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Conflict Mitigation versus Governance: The Case of Consociation in Iraq 缓解冲突与治理:伊拉克联合的案例
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2188648
D. O’Driscoll, Irene Costantini
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引用次数: 0
The Paradox of Pluralism: Municipal Integration Policy in Québec 多元主义的悖论:衢州的市政一体化政策
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-25 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2193282
Bob W. White
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引用次数: 0
“Why Do We Need a World without Russia in It?” Discursive Justifications of the Russian Invasion of Ukraine in Russia and Germany “为什么我们需要一个没有俄罗斯的世界?”俄罗斯入侵乌克兰在俄罗斯和德国的话语正当性
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2199927
Polina Zavershinskaia
Abstract Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, which started on February 24, 2022, has marked a turning point in Russian-Western relations. While liberal democratic societies’ unanimous condemnation of that invasion was followed by unprecedented sanctions and a rupture of diplomatic and economic relations with Russia, some Western social and political actors supported, to some extent, the Russian rhetoric regarding the invasion of Ukraine. Consequentially, this paper not only reveals that Russian state discourses aimed to justify the invasion, it also identifies the selective dissemination of Russian state discourses by the AfD in Germany. Moreover, it compares the antagonistic discursive dynamics in the authoritarian pseudo-civil sphere and the similar discourses of the radical right in the democratic civil sphere, and examine their reception in Russia and Germany. Drawing on Multilayered Narrative Analysis, which relies on a combination of cultural sociological Civil Sphere Theory (CST) and mnemonic figurations developed in the historical sociology of Bernhard Giesen, this paper first describes the Russian state discourses intended to sacralize the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It then examines to what extent the populist radical right disseminated these in Germany, before analyzing and comparing the symbolic influence of such discourses in the Russian pseudo-civil and German civil spheres.
俄罗斯从2022年2月24日开始全面入侵乌克兰,标志着俄罗斯与西方关系的转折点。尽管自由民主社会一致谴责那次入侵,随后又对俄罗斯实施了前所未有的制裁,断绝了与俄罗斯的外交和经济关系,但一些西方社会和政治行为者在某种程度上支持俄罗斯关于入侵乌克兰的言论。因此,本文不仅揭示了俄罗斯国家话语旨在为入侵辩护,还确定了德国另类选择党在德国选择性传播俄罗斯国家话语。此外,它比较了专制伪公民领域的对抗性话语动态和民主公民领域激进右翼的类似话语,并考察了它们在俄罗斯和德国的接受情况。本文首先运用文化社会学的公民圈理论(CST)和伯恩哈德·吉森(Bernhard Giesen)的历史社会学的助记比喻相结合的多层次叙事分析方法,描述了旨在将俄罗斯入侵乌克兰神圣化的俄罗斯国家话语。然后,在分析和比较这些话语在俄罗斯伪公民和德国公民领域的象征性影响之前,研究民粹主义激进右翼在德国传播这些话语的程度。
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引用次数: 0
Like Snow in the Sun. The German Minority in Denmark in Historical Perspective 就像《阳光下的雪》历史视野中的丹麦德裔少数民族
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2207870
M. Klatt
Avigail Eisenberg argues that, in Canada, multiculturalism presents important obstacles to decolonization. Furthermore, Amanda Gouws presents the difficulties in applying the concept of multiculturalism to postcolonial societies in her discussion of South Africa. The book has a global reach but dedicates less attention to some interesting cases. The extensive coverage of the Canadian case is self-evident and provides a useful point of reference for the various discussions in the book. Other parts of the Americas are relatively little discussed. The chapter on language policies in the United States uses a multitude of quotations, which are hard to contextualize and might not be accessible for a global readership. In addition, the significance of multicultural politics in Latin America is mentioned only in passing in the book. Yet, the chapter by Debra Thompson on Black Lives Matter convincingly provides evidence to the claim that multiculturalism has proven wholly insufficient to challenge persistent racial inequality in democratic societies. The chapters also include well-written introductions on rights of minorities in the European Union by Dolores Morondo Taramundi and anti-multiculturalism in contemporary Hungary by Zsolt K€ ortv elyesi. The book also covers the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on diverse societies: Anna Triandafyllidou discusses whether the pandemic emergency can lead to both policy and analytical innovation in matters of membership and citizenship, and Tim Soutphommasane questions the durability of Australian multiculturalism during the pandemic. The editors, Yasmeen Abu-Laban, Alain-G Gagnon, and Arjun Tremblay, provide useful introductory and concluding chapters that tie the book together: They outline multiculturalism’s contemporary challenges and possible futures, framing the book’s overall engagement with multiculturalism’s promise and limitations. However, the emphasis on the shortcomings of multiculturalism and the need for other approaches somewhat hides the significant contribution of the Canadian experience of multiculturalism both to international discussions and to global recognition of minority rights. Yet, a critical debate on multiculturalism is necessary, and the book provides a relevant overview of critical debates on diversity politics. This valuable collection of chapters will be of great interest for anyone involved in contemporary debates on diversity politics and will serve as a key publication for anyone with an interest in the trajectory and future of multiculturalism.
