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Illiberal Nationalism and the Backlash against Liberal Cosmopolitanism in Post-Communist Europe 后共产主义欧洲的非自由民族主义和对自由世界主义的抵制
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-02-10 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2029082
Paul Kubicek
Abstract This article analyses the fate of liberal nationalism in the post-communist space and the rise of illiberal variants in recent years. It explores how liberalism has been decoupled from nationalism and is now closely associated with cosmopolitanism, which supports universal rights while downplaying notions of national citizenship. The result is that, as publics have grown sour on globalization and institutions such as the European Union, illiberal nationalism has become the “default” nationalist response. While recognizing that this reaction holds across much of Europe, it investigates the rise of illiberal nationalism in Hungary and Poland. In addition to analyzing actions and statements of political elites, it presents public opinion data to argue that there remains a pronounced East-West gap on several fundamental issues.
摘要本文分析了自由民族主义在后共产主义空间的命运以及近年来非自由主义变体的兴起。它探讨了自由主义如何与民族主义脱钩,现在与世界主义密切相关,世界主义支持普遍权利,同时淡化国家公民身份的概念。结果是,随着公众对全球化和欧盟等机构越来越反感,不自由的民族主义已成为“默认的”民族主义反应。在承认这种反应在欧洲大部分地区都存在的同时,它也调查了匈牙利和波兰非自由民族主义的兴起。除了分析政治精英的行动和言论外,它还提供了民意数据,证明在几个基本问题上东西方仍然存在明显的差距。
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引用次数: 1
National Buildings for Nation-Building: The Case of England's and France's National Football Stadiums 国家建设中的国家建筑:以英法两国国家足球场为例
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-12 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2021.2022665
Kidron Anat, Orr Levental
Abstract Buildings that contribute either directly or indirectly to the formation of a national identity are typically associated with historical monuments. Mega-structures such as national football stadiums, which were built as national monuments but were designed to meet functional needs as well, play a similar role. This paper examines these mega-structures, and specifically national football stadiums, through a critical review of two such stadiums, one in England and one in France, that represent an anomaly in the European context. The paper offers a local and global perspective based on nationality, geography, and sports theories. Our findings suggest that despite the differences between the two countries, they demonstrate a consensus regarding the need to build a national stadium. While this consensus is embedded in each country's colonial past, in both cases it reflects an inner need to cope with the decline of the imperial power and with the undermining of the homogenous social structure as a result of immigration.
直接或间接有助于形成国家身份的建筑通常与历史古迹联系在一起。像国家足球场这样的大型建筑,作为国家纪念碑而建,但同时也满足了功能需求,扮演着类似的角色。本文通过对两个这样的体育场(一个在英国,一个在法国)的批判性回顾,考察了这些巨型结构,特别是国家足球场,这两个体育场代表了欧洲背景下的异常。本文以民族、地理和体育理论为基础,提供了一个地方和全球的视角。我们的研究结果表明,尽管两国之间存在差异,但他们在建造国家体育场的必要性上达成了共识。虽然这一共识根植于两国的殖民历史,但在这两个国家,它都反映了一种内在的需要,即应对皇权的衰落以及移民对同质社会结构的破坏。
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引用次数: 0
Competing -Isms in the Horn of Africa: The Rise and Fall of Pan-Ethiopianism and Pan-Somalism 非洲之角的竞争主义:泛埃塞俄比亚主义和泛索马里主义的兴衰
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2021.2004766
John A. Zahorik
Abstract In the 1960s, Africa was heavily influenced by Pan-Africanist ideals promoted by great leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah. At the same time, it was also an era of other great -isms entering the African continent, namely Socialism, Marxism, Pan-Arabism, Pan-Islamism, and regional varieties of Pan-Movements. This article assesses two such pan-movements, namely, Pan-Ethiopianism and Pan-Somalism, which had very explosive and competing characters. This article examines the different historical roots of both movements (Pan-Ethiopianism and Pan-Somalism) and their competing elements. It also analyzes how relevant they are for our understanding of historical developments in the region of the Horn of Africa up until the present day.
