海岸以外的其他情况有关。
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引用次数: 0
Group Petitioning and the Performance of Neighbourliness in the West Midlands, 1589-1700 团体请愿与西米德兰兹的睦邻行为,1589-1700
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.1080/14780038.2023.2258601
Amy Burnett
Using 192 petitions from the Staffordshire and Worcestershire Quarter Sessions, this article questions whether petitioning culture in the early modern West Midlands supports the idea of the ‘decline of neighbourliness’. It frames group petitioning as an inherently social and neighbourly (yet performative) act in which a signatory was entering into an exchange of ‘social capital’. Ultimately, it is argued that as mentions of immoral behaviour became rarer, and demands of relief for poverty-stricken neighbours rose, petitions may appear to present a firm counter-argument to the supposed ‘decline of neighbourliness’. However, there are strong hints, such as the increasing likelihood to provide a mark or signature, that people joined petitioning groups for individualistic aims. Thus, group petitions show that neighbourliness and individualism should not be seen as mutually exclusive in early modern communities.
本文利用来自斯塔福德郡和伍斯特郡地区会议的192份请愿书,质疑近代早期西米德兰兹郡的请愿文化是否支持“邻里关系衰落”的观点。它将团体请愿视为一种固有的社会和邻里(但具有表演性)行为,签署人正在进行“社会资本”的交换。最后,有人认为,随着对不道德行为的提及越来越少,对贫困邻居的救济要求越来越高,请愿书可能会对所谓的“邻里关系的衰落”提出坚定的反驳。然而,有强烈的迹象表明,人们加入请愿团体是为了实现个人目标,比如提供标记或签名的可能性越来越大。因此,团体请愿表明,在早期现代社会中,邻里关系和个人主义不应被视为相互排斥的。
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引用次数: 0
“The Worst Invention Ever” The Number Lottery and its Critics during the Press Freedom Period in Denmark-Norway 1770-1773 “史上最糟糕的发明”——数字彩票及其批评者在1770-1773年丹麦-挪威的新闻自由时期
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-16 DOI: 10.1080/14780038.2023.2256212
Ulrik Langen
ABSTRACTDuring the so-called Press Freedom Period, 1770–1773, in Denmark-Norway, fierce and mostly anonymous criticism of the recently introduced number lottery emerged. This opposition went beyond mainstream patriotic discourse and produced narratives of players and lottery agents as socially irresponsible individuals. The article traces the initial development of a patriotic narrative concerning matters of morality, the deterioration of the labour force, and the perceived threats against the resilience of the state. We demonstrate how the focus of criticism – during the subsequent phase leading up to the closing of Press Freedom in October-November 1773 – shifted towards the practice of playing the lottery and the actors embodying this practice as victims or abettors of the operations of an ominous state-sanctioned enterprise. This rapid transformation of discourse was a unique feature of the Press Freedom Period.KEYWORDS: Lotterythe press freedom periodpatriotism18th centuryDenmark-Norway AcknowledgementI am grateful to the two anonymous peer reviewers for their valuable suggestions. Also, I would like to thank my colleagues Niklas Olsen, Søren Rud, Gunvor Simonsen and Karen Vallgårda at the Saxo Institute (University of Copenhagen) for much-appreciated comments on an early version of this article.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. On Danish-Norwegian lotteries in general see Helle Linde, ‘Lotterier’, Københavns Kronik, no. 43 (1989): 3–4; C.A. Clemmensen, Almindelig dansk Vare- og Industrilotteri (Copenhagen: O.O. Olsen, 1937)2. Royal Ordinance of 21 March 1738. Danish-Norwegian Royal Ordinances are printed in Jacob Henrich Schou, Chronologisk Register over de Kongelige Forordninger og Aabne Breve, samt andre trykte Anordninger, som fra Aar 1670 af ere udkomne, tilligemed et nøiagtigt Udtog af de endnu gieldende, for saavidt samme i almindelighed angaae Undersaatterne i Danmark, forsynet med et alphabetisk Register (Copenhagen: Gyldendal, 1777–1822). Every ordinance mentioned in this article can be consulted in this collection.3. Royal Ordinance of 29 June 1753.4. Royal Ordinance of 4 December 1767.5. James Raven, ‘Debating the Lottery in Britain c. 1750–1830’, Manfred Zollinger, ed., Random Riches. Gambling Past & Present (London: Routledge, 2016), 966. On the Danish-Norwegian Press Freedom Period see Ulrik Langen and Frederik Stjernfelt, The World’s First Full Press Freedom. The Radical Experiment of Denmark-Norway1770–1773 (Oldenbourg: De Gruyter, 2022)7. To some extent, the criticism of the lottery can be compared to the debate on the Royal Lottery in France in pamphlets and cahiers de doléances in 1787–1789; a specific opportunity making way for severe attacks on a state institution (or rather state-approved institution as was the case with the Danish-Norwegian lottery). See Robert Kruckeberg, ’The Royal Lottery and the Old Regime: Financial Innovation and Modern Political Culture’