阿维盖尔·艾森伯格认为,在加拿大,多元文化主义是非殖民化的重要障碍。此外,Amanda Gouws在她对南非的讨论中提出了将多元文化主义概念应用于后殖民社会的困难。这本书覆盖全球,但对一些有趣的案例关注较少。加拿大案例的广泛报道是不言而喻的,并为书中各种讨论提供了有用的参考点。美洲其他地区相对较少被提及。关于美国语言政策的章节使用了大量的引文,这些引文很难被语境化,也可能无法为全球读者所理解。此外,书中对拉丁美洲多元文化政治的意义也只是略为提及。然而,黛布拉·汤普森(Debra Thompson)在《黑人的命也是命》(Black Lives Matter)一章中令人信服地证明,多元文化主义已被证明完全不足以挑战民主社会中持续存在的种族不平等。这些章节还包括Dolores Morondo Taramundi对欧盟少数民族权利的精彩介绍,以及Zsolt K€ortv elyesi对当代匈牙利反多元文化主义的介绍。这本书还涵盖了COVID-19大流行对不同社会的影响:Anna Triandafyllidou讨论了大流行紧急情况是否会导致会员和公民身份问题上的政策和分析创新,Tim south phommasane质疑大流行期间澳大利亚多元文化主义的持久性。编辑Yasmeen Abu-Laban, Alain-G Gagnon和Arjun Tremblay提供了有用的引言和结束语章节,将本书联系在一起:他们概述了多元文化主义在当代面临的挑战和可能的未来,将本书的整体参与与多元文化主义的承诺和局限性联系在一起。然而,强调多元文化主义的缺点和对其他方法的需要在某种程度上掩盖了加拿大多元文化主义经验对国际讨论和全球承认少数民族权利的重大贡献。然而,对多元文化主义的批判性辩论是必要的,这本书提供了对多样性政治的批判性辩论的相关概述。对于参与当代多样性政治辩论的任何人来说,这本有价值的章节集都将非常感兴趣,并且对于任何对多元文化主义的轨迹和未来感兴趣的人来说,这将是一本重要的出版物。
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引用次数: 0
Jews and Palestinians in the Late Ottoman Era, 1908–1914: Claiming the Homeland 奥斯曼帝国晚期的犹太人和巴勒斯坦人,1908-1914:争夺家园
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2207872
Övgü Ülgen
minating in the Bonn-Copenhagen Declarations (1955). The following chapter by Michael Byram (Durham University) analyzes school, language, and identity in North Schleswig in the 1980s. It is widely accepted that education has a key function in promoting the use of minority language and identity, but in cases of cross-border minorities, the curricula taught must accommodate the narrative and demands of both, the kinand the state of residence. Additionally, German schools in a Danish state faced a challenge that most minority members spoke the regional dialect Sønderjysk (Southern Jutian), neither standard Danish, nor standard German of the states to which they could be linked via ethnopolitical identities. The former principal of one of the Danish high schools in South Schleswig, Jørgen K€ uhl, offers an overview of minority history until 2020, the centenary of border redrawal and reconstitution of German minority in Denmark. He points out that relationships have normalized since 1995 when the chairman of the German minority spoke for the first time at the central lieu-de-memoire in Danish national history, the battle of Dybbøl memorial day. To this effect, K€ uhl argues, the younger generation from the community see no contradiction in pursuing schooling at first in Danish Duborgskolen in South Schleswig and then enrolling in Deutsches Gymnasium Nordschleswig. He concludes that the previously dominant reference of the region’s citizens to either of the nation-states as homelands, has yielded place to a non-state, Schleswig regional identity. The final chapter by Ruairidh Tarvet (Edinburgh University) confirms this observation in the analysis of linguistic identity in the German minority. He demonstrates both the flexibility of code switching in different circumstances and navigation between standard German, standard Danish and the Sønderjysk dialect. This book opens existing historical research on the region in the region’s languages to an international public; it adds to understanding of hitherto unknown aspects of minority identity formation and community consolidation. Yet, much more critical reflection could have been offered in this volume on the dominant presentation of minority history during and its relationship to NS German rule. If anything this reflects on challenges that minority members themselves face in their Vergangenheitsbew€altigung and are increasingly perceived as such by the minority itself.
