Pub Date : 2023-10-18DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2271233
Howard Ramos
AbstractContemporary debates on nationalism, ethnicity, race, identity, and citizenship are largely shaped by the trends of the twentieth century and now wrestle with new problems that do not easily fit older models. There is a need to adapt theories to understand emerging social dynamics and new sites of power. When this is done, normative models and non-dualistic understandings of identity and citizenship best account for group dynamics such as identity politics, populism and situational identities formed in moments of crisis. Normative models also help understand the shift from permanent immigration to temporary migration and how groups relate to one another. The Canadian case can and should be used to understand shifting social dynamics and the importance of normative theories as well as opportunities for theorizing new understandings of identity and citizenship. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 E. Winter, “Beyond Binaries and Polarization? Rethinking Pluralist Inclusion in Immigrant Nations. Beyond Binaries and Polarization? Rethinking Pluralist Inclusion in Immigrant Nations,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics (2023); M. Lizotte, “A Diverse Minority of Intolerance: Ethnic Relations in a Multicultural Society,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics (2023); J. Kennedy and M. van Ginderachter, “The Use of Binaries in Nationalism Studies,” National Identities 24, no. 5 (2022): 453–460; H. Winant, “Race and Race Theory,” Annual Review of Sociology 26, no. 1 (2000): 169–185.2 S. Hall, “Encoding/Decoding,” in Culture, Media, Language: Working Papers in Cultural Studies, edited by S. Hall, D. Hobson, A. Lowe and P. Willis (London: Hutchinson/Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, 1980).3 K. W. Crenshaw, “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics,” University of Chicago Legal Forum 1, no. 8 (1989): 139–168; K. W. Crenshaw, On Intersectionality: Essential Writings (New York: The New York Press, 2017).4 N. Fraser, Scales of Justice: Reimagining Political Space in a Globalizing World (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010).5 E. Winter, “Beyond Binaries and Polarization? Rethinking Pluralist Inclusion in Immigrant Nations. Beyond Binaries and Polarization? Rethinking Pluralist Inclusion in Immigrant Nations,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics (2023).6 J. Carlaw and E. Winter, “Conservatism and the Re-Communitarianization of Citizenship in Canada,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics (2022): 1–21.7 Carlaw and Winter, “Conservatism and the Re-Communitarianization of Citizenship in Canada.”8 E. Winter, Us, Them and Others: Pluralism and National Identities in Diverse Societies (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011).9 J. Jahangir and K. Wells, Muslims protesting against LGBTQ + pride are ignoring Islam’s tradition of inclusion. The Conversation, 2023, https://theconversation.com/muslims-protesting
，“交错包容”;保守主义与加拿大公民身份的再社群化。24 White，《多元主义的悖论》。25 E. Winter，《超越双星与极化?》重新思考移民国家的多元包容。超越双星和极化?《重新思考移民国家的多元包容》，《民族主义与民族政治》(2023)，第26页保守主义与加拿大公民身份的再社群化。“27 F。福山:《历史的终结与最后的人》(纽约:西蒙与舒斯特出版社，2006)，第28页bsamlanger等人，“交错包容”。29 Carlaw and Winter， <保守主义与加拿大公民身份的再社群化>。《利佐特30》，不宽容的多元化少数派。“31。移民已经成为加拿大政治的第三条轨道了吗?IRPP, 2022, https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/december-2022/immigration-canadian-politics/32 IRCC(加拿大移民，难民和公民)。促进经济增长的移民计划。加拿大政府，2022年，https://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/news/2022/11/an-immigration-plan-to-grow-the-economy.html33 IRCC(加拿大移民、难民和公民)。向议会提交的2022年移民年度报告。加拿大政府，2022年，https://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/corporate/publications-manuals/annual-report-parliament-immigration-2022.html34 M. Woolf，《加拿大人口有望达到1亿，但公众支持并非理所当然:世纪倡议首席执行官》，《环球邮报》，2023年，https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-canada-immigration-public-opinion/35 Lizotte，《不宽容的多元化少数派》。[36]凌杰，《渐行渐远》，《公共政策论坛》，2023年，https://ppforum.ca/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/TheRiseOfPolarizationInCanada-PPF-AUG2023-EN2.pdf37 J.