摘要在所谓的新闻自由时期(1770-1773年),在丹麦和挪威,出现了对最近推出的数字彩票的激烈且大多是匿名的批评。这种反对超越了主流的爱国话语,并产生了球员和彩票经纪人作为社会不负责任的个人的叙述。这篇文章追溯了爱国主义叙事的最初发展,涉及道德问题、劳动力的恶化以及对国家恢复力的感知威胁。我们展示了批评的焦点-在导致1773年10月至11月新闻自由关闭的后续阶段-如何转移到玩彩票的做法以及体现这种做法的演员作为一个不祥的国家批准企业运作的受害者或教唆犯。这种话语的快速转变是新闻自由时期的一个独特特征。关键词:彩票;新闻自由;爱国主义;18世纪;丹麦-挪威致谢感谢两位匿名的同行审稿人提出的宝贵建议。此外,我还要感谢我的同事Niklas Olsen、Søren Rud、Gunvor Simonsen和Karen vallg<s:1> rda对本文早期版本的评论。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。关于丹麦-挪威的彩票,一般见Helle Linde, ' Lotterier ', Københavns Kronik, no。43 (1989): 3-4;C.A.克莱门森,《丹麦工业发展与发展》(哥本哈根:O.O. Olsen, 1937)1738年3月21日的皇家法令。丹麦-挪威皇家法令印刷在Jacob Henrich Schou, Chronologisk Register over de Kongelige Forordninger og Aabne Breve, samt andre trykte Anordninger, som fra a1670, after udkomne, tilliged et øiagtigt Udtog af de endnu gieldende, for saavidt samme i Danmark, forsynet med et alphabeisk Register(哥本哈根:Gyldendal, 1777-1822)。这篇文章中提到的每一个条例都可以在这个合集中查阅。1753.4年6月29日的皇家法令。1767.5年12月4日的皇家法令。詹姆斯·雷文,《1750-1830年英国的彩票之争》,曼弗雷德·佐林格主编,《随机财富》。赌博的过去和现在(伦敦:劳特利奇,2016),966。关于丹麦-挪威新闻自由时期,请参阅Ulrik Langen和Frederik Stjernfelt的《世界上第一个完全的新闻自由》。丹麦-挪威的激进实验1770 - 1773(奥尔登堡:De Gruyter, 2022)在某种程度上,对彩票的批评可以与1787年至1789年法国小册子和记录簿中关于皇家彩票的辩论进行比较;这是对国家机构(或者更确切地说,是国家批准的机构,比如丹麦-挪威彩票公司)进行严重攻击的特定机会。见Robert Kruckeberg,“皇家彩票与旧政权:金融创新与现代政治文化”,《法国历史研究》,2014年第37期,第47-488页。摘自J.C. Laursen,《大卫·休谟与17世纪70年代丹麦关于新闻自由的辩论》,《思想史杂志》,59年,第5期。1(1998), 167-729。关于丹麦18世纪的爱国主义,见约翰·弗约德·詹森(Johan Fjord Jensen)等人所著的《丹麦文学史》。《1746-1807年的爱国者》(哥本哈根:吉登达尔出版社,1983年);蒂娜·达姆肖尔特,Fædrelandskærlighed og borgerdyd。丹麦的爱国主义圆盘和军事改革家在1700年的半身像(哥本哈根:图斯库兰姆博物馆,2000);Juliane Engelhardt, Borgerskab和ællesskab。(哥本哈根:图斯库兰姆博物馆,2010)。H. Horstbøll、U. Langen和F. Stjernfelt、Grov Konfækt都提到了新闻自由爱国主义。文献综述(英文版),第1卷,1771 - 7310页。布鲁诺伯纳德,“方面moreaux et sociaux des彩票”,布鲁诺伯纳德和米歇尔Ansieux,编辑。欧洲的彩票。《五百年历史》(布鲁塞尔:Snoeck-Ducaju & Zoon出版社,国家彩票出版社,1995),55-78页。参见约翰·邓克利,赌博:法国的一个社会和道德问题,1685-1792(牛津:伏尔泰基金会,1985)。曼弗雷德·佐林格,“机会交易——导言”,佐林格,《随机财富》,第5-612页。1735年6月30日的皇家法令禁止外国彩票代理商进入哥本哈根,1771年12月20日的皇家法令“更新和增加”了禁令。尽管如此,这项措施并没有阻止哥本哈根市民玩外国彩票。这样的流放是欧洲潮流的一部分(例如,1752年的法国,1763年的荷兰)。13.见Marie-Laure Legay, Les lotterroyales dans l 'Europe des lumiires: 1680-1815 (Villeneuve d 'Ascq:出版社Universitaires du Septentrion, 2014),第7章(数字版本,无页码)。 作者简介:ulrik Langen ulrik Langen ulrik Langen是一位历史学教授,在文化和社会历史领域发表了许多主题的文章。他的最新著作是《世界上第一个完全的新闻自由:1770-73年丹麦-挪威的激进实验》(De Gruyter, 2022)。
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引用次数: 0
Keats, Letters, Grief, and Delay 1818-1820 济慈:《书信、悲伤与延迟》1818-1820
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-16 DOI: 10.1080/14780038.2023.2257339
Rosie Whitcombe
Digital technologies offer a quick and convenient method of communicating across distance, but there are unique benefits to engaging in forms of delayed communication. Long-distance letter writing in the early nineteenth century was often a slow business, and one that Romantic poet, John Keats, capitalised on. In particular, the letter provided Keats with a means of managing the reality of his circumstances when he was faced with inexorable loss and tragedy. In the period of time leading up to the death of his brother, Tom, in 1818, Keats exploited the specific cultures and forms of letter writing to generate a unique consolation for himself and his family members; as he confronted the reality of his own death two years later, the letter played a similarly crucial role in managing his feelings of loss and grief. Letter writing, during these difficult periods, presented Keats with a unique dichotomy: the letter kept him grounded in the cruel reality of his situation while often functioning as a singularly effective means of managing it. How the specific cultures of letter writing and disease intersect, and how Keats’s imaginative epistolary narratives coalesce with the increasingly urgent facts of consumption and death, will be examined here.