20世纪60年代,非洲深受恩克鲁玛等伟大领袖所倡导的泛非主义理想的影响。与此同时,这也是其他大主义进入非洲大陆的时代,即社会主义、马克思主义、泛阿拉伯主义、泛伊斯兰主义以及区域性的泛运动。本文评价了两种泛埃塞俄比亚主义和泛索马里主义,这两种泛埃塞俄比亚主义具有爆炸性和竞争性。本文考察了这两个运动(泛埃塞俄比亚主义和泛索马里主义)的不同历史根源及其竞争因素。它还分析了它们对我们了解非洲之角地区直到今天的历史发展的相关性。
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引用次数: 0
Securitization of Muslims in Myanmar’s Early Transition (2010–15) 缅甸早期转型中的穆斯林证券化(2010-15)
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-29 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2021.2003624
Erin Bijl, Chris van der Borgh
Abstract Between 2010 and 2015, as Myanmar transitioned from authoritarian rule to a more liberal and democratic state, its Muslim population increasingly faced hate speech and violence. This article goes beyond analyses that regard the growing anti-Muslim sentiment as a consequence of a liberalized media environment, enabling people to voice long-standing grievances and prejudice. Rather, the notion of a “Muslim threat” to Myanmar’s Buddhist population is approached as the outcome of a dynamic process of securitization in which an alliance of political and religious elites was forged whose discourse changed the rules of the political field, forcing the reform-oriented opposition into strategic silence. It is argued that in the early period of liberalization, anti-Muslim frames were normalized and thus shaped the securitization of Muslims.
2010年至2015年间,随着缅甸从独裁统治向更加自由和民主的国家过渡,其穆斯林人口越来越多地面临仇恨言论和暴力。这篇文章超越了将日益增长的反穆斯林情绪视为自由媒体环境的结果的分析,使人们能够表达长期存在的不满和偏见。相反,“穆斯林对缅甸佛教徒构成威胁”的概念被认为是一个动态的证券化过程的结果,在这个过程中,政治和宗教精英组成的联盟形成了,他们的话语改变了政治领域的规则,迫使以改革为导向的反对派陷入战略沉默。本文认为,在自由化初期,反穆斯林框架被正常化,从而塑造了穆斯林的证券化。
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引用次数: 0
Democratization and Memories of Violence: Ethnic Minority Rights Movements in Mexico, Turkey, and El Salvador 民主化与暴力记忆:墨西哥、土耳其和萨尔瓦多的少数民族权利运动
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-27 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2021.1874156
Matthias vom Hau
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Local Government Reforms: A Case Study of Toro and Kigezi Districts in the Politics of Postcolonial Uganda 超越地方政府改革:后殖民时期乌干达政治中的托罗区和基盖齐区个案研究
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-19 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2021.1990704
Evarist Ngabirano
Abstract This study contributes to the understanding of ethnicity in local government politics in Uganda. The idea here is to explain how ethnic patriotism was possible under the circumstances in which the colonial mode of governance rigidly recognized only one official identity of the Batoro in Toro. In comparison, the study demonstrates how the response from the colonized in Kigezi set parameters outside the indirect rule politics partly because the colonial mode of governance there was flexible in as far as it recognized the multi-ethnic identity of Kigezi. Therefore, instead of focusing on the idea that the response from the colonized was always derivative, I also explore how it was dialectical. I deploy qualitative social science methodologies to study archives, literature review and oral interviews to examine three main ideas. The first idea is on how the colonial practice of homogenizing Toro served to reproduce ethnicity in politics. The second idea is that the colonial practice in Kigezi, which was flexible and other factors inspired a residence-based mode of governance. The third idea is that the colonial reforms of the 1940s served to strengthen ethnic institutions and the character of ethnic politics at the national level as opposed to democracy.