特鲁多，《加拿大多元文化日总理声明》，2023年，https://www.pm.gc.ca/en/news/statements/2023/06/27/statement-prime-minister-canadian-multiculturalism-day38卡尔劳和温特，《保守主义与加拿大公民身份的再社群化》。39 H.麦克伦南，《两个孤独》(蒙特利尔:麦吉尔-奎恩出版社，2018).40邱涛、谢伦伯格，“2010年代中期加拿大出生的少数族裔和白人群体的周收入”，《经济与社会报告》。N. Al Mallees，《住房危机:联邦政府坚持移民计划，重新思考国际学生流动》，《环球邮报》，2023年，https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/article-housing-crisis-federal-government-sticks-by-immigration-plan-rethinks/42 E. Winter，《我们、他们和他人:多元社会中的多元主义和民族认同》(多伦多:多伦多大学出版社，2011);保守主义与加拿大公民身份的再社群化。43加拿大统计局，《警察报告的仇恨犯罪，2021》，《每日新闻》。加拿大统计局，2023年。https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/230322/dq230322a-eng.htmAdditional信息贡献者说明showard Ramos showard Ramos是西方大学的社会学教授。他是一位政治社会学家，研究社会正义和公平问题。他发表了关于种族和民族、社会运动、对变化的看法、城市问题、人权、土著动员、环境倡导等方面的文章。
{"title":"The Value of Normative Models for Understanding Pluralism","authors":"Howard Ramos","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2023.2271233","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2023.2271233","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractContemporary debates on nationalism, ethnicity, race, identity, and citizenship are largely shaped by the trends of the twentieth century and now wrestle with new problems that do not easily fit older models. There is a need to adapt theories to understand emerging social dynamics and new sites of power. When this is done, normative models and non-dualistic understandings of identity and citizenship best account for group dynamics such as identity politics, populism and situational identities formed in moments of crisis. Normative models also help understand the shift from permanent immigration to temporary migration and how groups relate to one another. The Canadian case can and should be used to understand shifting social dynamics and the importance of normative theories as well as opportunities for theorizing new understandings of identity and citizenship. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 E. Winter, “Beyond Binaries and Polarization? Rethinking Pluralist Inclusion in Immigrant Nations. Beyond Binaries and Polarization? Rethinking Pluralist Inclusion in Immigrant Nations,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics (2023); M. Lizotte, “A Diverse Minority of Intolerance: Ethnic Relations in a Multicultural Society,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics (2023); J. Kennedy and M. van Ginderachter, “The Use of Binaries in Nationalism Studies,” National Identities 24, no. 5 (2022): 453–460; H. Winant, “Race and Race Theory,” Annual Review of Sociology 26, no. 1 (2000): 169–185.2 S. Hall, “Encoding/Decoding,” in Culture, Media, Language: Working Papers in Cultural Studies, edited by S. Hall, D. Hobson, A. Lowe and P. Willis (London: Hutchinson/Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, 1980).3 K. W. Crenshaw, “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics,” University of Chicago Legal Forum 1, no. 8 (1989): 139–168; K. W. Crenshaw, On Intersectionality: Essential Writings (New York: The New York Press, 2017).4 N. Fraser, Scales of Justice: Reimagining Political Space in a Globalizing World (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010).5 E. Winter, “Beyond Binaries and Polarization? Rethinking Pluralist Inclusion in Immigrant Nations. Beyond Binaries and Polarization? Rethinking Pluralist Inclusion in Immigrant Nations,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics (2023).6 J. Carlaw and E. Winter, “Conservatism and the Re-Communitarianization of Citizenship in Canada,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics (2022): 1–21.7 Carlaw and Winter, “Conservatism and the Re-Communitarianization of Citizenship in Canada.”8 E. Winter, Us, Them and Others: Pluralism and National Identities in Diverse Societies (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011).9 J. Jahangir and K. Wells, Muslims protesting against LGBTQ + pride are ignoring Islam’s tradition of inclusion. The Conversation, 2023, https://theconversation.com/muslims-protesting","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"162 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135823969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-16DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2266155