数字技术提供了一种快速方便的跨距离通信方法,但参与延迟通信的形式也有独特的好处。在19世纪早期,长途写信通常是一件缓慢的事情,浪漫主义诗人约翰·济慈(John Keats)利用了这一点。特别是,这封信为济慈提供了一种手段,让他在面对不可阻挡的损失和悲剧时,能够控制自己所处的现实。在1818年他的兄弟汤姆去世之前的一段时间里,济慈利用了特定的写信文化和形式,为自己和家人创造了一种独特的安慰;两年后,当他面对自己死亡的现实时,这封信在控制他的失落和悲伤情绪方面发挥了同样重要的作用。在这些困难时期,写信给济慈呈现了一种独特的两面性:写信使他立足于他所处的残酷现实,同时又常常作为一种非常有效的管理手段。具体的写信文化和疾病是如何交织在一起的,济慈富有想象力的书信叙事是如何与日益紧迫的消费和死亡事实结合在一起的,这些都将在这里进行研究。
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引用次数: 0
Roadside Media: Roadside Crash Shrines as Platforms for Communicating Across Time, Space, and Mortality in the Early 2000s United States 路边媒体:21世纪初美国作为跨越时间、空间和死亡交流平台的路边碰撞神社
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-04 DOI: 10.1080/14780038.2023.2253720
R. Bednar
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引用次数: 0
The Story of John P. Gloyn and “The City Road Congregation” (1872-1877), or How a Deaf-Led Deaf Space Came into Existence in Victorian North London 约翰·P·格林与“城市道路公理会”(1872-1877)的故事,或聋人主导的聋人空间如何在维多利亚时代的北伦敦出现
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1080/14780038.2023.2252599
W. Lyons
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引用次数: 0
The Beat Cop: Chicago’s Chief O’Neill and the Creation of Irish Music 垮掉的警察:芝加哥首席奥尼尔与爱尔兰音乐的创作
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-08 DOI: 10.1080/14780038.2023.2241742
Eleanor Lybeck
men settling back into the security of home life and experiencing loving care and comfort in family support. Here, Bate has carried out admirable work in tracing the afterlives of some of the facially-injured men from the Great War. In terms of visual representation of facial trauma during the Great War, existing academic discourse to date has tended to rely on the Gillies’ Archive of patient records and images. For example, Suzannah Biernoff and Emma Chambers have produced outstanding analyses on Henry Tonks’ portraits and other images. However, while this is a rich seam of fascinating and valuable resources relating to the medical visual cultures of facial injury during the conflict, it is refreshing to see untapped materials subjected to Bate’s careful scrutiny. Photography in the Great War gives an important, alternative perspective on not only the visual recording of these injuries, but also on the work of other clinicians and some of their patients’ stories
男人回到安全的家庭生活中,在家庭的支持下体验到关爱和舒适。在这里,贝特进行了令人钦佩的工作,追踪一些在一战中面部受伤的人的死后生活。就一战期间面部创伤的视觉表现而言,迄今为止,现有的学术论述往往依赖于吉利斯的病人记录和图像档案。例如,苏珊娜·比尔诺夫(Suzannah Biernoff)和艾玛·钱伯斯(Emma Chambers)对亨利·唐克斯(Henry Tonks)的肖像和其他图像进行了出色的分析。然而,虽然这是一个与冲突期间面部损伤的医学视觉文化有关的丰富而迷人的宝贵资源,但看到未开发的材料受到贝特的仔细审查,令人耳目一新。第一次世界大战中的摄影提供了一个重要的,替代的视角,不仅是这些伤害的视觉记录,而且是其他临床医生的工作和他们的一些病人的故事
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Cultural & Social History
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