本研究有助于理解乌干达地方政府政治中的种族问题。这里的想法是解释种族爱国主义是如何在殖民统治模式严格承认托罗的巴托罗人的唯一官方身份的情况下成为可能的。相比之下,该研究表明,基格齐被殖民的反应如何在间接统治政治之外设定参数,部分原因是那里的殖民治理模式在承认基格齐的多民族身份方面是灵活的。因此,我并没有把重点放在被殖民者的反应总是衍生的观点上,而是探讨了它是如何辩证的。我运用定性的社会科学方法来研究档案、文献综述和口头访谈,以检验三个主要观点。第一个观点是关于托罗同质化的殖民实践是如何在政治上再现种族的。第二个想法是,基盖齐的殖民实践是灵活的,其他因素激发了以居民为基础的治理模式。第三种观点是,20世纪40年代的殖民改革在国家层面加强了民族机构和民族政治的特征,而不是民主。
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引用次数: 3
Pan-Hindutva and the Discursive Practices of Digital (Counter)Publics around #SupportCAA 1 泛印度教与数字(反)公众围绕#支持caa的话语实践
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-19 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2021.2004763
Avishek Ray
Abstract In December 2019, the Indian parliament implemented the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) that gives non-Muslim immigrants from the neighboring countries an easy access to Indian citizenship. Across India, the CAA has garnered support and provoked protests in equal measure. This paper examines how #SupportCAA constantly negotiates between two parallel objectives: first, to achieve a pan-national unification of non-Muslim “Indians” (practically, Hindus); and second, to reconfigure India as a site for the pan-Hindutva communion against the Muslim Other. It seeks to understand: How does #SupportCAA as a platform furnish pan-Hindutva discourses, while rendering agency to an “imagined community” of pan-national CAA supporters? How do the CAA ideologues function as “networked publics,” and then go on to territorialize certain online spaces/fora? What does the CAA bequeath to the “imagined community” in question? What vocabulary of political partisanship does such territorialization furnish? How does it draw on the discourses of religious nationalism and remain nearly impervious to any dissent?
2019年12月,印度议会实施了《公民身份修正案》(CAA),为来自邻国的非穆斯林移民提供了获得印度公民身份的便利。在印度各地,民航局获得了支持,同时也引发了抗议。本文考察了#SupportCAA如何在两个平行目标之间不断进行谈判:第一,实现非穆斯林“印度人”(实际上是印度教徒)的泛民族统一;第二,将印度重新配置为泛印度教共融的场所,以对抗穆斯林的他者。它试图理解:#SupportCAA作为一个平台,如何提供泛印度教话语,同时将代理提供给泛国家CAA支持者的“想象社区”?CAA的理论家们如何作为“网络公众”发挥作用,然后继续对某些在线空间/论坛进行领土化?CAA给“想象中的社区”留下了什么?这种领土化提供了什么样的政治党派关系词汇?它是如何利用宗教民族主义的话语,并保持几乎不受任何异议的影响?
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引用次数: 1
Pan-German or Pan-Saxon? Framing Transylvanian-Saxon Particularism on Both Sides of the Atlantic 泛德意志还是泛撒克逊?在大西洋两岸构建特兰西瓦尼亚-撒克逊特殊主义
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-19 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2021.2004765
Sacha E. Davis
Abstract From the mid-19th century, Transylvanian Saxons were subject to attempts to frame their particularism within two overarching pan-nationalisms: pan-Germanism and pan-Saxonism. While both lacked support before the First World War, from the interwar period pan-Germanism become important in Transylvania and pan-Saxonism among the large Transylvanian-Saxon diaspora in America. This interwar success, despite the failure of both before the war, highlights pan-nationalisms’ contingency on shifting political landscapes and their utility to their supporters. Transylvanian Saxon expressions of pan-nationalisms were also highly flexible, legitimizing platforms from cultural exchange to something approaching political and territorial unification, to integrating Saxon diasporas into their new American and West German homelands. This flexibility is overlooked in the few studies of “generic” pan-nationalism that, frequently using Germany as a case study, tend to emphasize state unification and empire building. Saxon expressions of pan-nationalism were deeply rooted in Saxon particularist understandings of the communities they posited and shaped to meet their own needs.