Saša Gavrić
AbstractFeminist critics of power-sharing argue that consociational structures privilege ethnic groups and that power-sharing is “bad for women.” This article identifies a gap in the relatively new field of research on gender equality and ethno-national power-sharing, as the focus so far has been mainly on women’s political exclusion, with limited attention on the representation of women’s needs and interests through policy. In bringing together power-sharing literature, representation theory and a gendered understanding of institutions and change, this article issues a call for further research. The article proposes an analytical framework, to be applied in empirical research on: Where, why, and how substantive representation of women in post-conflict consociational political systems occurs? An initial examination of a case from Bosnia and Herzegovina is presented, demonstrating how the analytical framework can be applied on violence against women policy research. Even though Bosnia and Herzegovina was a lead in the Istanbul Convention ratification, in the implementation, the consociational conditions in decision-making have led to disparate directions. The article makes a contribution to existing analytical debates at the intersection of consociationalism and women’s representation and has a practical goal: drawing the attention of scholars to the study of substantive representation of women. AcknowledgementsThe author would like to express his appreciation to following scholars for their support and advice in preparation of this paper: Allison McCulloch, Amy Mazur, Anja Vojvodić, Anna Gwiazda, Nedim Hogić, Sarah Childs, Solveig Richter and Tajma Kapić.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Sarah Shair-Rosenfield and Reed M. Wood, “Governing Well After War: How Improving Female Representation Prolongs Post-Conflict Peace,” The Journal of Politics 79, no. 3 (2017): 995–1009; Christine Bell, Accessing Political Power: Women and Political Power-Sharing in Peace Processes. Gender Briefing Series (New York: UN Women, 2018).2 Christine Bell, “Power-Sharing, Conflict Resolution and Women: A Global Reappraisal,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 24, no. 1 (2018): 13–32.3 Rupert Taylor (ed.). Consociational Theory: McGarry & O’Leary and the Northern Ireland Conflict (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009); Thorsten Gromes, “Ohne Staat und Nation ist keine Demokratie zu machen,” Bosnien und Herzegowina, Kosovo und Makedonien nach den Bürgerkriegen (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2012); Florian Bieber, “Power Sharing After Yugoslavia. Functionality and Dysfunctionality of Power Sharing Institutions in Post-War Bosnia, Macedonia and Kosovo,” in From Power Sharing to Democracy: Post-Conflict Institutions in Ethnically Divided Societies, edited by Sid Noel (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queens University Press, 2005), 85–103; Florian Bieber (ed.). Political Parties and Minority Participation (Skopje: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2008)
{"title":"Understanding Substantive Representation of Women in Consociational Post-Conflict Political Systems","authors":"Saša Gavrić","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2023.2266155","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2023.2266155","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractFeminist critics of power-sharing argue that consociational structures privilege ethnic groups and that power-sharing is “bad for women.” This article identifies a gap in the relatively new field of research on gender equality and ethno-national power-sharing, as the focus so far has been mainly on women’s political exclusion, with limited attention on the representation of women’s needs and interests through policy. In bringing together power-sharing literature, representation theory and a gendered understanding of institutions and change, this article issues a call for further research. The article proposes an analytical framework, to be applied in empirical research on: Where, why, and how substantive representation of