《波恩-哥本哈根宣言》(1955年)。迈克尔·拜拉姆(杜伦大学)的下一章分析了20世纪80年代北石勒苏益格的学校、语言和身份。人们普遍认为,教育在促进使用少数民族语言和认同方面具有关键作用,但在跨界少数民族的情况下,所教授的课程必须适应居住民族和居住国家的叙述和要求。此外,丹麦国家的德语学校面临着一个挑战,即大多数少数民族成员说的是南jutian方言,既不是标准的丹麦语,也不是通过民族政治身份与他们联系在一起的国家的标准德语。在南石勒苏益格的一所丹麦高中的前校长Jørgen K ø uhl,提供了直到2020年的少数民族历史的概述,这是丹麦的边界重新划定和德国少数民族重建的一百周年。他指出,自1995年德裔少数民族主席首次在丹麦国家历史上的纪念中心——迪布尔战役纪念日——发表讲话以来,两国关系已经正常化。为此,乌尔认为,来自社区的年轻一代认为,首先在南石勒苏益格的丹麦杜博斯科伦学校接受教育,然后进入北石勒苏益格的德意志中学就读,并没有什么矛盾。他的结论是,以前该地区公民将两个民族国家中的任何一个作为家园的主要参考,已经让位给非国家的石勒苏益格地区认同。爱丁堡大学的Ruairidh Tarvet在最后一章对德语少数民族语言认同的分析中证实了这一观察。他展示了在不同情况下代码转换的灵活性,以及在标准德语、标准丹麦语和Sønderjysk方言之间的导航。这本书以该地区的语言向国际公众开放了该地区现有的历史研究;它增加了对迄今为止未知的少数民族身份形成和社区巩固方面的理解。然而,在这本书中,可以提供更多关于少数民族历史的主要表现及其与新德国统治的关系的批判性反思。如果说有什么不同的话,那就是这反映了少数民族成员自己在他们的vergangenheitsbealtigung中所面临的挑战,并且越来越多地被少数民族自己所认识到。
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引用次数: 1
Power-Sharing Models for Postwar Syria: Consociational vs. Centripetal Options 战后叙利亚的权力分享模式:联合与向心选择
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2203994
Imad Salamey, Takla Katoul Rahbani
Abstract This article explores potential power-sharing models for post-conflict Syria. It surveys the literature on the need for power-sharing as a conflict management tool for deeply divided societies and explores its suitability for Syria. Two particular power-sharing models are explored: the consociational and centripetal. Both arrangements are examined through a comparative research that assesses the success and failures of the Lebanese and Iraqi power-sharing experiences. The findings suggest that reform toward post-conflict reconstruction requires a multi-step political agreement that may be initiated in an agreement toward a transitional consociational power-sharing arrangement followed by the gradual attainment of centripetal-based power structure.