自19世纪中期以来,特兰西瓦尼亚撒克逊人一直试图将他们的特殊主义框定在两种主要的泛民族主义中:泛日耳曼主义和泛撒克逊主义。虽然在第一次世界大战之前两者都缺乏支持,但从两次世界大战之间的时期开始,泛日耳曼主义在特兰西瓦尼亚变得重要起来,而在美国的大批特兰西瓦尼亚-撒克逊移民中,泛萨克森主义变得重要起来。尽管战前两者都失败了,但这种两次世界大战之间的成功凸显了泛民族主义在不断变化的政治格局中的偶然性及其对支持者的效用。特兰西瓦尼亚撒克逊人对泛民族主义的表达也非常灵活,从文化交流到接近政治和领土统一,再到将撒克逊散居者融入他们新的美国和西德家园,这些都是合法化的平台。这种灵活性在少数对“一般”泛民族主义的研究中被忽视了,这些研究经常以德国为例,倾向于强调国家统一和帝国建设。撒克逊人对泛民族主义的表达深深植根于撒克逊人对他们为满足自己的需要而设想和塑造的社区的特殊主义理解。
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引用次数: 0
“In the Grasp of the Pan-Slavic Octopus”*: Hungarian Nation Building in the Shadow of Pan-Slavism Until the 1848 Revolution “在泛斯拉夫章鱼的掌控中”*:1848年革命前泛斯拉夫主义阴影下的匈牙利国家建设
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-19 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2021.2004764
J. Pál
Abstract This study analyzes the impacts that fear of Pan-Slavism had on Hungarian politics and how this fear was politically instrumentalized in the 1840s and during the 1848 Revolution. Pan-Slavism was the best-known image of the enemy and is associated with the fear of the Russian Empire. The fear of Russia and Pan-Slavism permeated the thinking of the Hungarian reform generation, and together with the vision of national death, had an impact on politics. In addition to its impact on nation- and state-building, the fear of Pan-Slavism also served as an argument in favor of socio-political reforms. The Hungarian political elite aspired to create a national state on the French model, and the instrumentalized use of Pan-Slavism was in many cases used to justify measures intended to speed up the formation of a Hungarian national state.
本研究分析了对泛斯拉夫主义的恐惧对匈牙利政治的影响,以及这种恐惧在19世纪40年代和1848年革命期间是如何被政治工具化的。泛斯拉夫主义是最著名的敌人形象,与对俄罗斯帝国的恐惧有关。对俄罗斯和泛斯拉夫主义的恐惧渗透了匈牙利改革一代的思想,并与民族死亡的愿景一起对政治产生了影响。除了对民族和国家建设的影响外,对泛斯拉夫主义的恐惧也成为支持社会政治改革的理由。匈牙利的政治精英渴望建立一个法国模式的民族国家,在许多情况下,泛斯拉夫主义被用来证明加速匈牙利民族国家形成的措施是正当的。
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引用次数: 1
The Last Refuge and Forced Migration of a Taiwanese Indigenous People during the Japanese Colonization of Taiwan – An Ethnohistory 日本殖民时期台湾原住民最后的避难与被迫迁移——一个民族史研究
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-19 DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2021.2011545
S. A. Martin, D. Blundell
Abstract Through ethnohistorical studies, this paper explores social and political perspectives during the Japanese colonization of Taiwan which led to the forced resettlement of an entire indigenous society. Ethnographic life histories and translations of official Japanese police announcements are used to explore the 1941 Neibenlu (Laipunuk) Incident (內本鹿事件), a critical event in the oral history of the Bunun, a Taiwanese (Formosan) indigenous people of the southern mountains of Taiwan. We examine the reopening of Neibenlu’s Japanese mountain trail and its police stations offering new access to Bunun heritage to inform present and future generations. The study offers an innovative account of a neglected topic of indigenous resistance to imperialism, combining oral ethnography and historical textual analysis.
摘要本文透过民族史学的研究,探讨日本殖民时期导致整个原住民社会被强制迁移的社会与政治视角。民族志生活史和日本官方警察公告的翻译被用来探索1941年的内本鹿事件(莱浦努克),这是台湾南部山区的台湾(台湾)土著人民布农口述历史中的一个重要事件。我们考察了重新开放的内本路日本山道及其警察局,为当代和后代提供了通往布农遗产的新途径。这项研究结合了口述民族志和历史文本分析,对一个被忽视的土著抵抗帝国主义的话题提供了一个创新的解释。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Nationalism and Ethnic Politics
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