women in post-conflict consociational political systems occurs? An initial examination of a case from Bosnia and Herzegovina is presented, demonstrating how the analytical framework can be applied on violence against women policy research. Even though Bosnia and Herzegovina was a lead in the Istanbul Convention ratification, in the implementation, the consociational conditions in decision-making have led to disparate directions. The article makes a contribution to existing analytical debates at the intersection of consociationalism and women’s representation and has a practical goal: drawing the attention of scholars to the study of substantive representation of women. AcknowledgementsThe author would like to express his appreciation to following scholars for their support and advice in preparation of this paper: Allison McCulloch, Amy Mazur, Anja Vojvodić, Anna Gwiazda, Nedim Hogić, Sarah Childs, Solveig Richter and Tajma Kapić.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Sarah Shair-Rosenfield and Reed M. Wood, “Governing Well After War: How Improving Female Representation Prolongs Post-Conflict Peace,” The Journal of Politics 79, no. 3 (2017): 995–1009; Christine Bell, Accessing Political Power: Women and Political Power-Sharing in Peace Processes. Gender Briefing Series (New York: UN Women, 2018).2 Christine Bell, “Power-Sharing, Conflict Resolution and Women: A Global Reappraisal,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 24, no. 1 (2018): 13–32.3 Rupert Taylor (ed.). Consociational Theory: McGarry & O’Leary and the Northern Ireland Conflict (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009); Thorsten Gromes, “Ohne Staat und Nation ist keine Demokratie zu machen,” Bosnien und Herzegowina, Kosovo und Makedonien nach den Bürgerkriegen (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2012); Florian Bieber, “Power Sharing After Yugoslavia. Functionality and Dysfunctionality of Power Sharing Institutions in Post-War Bosnia, Macedonia and Kosovo,” in From Power Sharing to Democracy: Post-Conflict Institutions in Ethnically Divided Societies, edited by Sid Noel (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queens University Press, 2005), 85–103; Florian Bieber (ed.). Political Parties and Minority Participation (Skopje: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2008)","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136114177","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size AcknowledgmentThe author expresses gratitude to the Education Fund Management Agency (LPDP) and the Education Financing Service Center (Puslapdik) of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research, and Technology (Kemendikbudristek) for their support in the publication of this book review.
{"title":"<i>Puerto Rico’s Constitutional Paradox: Colonial Subordination, Democratic Tension, And Promise of Progressive Transformation</i> <b> <i>Puerto Rico’s Constitutional Paradox: Colonial Subordination, Democratic Tension, And Promise of Progressive Transformation</i> </b> , written by Jorge M. Farinacci-Fernós, New York: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2023. Pp. 216. $115.00 (hbk). ISBN 9781509953462.","authors":"Hendri Irawan, Satrio Alpen Pradanna, Ibnu Hermawan","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2023.2265057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2023.2265057","url":null,"abstract":"Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size AcknowledgmentThe author expresses gratitude to the Education Fund Management Agency (LPDP) and the Education Financing Service Center (Puslapdik) of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research, and Technology (Kemendikbudristek) for their support in the publication of this book review.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"66 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135197459","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-08DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2265056
Mneesha Gellman
"ייִדיש לעבט/Yiddish Lives On: Strategies of Language Transmission,." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
《意第绪语的生存:语言传播策略》《民族主义与民族政治》，第1-2页