本文探讨了冲突后叙利亚可能的权力分享模式。它调查了有关权力分享作为严重分裂社会的冲突管理工具的必要性的文献,并探讨了其对叙利亚的适用性。探讨了两种特殊的权力分享模式:联合模式和向心模式。通过一项比较研究审查了这两种安排,该研究评估了黎巴嫩和伊拉克分享权力经验的成败。研究结果表明,冲突后重建的改革需要一个多步骤的政治协议,可以在达成过渡联合权力分享安排的协议中开始,然后逐步实现以向心为基础的权力结构。
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引用次数: 0
Crimea in Ukraine: Smoothing the Edges as Diversity Institutionalization 乌克兰克里米亚:作为多元化制度化的平滑边缘
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2207367
A. Osipov
Abstract From the early 1990s, Ukrainian Crimea seemed to face the Russian majority’s separatist inclinations and far-reaching political claims of the formerly deported Crimean Tatars. Nevertheless, the peninsula’s autonomous status secured ethnopolitical stability for about 19 years, and the article considers how the established regime of diversity governance contributed to the autonomy’s endurance. The author concludes that this regime did not fit into an explanatory framework of inter-group balance, such as power-sharing. Among the factors securing durablity were the ambiguity of official narratives, loosely formalized participatory mechanisms encouraging opportunisic behavior and the maintenace of the elites’ and population segments’ expectations.
从20世纪90年代初开始,乌克兰克里米亚似乎面临着俄罗斯多数人的分离主义倾向和前被驱逐的克里米亚鞑靼人的深远政治主张。然而,半岛的自治地位确保了大约19年的民族政治稳定,本文考虑了建立的多样性治理制度如何有助于自治的持久性。作者的结论是,这种制度不符合权力分享等群体间平衡的解释框架。确保持久性的因素包括官方叙述的模糊性,鼓励机会主义行为的松散形式化参与机制以及维持精英和人口群体的期望。
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引用次数: 0
Assessing Multiculturalism in Global Comparative Perspective: A New Politics of Diversity for the 21st Century? 从全球比较的角度评估多元文化主义:21世纪的新多样性政治?
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2207874
Östen Wahlbeck
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引用次数: 0
Ideational Models of Immigrant Integration in Japan: A Multi-Scalar Approach to the Dynamics of Policy Frames 日本移民融合的观念模型:政策框架动态的多标量方法
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2205686
Eléonore Komai
Abstract This article explores migrant integration policy frames in Japan based on a multi-scalar research design. The development of migrant integration frames mirrors a process where the local scale has contributed to the development of a national policy based on the concept of “multicultural coexistence.” Under the impulsion of immigration reforms, the central government has consolidated the national framework and strengthened its involvement in the governance of migrant integration turning to a more economic framing of migrants. While the cases of Aichi prefecture and Nagoya and Toyohashi cities (located in Aichi prefecture) reflect a gradual convergence of frames with the national level, policies in Kyoto prefecture and Kyoto city do not echo such shifts. Surprisingly, Kyotango city located in Kyoto prefecture has drawn on national level policies turning to a more economic framing of migrants. A focus on “relationality” and stakeholders in policy formulation and relationships between different scales of governance suggests that the assemblage of local political actors bringing their priorities to the discussion table are important shaping forces of local policy frame development. At the same time, exchanges in horizontal and vertical networks exhibit the vitality of the circulation of ideas, even in the absence of formal coordination mechanisms.
摘要本文基于多尺度研究设计,探索日本移民融合政策框架。移民融合框架的发展反映了一个过程,即地方规模对基于“多元文化共存”概念的国家政策的发展作出了贡献。在移民改革的推动下,中央政府巩固了国家框架,加强了对移民融合治理的参与,转向更经济的移民框架。虽然爱知县、名古屋和丰田市(位于爱知县)的案例反映了框架与国家层面的逐渐趋同,但京都县和京都市的政策并没有反映这种变化。令人惊讶的是,位于京都县的京丹市已经从国家层面的政策转向更经济的移民框架。对政策制定中的“关系”和利益相关者以及不同治理规模之间关系的关注表明,将其优先事项带到讨论桌上的地方政治行为体的集合是地方政策框架制定的重要塑造力量。与此同时,即使在没有正式协调机制的情况下,横向和纵向网络的交流也表现出思想流通的活力。
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引用次数: 0
The State of Consociationalism in Lebanon 黎巴嫩的社会主义国家
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-24 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2187970
B. F. Salloukh
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Nationalism and Ethnic Politics
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