{"title":"ייִדיש לעבט/ <i>Yiddish Lives On: Strategies of Language Transmission</i> , <b> ייִדיש לעבט/ <i>Yiddish Lives On: Strategies of Language Transmission</i> </b> , written by Rebecca Margolis, Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2023. Pp. 362. $39.95 CAD (pbk); ISBN 9780228014447","authors":"Mneesha Gellman","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2023.2265056","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2023.2265056","url":null,"abstract":"\"ייִדיש לעבט/Yiddish Lives On: Strategies of Language Transmission,.\" Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"126 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135197505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-24DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2254040
Rudy Kisler
AbstractCultural heritage (e.g., historic buildings, memorials and museums) has been used to construct and negotiate various identities and meanings in the present, specifically in the context of nation-states. In transforming the past into heritage, however, States may disregard other histories—ones which deviate from the historical narratives they promote. In this paper, I discuss the case of the Heritage Plan, Israel’s official cultural heritage policy. Specifically, by using the discursive approach, I expose and assess cases of silencing competing histories which would challenge the history promoted by the Heritage Plan. My findings suggest that, in addition to privileging Jewish heritage, the Heritage Plan is used as a mechanism for erasing competing, non-Jewish histories. This article presents three case-studies of silencing: the first investigates the Druze heritage center; the second inquires into Israeli heritage practices in the West Bank; the third examines the Castel national heritage site associated with the 1948 war. The analysis of these cases reveals how the Heritage Plan is guided by ethnic and religious factors, whereby heritage assets are not necessarily promoted according to their full historical value, but are instead used to sustain current power structures. Notes1 Israel Supreme Court, Bagatz 1541/21. Jerusalem, 2022. https://supreme.court.gov.il/Pages/fullsearch.aspx.2 Israel Prime Minister’s Office, Government decision 1412. Jerusalem: Israeli Prime Minister’s Office, 2010. https://www.gov.il/he/departments/policies/2010_des1412.3 Israel Supreme Court, Bagatz 1541/21. Jerusalem, 2022. https://supreme.court.gov.il/Pages/fullsearch.aspx.4 H. Silverman and D. F. Ruggles, eds., Cultural Heritage and Human Rights (Singapore: Springer Singapore Pte, 2008).5 O. Yiftachel, Ethnocracy: Land and Identity Politics in Israel/Palestine (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006).6 Israel Prime Minister’s Office, Tamar—Action Outlines for Preservation and Empowerment of National Heritage Infrastructures—Executive Summary (Jerusalem: Israeli Prime Minister’s Office, 2010), 1.7 Y. Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995).8 Israel Prime Minister’s Office, Tamar—Strategical Plan (Jerusalem: Israeli Prime Minister’s Office, 2014).9 M. Grever and C. van Boxtel. “Introduction: Reflections on Heritage as an Educational Resource,” in Heritage Education: Challenges in Dealing with the Past, edited by C. van Boxtel, S. Klein and E. Snoep (Amsterdam: Erfgoed Nederland, 2011), 9–13.10 C. Boxtel, M. Grever, and S. Klein, Sensitive Pasts: Questioning Heritage in Education (New York: Berghahn, 2016); G. Savenije and P. De Bruijn, “Historical Empathy in a Museum: Uniting Contextualization and Emotional Engagement,” International Journal of Heritage Studies 23, no. 9 (2017): 832–45.11 M. Carretero and B. V. Nicolás, Constructing Patriotism: Teaching
大厅的木墙上挂着阵亡士兵的照片和名字，在一排排照片之间立着一根黑色的杆子，上面写着“Yizkor”(希伯来语的意思是“记住”)和纪念细节。墙的另一边[刻]着大卫的《扫罗和约拿单挽歌》中的一句话，包括其阿拉伯语翻译”(见:Yzkor网站，https://www.izkor.gov.il/en_10dd8e4b5989259ce68ff3bd4e7d7071).48耶路撒冷和遗物部，《国家遗产基础设施保护和授权行动纲要》(耶路撒冷:耶路撒冷和遗物部，2018)。49在撰写本文时，奥列芬特故居仍在翻修中。该描述摘自该站点的政策文件、演示文稿和插图参见N. Gordon，《以色列的占领》(伦敦:加州大学出版社，2008);G.沙菲尔:《半个世纪的占领:以色列、巴勒斯坦和世界上最棘手的冲突》(伯克利:加州大学出版社，2017);Eyal Weizman，《空心土地:以色列占领时期的建筑》(伦敦:Verso出版社，2007).51Nadia Abu El-Haj，《实地事实:以色列社会的考古实践和领土自我塑造》(芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社，2001年)，第52页Y. Hamilakis，《民族及其废墟:希腊的古代、考古和民族想象》(牛津和纽约:牛津大学出版社，2007年);P. L. Kohl和C. Fawcett主编。《民族主义、政治与考古实践》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社，1995年);B. Trigger，“另类考古学:民族主义者，殖民主义者，帝国主义者”，Man 19, no。54 M. Feige，《以色列的考古学和民族主义》导言，由M. Feige、Z. Shiloni和S. de Boker编辑。(本。Abu El-Haj，实地的事实。56 Ziv Stahl，盗用过去以色列在西岸的考古实践(Emek Shave and Yesh Din, 2017)， 23。https://emekshaveh.org/en/wpcontent/uploads/2017/12/Menachsim-Eng-Web.pdf57同上，58耶路撒冷和遗产部，国家遗产基础设施保护和授权的行动纲要，18.59 O. Bartov，“导论:土地和人民:附属，冲突与和解”，《以色列-巴勒斯坦土地和人民》，O. Bartov主编(纽约:Berghahn出版社，2021)，1-20.60。犹太和撒玛利亚西岸——1968年7月正式更名。Levi Eshkol纪念项目。67 . https://catalog.archives.gov.il/chapter/west-bank-or-judea-and-samaria/.63面试，2021.64年6月23日面试，2021.65年5月19日面试，202166年5月5日教科文组织，提名1565:执行摘要(巴黎:UNESCO, 2021)根据犹太人的传统，这里是犹太人父权制度的墓地，包括亚伯拉罕、伊扎克和雅科夫，以及它的母权制度莎拉、里夫卡和利亚。68电话:希伯伦2018.69采访，2021.6月23日。70海恩斯引用Ben-Zeev的话，2011年，127.71本尼·莫里斯，《重新审视巴勒斯坦难民问题的诞生》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社，2004年)，223-236.72 Maarive，“城堡山被宣布为国家英雄主义遗址”，1980年5月5日。(希伯来)收Israel Rosenson, Yossi Spanier，《在通往耶路撒冷的路上:shaar HaGai作为记忆地点》(Carmel: Jerusalem, 2017)， 277。(希伯来).74点Efrat Ben-Ze 'ev，“味觉和嗅觉的政治:巴勒斯坦人的回归仪式”，刊于《食物的政治》，由Lien、Marianne E和Brigitte Nerlich编辑(牛津:Berghahn出版社，2004)，141-160.75。(硕士论文，本-古里安大学，2018)，38-39。(希伯来).76Walid Khalidi，《剩下的一切:1948年被以色列占领和人口减少的巴勒斯坦村庄》(华盛顿特区:巴勒斯坦研究所，1992年)，311.77若干研究调查了巴勒斯坦历史和记忆的抹去，见M. Benvenisti，《神圣景观:1948年以来被埋葬的圣地历史》(伯克利:加州大学出版社，2000年);Efrat Ben-Ze 'ev，“味觉和嗅觉的政治:巴勒斯坦人的回归仪式”，见Marianne E. Lien和Brigitte Nerlich编辑的《食物的政治》(牛津:Berghahn出版社，2004)，第141-160页;卡德曼:《被抹去的空间与意识》;乌里·拉姆:《遗忘的方式:以色列与巴勒斯坦浩劫被遗忘的记忆》，《历史社会学杂志》，第22期。3(2009): 366-395.78耶路撒冷车队纪念碑是由几辆装甲卡车的残骸组成的装置，位于通往耶路撒冷入口的道路旁边。
{"title":"Silenced Heritage: Israel’s Heritage Plan Vis-à-Vis Non-Jewish History","authors":"Rudy Kisler","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2023.2254040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2023.2254040","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractCultural heritage (e.g., historic buildings, memorials and museums) has been used to construct and negotiate various identities and meanings in the present, specifically in the context of nation-states. In transforming the past into heritage, however, States may disregard other histories—ones which deviate from the historical narratives they promote. In this paper, I discuss the case of the Heritage Plan, Israel’s official cultural heritage policy. Specifically, by using the discursive approach, I expose and assess cases of silencing competing histories which would challenge the history promoted by the Heritage Plan. My findings suggest that, in addition to privileging Jewish heritage, the Heritage Plan is used as a mechanism for erasing competing, non-Jewish histories. This article presents three case-studies of silencing: the first investigates the Druze heritage center; the second inquires into Israeli heritage practices in the West Bank; the third examines the Castel national heritage site associated with the 1948 war. The analysis of these cases reveals how the Heritage Plan is guided by ethnic and religious factors, whereby heritage assets are not necessarily promoted according to their full historical value, but are instead used to sustain current power structures. Notes1 Israel Supreme Court, Bagatz 1541/21. Jerusalem, 2022. https://supreme.court.gov.il/Pages/fullsearch.aspx.2 Israel Prime Minister’s Office, Government decision 1412. Jerusalem: Israeli Prime Minister’s Office, 2010. https://www.gov.il/he/departments/policies/2010_des1412.3 Israel Supreme Court, Bagatz 1541/21. Jerusalem, 2022. https://supreme.court.gov.il/Pages/fullsearch.aspx.4 H. Silverman and D. F. Ruggles, eds., Cultural Heritage and Human Rights (Singapore: Springer Singapore Pte, 2008).5 O. Yiftachel, Ethnocracy: Land and Identity Politics in Israel/Palestine (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006).6 Israel Prime Minister’s Office, Tamar—Action Outlines for Preservation and Empowerment of National Heritage Infrastructures—Executive Summary (Jerusalem: Israeli Prime Minister’s Office, 2010), 1.7 Y. Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995).8 Israel Prime Minister’s Office, Tamar—Strategical Plan (Jerusalem: Israeli Prime Minister’s Office, 2014).9 M. Grever and C. van Boxtel. “Introduction: Reflections on Heritage as an Educational Resource,” in Heritage Education: Challenges in Dealing with the Past, edited by C. van Boxtel, S. Klein and E. Snoep (Amsterdam: Erfgoed Nederland, 2011), 9–13.10 C. Boxtel, M. Grever, and S. Klein, Sensitive Pasts: Questioning Heritage in Education (New York: Berghahn, 2016); G. Savenije and P. De Bruijn, “Historical Empathy in a Museum: Uniting Contextualization and Emotional Engagement,” International Journal of Heritage Studies 23, no. 9 (2017): 832–45.11 M. Carretero and B. V. Nicolás, Constructing Patriotism: Teaching","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135925415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-10DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2248792
H. Bahadır Türk
Throughout the last decade, the refugee issue has profoundly impacted global politics. Accordingly, this study seeks to provide insight into a new political phenomenon in Turkey, namely, the Victory Party (Zafer Partisi, ZP) by analyzing the characteristics of the party’s political discourse. Using content analysis and the discourse-historical approach as an extension of critical discourse analysis, this study argues that the ZP’s political discourse, which is based on the combination of nationalism and populism, is massively shaped by anti-refugee sentiment.
{"title":"Populist Nationalism and Anti-refugee Sentiment in Turkey: The Case of the Victory Party","authors":"H. Bahadır Türk","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2023.2248792","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2023.2248792","url":null,"abstract":"Throughout the last decade, the refugee issue has profoundly impacted global politics. Accordingly, this study seeks to provide insight into a new political phenomenon in Turkey, namely, the Victory Party (Zafer Partisi, ZP) by analyzing the characteristics of the party’s political discourse. Using content analysis and the discourse-historical approach as an extension of critical discourse analysis, this study argues that the ZP’s political discourse, which is based on the combination of nationalism and populism, is massively shaped by anti-refugee sentiment.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136071449","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-06DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2242076
Ishmael Ali Maxwell
{"title":"We May Disagree, but We All Love the BJP: Populists’ Networks and Targeting Opportunities on Twitter","authors":"Ishmael Ali Maxwell","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2023.2242076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2023.2242076","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"37 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82525540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-19DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2230712
Taif Alkhudary
{"title":"From Muhasasa to Mawatana: Consociationalism and Identity Transformation within the Protest Movement in Federal Iraq, 2011–2019","authors":"Taif Alkhudary","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2023.2230712","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2023.2230712","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"210 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80606477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2211448
Ifeanyi Onwuzuruigbo
Abstract In recent times, Nigeria and Ghana have experienced bloody conflicts between herders and farmers. Studies identify indigeneity and citizenship struggles as causal factors of the conflicts. Ghana and Nigeria have implemented policies and legislations to manage herders and farmers conflicts. Because scholarly engagement with the policies and legislations are relatively scant, the ways in which indigeneity and citizenship struggles are subtly ingrained in the provisions of the legislations and policies are yet to be unraveled. This study explores indigeneity and citizenship struggles in Ghana and Nigeria and how they foreground state policies and legislations for managing the conflicts.
{"title":"Citizenship, Indigeneity and the Management of Herders and Farmers Conflicts in Ghana and Nigeria","authors":"Ifeanyi Onwuzuruigbo","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2023.2211448","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2023.2211448","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In recent times, Nigeria and Ghana have experienced bloody conflicts between herders and farmers. Studies identify indigeneity and citizenship struggles as causal factors of the conflicts. Ghana and Nigeria have implemented policies and legislations to manage herders and farmers conflicts. Because scholarly engagement with the policies and legislations are relatively scant, the ways in which indigeneity and citizenship struggles are subtly ingrained in the provisions of the legislations and policies are yet to be unraveled. This study explores indigeneity and citizenship struggles in Ghana and Nigeria and how they foreground state policies and legislations for managing the conflicts.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"1 1","pages":"352 - 370"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82971177","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2235174
Clara Peckelhoff, F. Schulte
Abstract In this article, we explore the reasons why some ethnic groups tend to vote along ethnic lines while others do not. We argue that existing explanations for ethnic voting can be grouped into three main approaches: policy-based, grievance-based, and clientelism. However, we contend that inconsistencies in previous empirical research come from a failure to account for the political context in which ethnic voting occurs. Specifically, we argue that ethnic voting in democracies operates on a different logic than in non-democratic regimes. Our argument posits that policy- and grievance-based factors are the primary determinants of ethnic voting in democracies, whereas clientelist networks play a crucial role in understanding ethnic voting in autocratic regimes. To test our hypotheses, we use a sample of 428 ethnic groups from 33 African countries between 2005 and 2018, as well as a novel survey-based measurement of voting preferences among ethnic group members. Our findings support our hypotheses: in democratic regimes, grievance-based and policy-based explanations have strong explanatory power, whereas clientelism is the primary driver of ethnic bloc voting in autocracies. We conclude that both regime type and the different underlying mechanisms of clientelism require greater consideration in the research on ethnic voting.
{"title":"Grievances, Policies or Clientelism? The Different Logics behind Ethnic Voting in Democracies and Autocracies","authors":"Clara Peckelhoff, F. Schulte","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2023.2235174","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2023.2235174","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this article, we explore the reasons why some ethnic groups tend to vote along ethnic lines while others do not. We argue that existing explanations for ethnic voting can be grouped into three main approaches: policy-based, grievance-based, and clientelism. However, we contend that inconsistencies in previous empirical research come from a failure to account for the political context in which ethnic voting occurs. Specifically, we argue that ethnic voting in democracies operates on a different logic than in non-democratic regimes. Our argument posits that policy- and grievance-based factors are the primary determinants of ethnic voting in democracies, whereas clientelist networks play a crucial role in understanding ethnic voting in autocratic regimes. To test our hypotheses, we use a sample of 428 ethnic groups from 33 African countries between 2005 and 2018, as well as a novel survey-based measurement of voting preferences among ethnic group members. Our findings support our hypotheses: in democratic regimes, grievance-based and policy-based explanations have strong explanatory power, whereas clientelism is the primary driver of ethnic bloc voting in autocracies. We conclude that both regime type and the different underlying mechanisms of clientelism require greater consideration in the research on ethnic voting.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"32 1","pages":"275 - 293"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89666685","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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